Judge foils Trump suit over Las Vegas early polling place that stayed open late

Abstract: SAN FRANCISCO/NEW YORK - A Nevada judge rejected a request by Donald Trump’s presidential campaign for an immediate order to be issued in its lawsuit over concerns about voting at a polling place in Las Vegas that remained open late last week. Judge Gloria Sturman at the Clark County Court said that the order would potentially make public the identities of poll workers, which could put them at risk of harassment. Most voters are casting their ballots across the United States on Tuesday in the general election but Nevada and several other states allow early voting. The Trump camp sued the registrar of voters in Clark County over the polling place in Las Vegas that had been allowed to remain open late last week to accommodate people who were lined up to vote. Trump and Democrat Hillary Clinton are in a close contest to win Nevada in Tuesday’s election after a long and contentious campaign. Nevada is one of several states that permits early voting and Las Vegas is viewed as a base of support for Clinton, a former U.S. senator from New York and former secretary of state. Nevada state law says voters who are in line at 8 p.m., when the polls close, must be allowed to cast their ballots. The lawsuit, filed in a Nevada state court on Monday, said election officials violated state law because they allowed people to join the line after 8 p.m. at a polling location at a Latino market. Representatives for Clark County could not immediately be reached for comment. Representatives for the Clinton campaign also could not immediately be reached for comment on the lawsuit. In the lawsuit Trump, a New York businessman and reality TV personality who has never previously run for political office, asked that the ballots from that polling place be kept separate from other votes, pending any future legal challenges to the results in the state. David Bossie, Trump’s deputy campaign manager, said on MSNBC that the lawsuit was not aimed at suppressing the Hispanic vote. “This is a lawsuit about the rules of the game,” he said.

nevada
donald trump
2016 u.s. presidential election


Tokyo's last streetcar line still rolling strong, after 105 years in operation

Abstract: In all of Tokyo, the Toden Arakawa Line is the last remaining streetcar. The single-car train covers a 12-km route between Minowa in Arakawa Ward and Waseda in Shinjuku Ward, a leisurely ride that takes 50 minutes. Marking the 105th anniversary of its launch this year, the streetcar, known as chin-chin densha for the sound of its bell, is a nostalgic reminder of the postwar era, when such trains were a common sight all over Tokyo. The streetcar was a major means of transportation in the 1960s as the city recovered from the ravages of World War II and redeveloped. During their heyday in the mid-1960s, they were used by 1.93 million people per day. With the motorization of the metropolis in the late 1960s, however, the number of streetcar users dropped and lines were closed. Today, the Arakawa Line is back in the spotlight as a tourist attraction. It runs through shitamachi (traditionally working-class neighborhoods in the city’s northeast), which is rich in historical sites. If you buy a one-day ticket, you can get on and off the line as many times as you want, enjoying stopovers at such sightseeing spots as Asukayama Park in Kita Ward, famous for centuries-old cherry blossoms, and the Togenuki-Jizo Statue in Sugamo, dubbed the Harajuku of the elderly, in Toshima Ward. You can also rent a whole car: A one-way ride is all yours for ¥13,820. Rakugo storytelling and other live performance events are often organized on the train, and recently, fans of the all-male pop group SMAP held an event on the train marking the 25th anniversary of their launch. A mother pushes a baby cart across streetcar tracks in Tokyo’s Arakawa Ward on Oct. 20. | SATOKO KAWASAKI A boy peeks out from the window of a streetcar on Oct. 20. | SATOKO KAWASAKI Passengers take a slow ride on the Toden Arakawa Line. | SATOKO KAWASAKI A streetcar passes Oguhachiman Shrine in Tokyo’s Arakawa Ward. | SATOKO KAWASAKI


