Political brinkmanship
Political brinkmanship . 
BOTH SIDES of the House of Representatives on December 9 engaged in remarkable acts of political brinkmanship.
The Prime Minister pushed ahead with a vote on Tobago autonomy, but failed to win the support of a special majority of the House.
And Opposition Leader Kamla Persad-Bissessar alleged dysfunction at the EBC, casting doubt on the credibility of the upcoming general election.
Dr Rowley’s call for a third reading of the Tobago Self-Government Bill 2020, notwithstanding objections lodged by THA Chief Secretary Farley Augustine, was a calculated move. It sought to exploit divisions in the UNC.
A single vote from one of that party’s “dissenters” would have been enough to add credence to a narrative of opposition obstruction – something that the PNM clearly sees as useful to take to
Newsday
Political brinkmanship

Prime Minister Dr Keith Rowley. - File photo by Faith Ayoung

BOTH SIDES of the House of Representatives on December 9 engaged in remarkable acts of political brinkmanship.

The Prime Minister pushed ahead with a vote on Tobago autonomy, but failed to win the support of a special majority of the House.

And Opposition Leader Kamla Persad-Bissessar alleged dysfunction at the EBC, casting doubt on the credibility of the upcoming general election.

Dr Rowley’s call for a third reading of the Tobago Self-Government Bill 2020, notwithstanding objections lodged by THA Chief Secretary Farley Augustine, was a calculated move. It sought to exploit divisions in the UNC.

A single vote from one of that party’s “dissenters” would have been enough to add credence to a narrative of opposition obstruction – something that the PNM clearly sees as useful to take to Tobago voters.

>

In the end, however, the gambit, like the vote itself, failed.

While three UNC MPs, including two notable dissenters, were absent, the remaining MPs present put up a united front in voting against the measure.

The PNM came away doubly empty-handed, even if it may well find some value electorally in the result.

However, it is notable that, yet again, politicians have treated a fundamental issue of legal reform with far-reaching consequences like a political football.

In the final stages of the legislation, the Prime Minister, in another risky bet, sought to place UNC MPs in cahoots with Mr Augustine, who had communicated to both sides of the House. It was a repeat of a frequent tactic of the PNM, used as recently as in 2020 and 2021.

That tactic, however, has historically generated mixed results.

Some voters might deem the Prime Minister’s strong dismissal of the sitting Chief Secretary’s intervention, whether or not late-hour, as evidence of Whitehall arrogance.

On the other hand, Ms Persad-Bissessar’s seizing upon the voter list can only have one interpretation.

Noting the document may be based on 2020 data, she dubiously claimed “we are working on false lists” and if this is not fixed, “we cannot have a proper, transparent, free and fair election.”

>

There is danger in such Trumpian messaging, which will only sow seeds of doubt in the integrity of our election processes.

This damages all politicians, no matter what side.

While the PM, too, noted concerns about the “cleanliness” of the list, and said Caricom observers are coming, he did so in less inflammatory terms, only underlining the hyperbole of the Opposition Leader.

The UNC head maintained unity among her ranks this time, but the election date was not announced as she expected.

Where Dr Rowley and Ms Persad-Bissessar did meet on Monday, though, was in each showing a disturbing propensity to gamble with the future of the country.

We see no winners in their wagers.
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BOTH SIDES of the House of Representatives on December 9 engaged in remarkable acts of political brinkmanship.
The Prime Minister pushed ahead with a vote on Tobago autonomy, but failed to win the support of a special majority of the House.
And Opposition Leader Kamla Persad-Bissessar alleged dysfunction at the EBC, casting doubt on the credibility of the upcoming general election.
Dr Rowley’s call for a third reading of the Tobago Self-Government Bill 2020, notwithstanding objections lodged by THA Chief Secretary Farley Augustine, was a calculated move. It sought to exploit divisions in the UNC.
A single vote from one of that party’s “dissenters” would have been enough to add credence to a narrative of opposition obstruction – something that the PNM clearly sees as useful to take to Tobago voters.
In the end, however, the gambit, like the vote itself, failed.
While three UNC MPs, including two notable dissenters, were absent, the remaining MPs present put up a united front in voting against the measure.
The PNM came away doubly empty-handed, even if it may well find some value electorally in the result.
However, it is notable that, yet again, politicians have treated a fundamental issue of legal reform with far-reaching consequences like a political football.
In the final stages of the legislation, the Prime Minister, in another risky bet, sought to place UNC MPs in cahoots with Mr Augustine, who had communicated to both sides of the House. It was a repeat of a frequent tactic of the PNM, used as recently as in 2020 and 2021.
That tactic, however, has historically generated mixed results.
Some voters might deem the Prime Minister’s strong dismissal of the sitting Chief Secretary’s intervention, whether or not late-hour, as evidence of Whitehall arrogance.
On the other hand, Ms Persad-Bissessar’s seizing upon the voter list can only have one interpretation.
Noting the document may be based on 2020 data, she dubiously claimed “we are working on false lists” and if this is not fixed, “we cannot have a proper, transparent, free and fair election.”
There is danger in such Trumpian messaging, which will only sow seeds of doubt in the integrity of our election processes.
This damages all politicians, no matter what side.
While the PM, too, noted concerns about the “cleanliness” of the list, and said Caricom observers are coming, he did so in less inflammatory terms, only underlining the hyperbole of the Opposition Leader.
The UNC head maintained unity among her ranks this time, but the election date was not announced as she expected.
Where Dr Rowley and Ms Persad-Bissessar did meet on Monday, though, was in each showing a disturbing propensity to gamble with the future of the country.
We see no winners in their wagers.
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Political brinkmanship