Poverty coverage reinforces prejudice

Abstract: In the middle of August, NHK ran a feature on its evening news show about a high school girl as part of its coverage of child poverty. The girl’s name and face were revealed in the report, which described how her educational future was at risk because of her financial situation. In one scene, she was in her room practicing how to use a computer with only a keyboard, which her mother had purchased for her, because she couldn’t afford a real PC. Almost immediately, people began complaining on Twitter and other social media sites: Was this girl really poor? Behind her viewers could see anime-related products, and she seemed to watch a lot of movies, according to her own Twitter feed. Even politician Satsuki Katayama of the Liberal Democratic Party got into the act, requesting an “explanation” from NHK and saying that the girl could easily buy a used computer if she saved more, which wouldn’t be difficult if she stopped eating expensive lunches. This “poor-bashing,” as the Asahi Shimbun called it, has become common in Japan, what with greater attention being paid to the widening income gap and more press coverage of people living below the poverty line. Although it’s a phenomenon evident in other countries, Japan seems to have less sympathy for those who reveal themselves as being poor. In a Pew Global Attitudes Project survey conducted in 2007, 38 percent of Japanese respondents said that the government is not responsible for helping people who fell behind financially, the highest portion of any country polled. The United States was second at 28 percent. Some Japanese people have a stereotyped view of poverty. To them a person isn’t really poor unless they are hungry, wear shabby clothes and live in hovels or on the street. What’s missing from this world view is the idea of relative poverty, which takes into consideration the standard of living in the particular place where a person lives. Absolute poverty is defined by the World Bank as living on less than the equivalent of $1.25 a day. By that standard, 900 million people on the planet fall into the category, almost all in the developing world. However, due to progress being made in those countries, the standard will soon be increased to $1.90 a day. Except for the homeless, there is almost no one in Japan who qualifies as living in absolute poverty, and the government defines relative poverty as a function of income that takes into consideration wages, taxes, social security payments and living expenses. According to these criteria, 1 in 6 Japanese live below the poverty line, but if you compared these people to the “poor” of 50 years ago, you would see obvious differences in material circumstances. Invariably, the anti-poor sentiments evinced by the NHK report redound on the media that cover child poverty, in turn affecting how they approach the issue and, last month, the Chunichi Shimbun was forced to investigate some pieces that were found to contain exaggerations and staged situations. The series was about “new poverty,” and the investigation targeted two articles, which were published in the Chunichi Shimbun in May and in affiliated newspapers such as Tokyo Shimbun in June. The series covered such problems as young people who are unable to pay back student loans and seniors who are not receiving pensions for whatever reason. One of the articles in question centered on a 10-year-old boy whose single mother ran a mobile bread-vending business. The boy went door to door to sell his mother’s wares. After the article appeared in the Chunichi Shimbun (but before it appeared in affiliate papers), the editor in charge of the series learned that the photo accompanying the article had been staged. It showed the boy in front of an apartment door taking money in exchange for bread. Apparently the reporter and the photographer couldn’t get a good enough picture so the reporter himself stood in a doorway and acted the part of a customer, though only his hand is seen in the shot. Then, in August, the editor discovered that another article in the series — focusing on the school-age daughter of a man who couldn’t work due to illness, which was written by the same reporter — was filled with fabrications regarding bills the family had to pay and how its straitened circumstances interfered with the girl’s education. Eventually the reporter admitted he had made up some things because he thought the story needed a more dramatic portrayal of the girl’s hardships; otherwise the editor might have rejected it. “I used my imagination to make the story stronger,” he said, according to a summary of the investigation published by the Chunichi Shimbun. Yasuhiko Oishi, a professor of media studies interviewed by the Asahi Shimbun for a related feature, said part of the problem was that all of the subjects in the articles are pseudonymous. Most subjects of stories about poverty don’t want their names publicized because they think it will lead to discrimination, but that makes it difficult to fact-check the stories. It also makes it easier for reporters to stretch the truth. The Asahi Shimbun also interviewed Chieko Akaishi, who, as head of the nonprofit organization Single Mothers Forum, is frequently sought out for quotes about rising poverty. Although she appreciates the fact that the media is earnestly covering this topic, many of the reporters who contact her want more “tragedy” than what she can give them. “They are always looking for stories that are immediately understandable,” she said, but the truth is that poverty comes in many ways and forms. Also, TV reporters need visuals, and sometimes what they see doesn’t look “poor” enough, so they manipulate settings and camera shots. Obviously NHK didn’t do that in its report on the girl with the paper keyboard. The scandal illustrates how a certain image of poverty feeds the prejudice and vice versa, since reporters don’t think they can be convincing on poverty unless they present it in a way that conforms to expectations. By doing so, they only reinforce such expectations.


South Sudan and Japan: a tale of love and civil war

Abstract: If you can call South Sudan “stable,” you can call anything stable. You can call anything anything. Defense Minister Tomomi Inada’s sunny assessment of this infant African nation in the throes of civil war followed her whirlwind tour last month. What did she see? Stability, obviously. She saw more of that in seven hours than veteran aid worker Takaki Imai of the Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC) has seen in the nine years he’s been posted there. Inada saw what she wanted to see, Imai tells Weekly Playboy magazine. She has her reasons. The government is eager to expand the scope of Japan’s participation in a U.N. peacekeeping mission in South Sudan. The Self-Defense Forces (SDF) have been part of this mission since 2012. Japan’s pacifist Constitution limits them to nonmilitary functions like building roads. Such a modest role is unworthy of a great nation, say those determined to make Japan a great nation. Security legislation rammed through the Diet last year would in effect re-militarize Japan’s military and arm its peacekeepers — in South Sudan to start with, elsewhere once the precedent has been set. With Japan’s future course and its place in the world at stake, Inada could hardly have come home to her skeptical and peace-loving constituents with descriptions of South Sudan as Imai sees it. “Children were being slaughtered like chickens, with axes, one after another,” he tells Weekly Playboy, describing an outbreak in July of simmering tribal and political hatred. That was in a remote region. Inada didn’t go there. She stayed in Juba, the capital, which is relatively, precariously calm — for now; though it wasn’t in July, when mob violence, apparently abetted by government troops, overwhelmed a hotel frequented by foreign journalists and aid workers. That hardly exhausts the short, tragic history of South Sudan, which broke away from Sudan in 2011. There’s its 600 percent inflation rate, whose impact Inada failed to observe; the grim life in refugee camps she did not visit; and so on. When truth subverts a higher cause, it may seem only right to veil the truth with words like “stable.” The higher cause in this case is convincing Japanese voters that a radical policy departure into a potential maelstrom is more or less business as usual under “stable” conditions. Japan’s weekly magazines, the prime sources for this column, rarely venture abroad. Japan is big enough for them and, compared to some other places, decidedly stable. At least it seems to be, natural disasters aside. Might appearances be deceptive? A headline in the weekly Shukan Gendai reads, “At this rate (Japan’s) banks will collapse.” “This rate” refers to the failure — despite the drastic monetary easing that is the crux of the economic stimulus package known as Abenomics — of money to adequately circulate through the banking system to entrepreneurs and consumers. “There are too many banks in this country,” Shukan Gendai quotes Nobuchika Mori, commissioner of the government’s Financial Services Agency, as writing in a September report. “They lack imagination and wisdom. They’re not doing their job, which is why Japan doesn’t spawn innovative companies like Apple. If all that these idiotic financial institutions can think about is protecting themselves, Japan will fall apart.” Not like South Sudan is falling apart, but still. Japan’s defense minister looks at South Sudan and sees stability. A top finance official looks at banks in the world’s third largest economy and sees instability. Marriage counselor Shuichi Shimoki looks at marriage in Japan and sees a curious fact, which he shares with Shukan Josei magazine: “Seventy percent of the wives who come to me because their husbands want to divorce them say, ‘Until yesterday everything was fine!’ “ Stable, in other words. The point, of course, is that until yesterday everything wasn’t fine, it only seemed that way. If your country is not at war, if you’re not wracked by a deadly disease, if national or personal economic failure isn’t driving you into abject poverty, arguably the worst thing that can happen to you is a soured marriage. “For 16 years I’ve been a slave!” cried the husband of one of Shimoki’s clients. To the wife this came out of the blue. She gaped at him, dumbfounded. A slave? She’d had no idea he was even unhappy. But he was — bitterly, and maybe the more so because he knew she didn’t know. If she loved him, wouldn’t she know? At least suspect? Therefore she didn’t love him, never had. His work was futile, his sacrifices were pointless, his life meant nothing. All this is very melodramatic and may mean no more, Shimoki says, than a desire for a husband to be loved by his wife as he had been loved by his mother in childhood. How stupid, how puerile. But our deepest feelings don’t yield to name-calling. They can’t be driven away so easily. Is marriage an insult to our deepest feelings? There’s the suggestive fact that one-third of recent Japanese marriages end in divorce. Love mutates into hate as easily as stability does into instability. “Living with you is like living with a stalker!” is a typical complaint Shukan Josei hears. Others concern disgust with malodorous and flabby bodies, real and imaginary infidelities, real and imaginary insults, slights, what have you, the gamut. A failed marriage is like a failed state: Two people become two tribes who have lived together so long they no longer know or care why they hate each other. A South Sudanese seeing Japanese people in the throes of their little domestic hells could hardly be blamed for being more envious than sympathetic. They have larger hells to cope with. When “stability” comes, things will be different.

japan
south sudan
tomomi inada
u.n. peacekeeping


Lawyers debate Japan's capital punishment system at EU-organized symposium

Abstract: Two prominent lawyers, one for the death penalty and the other against it, held a heated debate last Thursday at a symposium in Tokyo that sought to deepen discussion on Japan’s capital punishment system. Yuji Ogawara, a Tokyo-based lawyer, contended that the death penalty should be abolished because of the possibility of a miscarriage of justice. “In Japan, a suspect is interrogated, for example, by investigators without a defense lawyer present,” he said. “Given the shortcomings of a judicial system handled by human beings, wrong judgments cannot be avoided.” He cited the exoneration of four death-row inmates through retrials in the 1980s. In 2014, another death-row inmate was released following 48 years behind bars after a court reopened his case. The decision has been appealed by prosecutors. Ogawara, secretary-general of a Japan Federation of Bar Associations committee that seeks a moratorium on capital punishment, also said that a democratic society that respects human rights and justice cannot cling forever to a punishment system that allows some offenders to be killed. Ogawara was involved in drafting a declaration by the Japan Federation of Bar Associations seeking the abolition of the death penalty by 2020. The symposium was organized by the Delegation of the European Union to Japan following that declaration, and was attended by around 120 people. The European Union regularly releases statements of protest after executions in Japan. Countering Ogawara, Masato Takahashi, vice president of the National Association of Crime Victims and Surviving Families, said those victimized by murders “want offenders to pay for their crimes with death.” Their feelings of retribution must be satisfied legally, Takahashi argued. “Criminal courts were controlled by judges, prosecutors, defense counsels and defenders, while victims and bereaved families were kept out of the loop and were used merely as ‘evidence’ to be examined,” he said. “But they are now guaranteed the opportunity to raise their voices in court. … It is their right to demand that the state hang offenders on their behalf.” Japan introduced the lay judge system in 2009, in which a panel of six citizens and three professional judges deliberate serious crimes, including capital cases. Given that development, calls have grown that the government should disclose more information on the execution process, including the process by which the order of executions is decided. The secrecy surrounding executions in Japan has been criticized at home and abroad, with neither death-row inmates nor their lawyers and families being given advance notice of hangings. It also remains unclear what criteria authorities use in deciding when inmates are to be executed. “We need to promote further debate on capital punishment as part of our effort to create a better society, and we need to have more information for that purpose,” Ogawara said. After the Japan Federation of Bar Associations last month adopted the declaration calling for abolition of the death penalty, the government executed a death-row inmate on Nov. 11 — the 17th execution in the almost four years since Prime Minister Shinzo Abe came to office in December 2012. After the hanging, the EU Delegation issued a statement, together with the heads of mission of EU member states and the heads of mission of Norway and Switzerland, noting, “We hold a strong and principled position against the death penalty and we are opposed to the use of capital punishment under any circumstances.” While a government survey shows more than 80 percent of the people support capital punishment, Japan has faced international criticism, with the U.N. Human Rights Committee in 2014 urging Japan to “give due consideration to the abolition of the death penalty.” “I think Japan should make efforts to maintain international solidarity with other nations sharing the same democratic values, including those in the European Union, rather than keeping the death penalty,” Ogawara said.


Overwork sanctioned by both firms and unions, with dim prospects for state intervention: expert

Abstract: When the suicide of a female worker at ad giant Dentsu Inc. was recognized as karoshi , or death from overwork, many blamed a corporate culture that glorifies the “warrior” workers who sacrifice themselves for the good of the firm. But the true problem behind the suicide at 24 of Matsuri Takahashi, who had clocked more than 100 hours of overtime in October 2015 before jumping from a corporate dorm on Christmas, is legal loopholes that allow employees to effectively work unlimited hours, according to an expert. Takahashi’s mother, Yukimi, is demanding that the government abolish those loopholes and create a better overall working environment. “No work is important enough to sacrifice one’s life for,” she told a news conference in October. What follows is an overview of Japan’s work-hour regulations and the loopholes that exist today in the law: What is the cap on working hours in Japan? Under the Labor Standard Law, work hours are capped at eight hours a day or 40 hours a week. An employer that violates this law could face up to ¥300,000 in fines or up to six months in prison. That said, there are exceptions. If the company and labor unions, or representatives of more than half of a firm’s employees, sign an agreement based on Article 36 of the law, which allows overtime, and submit it to a local labor bureau, employees become able to work overtime, or more than 40 hours a week. Called saburoku kyotei — which literally means “36 agreement,” with 36 referring to Article 36 — such accords are regarded as the major culprits behind the problem of protracted overtime. What does an Article 36 agreement stipulate? If the two sides ink a standard Article 36 deal, employees can do overtime within limits set by the labor ministry, such as 45 hours a month or 360 hours a year. But if the agreement contains a special provision, the overtime available to workers becomes effectively unlimited for up to six months a year, with the cap being at the discretion of the employers and employees themselves. For overtime hours between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m., employers are obliged to pay their workers 125 percent or more of regular base pay. For overtime exceeding 60 hours a month, large companies must pay 150 percent or more of the hourly wage. According to the labor ministry, nearly 60 percent of large businesses and 11 percent of small and medium-size companies had Article 36 agreements containing special provisions in 2013. Among the large companies, 14.6 percent had placed their monthly overtime cap above 80 hours — a threshold recognized as karoshi territory by the labor ministry. Why are Article 36 agreements still allowed? Simply put, employers want more work to be done, and employees want more money, so such agreements remain in place, according to Koji Morioka, a professor emeritus at Kansai University who is well-versed in labor issues. For employers, the 125 percent in extra hourly wages is a relatively small price to pay, compared with 150 percent in the U.S., he said. Labor unions, meanwhile, are toothless, he added, as many among their memberships want the extra money that comes with overtime. “Rather than seeking to place strict caps on working hours, unions have accepted long overtime. That’s the reality,” Morioka said. In short, the government has essentially left the matter in the hands of management and unions for nearly 70 years since the law took effect in 1947. Have working hours changed in recent decades? Overall annual average working hours, including those of part-timers, have declined to 1,734 in 2015 from 1,910 in 1994, according to labor ministry data. The decline, however, is due mainly to the increasing number of part-time workers. The ministry data also show the annual working hours of regular employees stood at 2,026 in 2015, compared to 2,036 in 1994. Even though more people today acknowledge the importance of work-life balance, a 2014 Cabinet Office survey showed that many still regarded employees who worked longer hours in a favorable light. The survey found that more than 50 percent of respondents had a positive image of workers who clocked more than 12 hours a day, compared to 38 percent for those who worked less than 10 hours. How does Japan compare with other industrialized countries? According to the Japan Institution for Labor Policy and Training, in 2014, Japan’s work hours exceeded those of many European countries. The data say annual average working hours in Japan stood at 1,729, compared with 1,371 in Germany, 1,473 in France and 1,677 in the U.K. However, Americans worked a little longer, averaging 1,789 hours a year, it said. But when it comes to the percentage of people who worked more than 49 hours a week, or nine hours of weekly overtime, Japan was the highest, at 21 percent, compared to 16.4 percent in the U.S. and 12.5 percent in the U.K., according to the data. Is the government taking measures to reduce excessive overtime? The government set up a task force, headed by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, in September to discuss ways to slash work hours, including revision of Article 36 agreements, as part of its “work-style reforms.” It is expected to draw up action plans by the end of March, but whether it will lay out truly meaningful measures remains to be seen. Morioka of Kansai University predicted the government will probably place nonbinding overtime caps at around 80 to 100 hours a month for workplaces operating under Article 36 agreements with special provisions. But the pro-business Abe administration isn’t likely to place a binding cap on overtime, as it would likely spark strong opposition from Japan Inc., namely Keidanren, the major business lobby. In fact, Keidanren chief Sadayuki Sakakibara warned the government back in September, saying it should consider the distinct nature of each industry when discussing placing such limits. Otherwise, he said, it could have a huge impact on the nation’s economy. “It is not wrong to revise (the Article 36 agreement), including placing a cap on overtime,” Sakakibara said at a news conference on Sept. 26. “But that should not result in a delay of business operations.” Morioka of Kansai University takes a dim view of the prospect of significant reform, saying that serious change isn’t likely unless the labor side engages in a sweeping mass movement, collectively demanding that the government restrict excessive working hours.


'Sailor Moon' condoms combat syphilis but heroine's fans flustered by age issue

Abstract: The superheroine from the popular manga and anime series “Sailor Moon” has emerged once again to fight another evil — syphilis. As a part of its campaign to raise awareness of sexually transmitted diseases, the health ministry will distribute 60,000 condoms wrapped in pink, heart-shaped packages adorned with the blond, doe-eyed character Usagi Tsukino. The condoms, which call for STD testing on the wrappers, will be sent to 142 municipalities for distribution at events like World AIDS Day on Thursday and at Coming-of-Age-Day ceremonies in January, ministry officials said. The ministry will also distribute 5,000 posters and 156,000 leaflets illustrated with the junior high school character and a slogan that says: “I will punish you if you don’t get tested!” By turning to the popular character, the ministry aims to regain control over syphilis, which has made a rapid return among young people, said Kazunari Asanuma, head of the ministry’s Tuberculosis and Infectious Disease Control Division. He said the STD outbreak is especially serious among women in their 20s and men in their 20s to 40s. According to the ministry, syphilis cases hit 2,697 in 2015, which is more than four times the 2010 level and the highest since the survey began in 1999. As of Nov. 6, cases were at 3,779 and climbing. Patients infected with STDs like syphilis and AIDS usually don’t notice the symptoms for weeks or even years. The ministry believes early testing and appropriate use of condoms are effective means of prevention. Although Asanuma says that “Sailor Moon” is popular with people of all sexual orientations and may prove useful in bringing up STDs among those too shy to discuss them, some Usagi Tsukino fans are upset the junior high school student is being used as the “campaign girl” to broach the topic. “I don’t like it a bit. ‘Sailor Moon’ was a childhood heroine and a sacred figure for me. I still want her to be distant from this issue,” Twitter user @akaimihajiketa wrote Monday. “But I want the leaflet … I am still looking for words to explain my mixed feelings.” “Sailor Moon,” created by Naoko Takeuchi, made its TV debut in 1992. The tale of magical schoolgirls has been aired in more than 50 countries and attracted millions of fans from around the world.

sex
anime
condoms
sailor moon
sexually transmitted infections


Nuclear-power advocate elected Ikata mayor in landslide

Abstract: An advocate of atomic power plants has steamrolled his anti-nuclear rival in the Ikata, Ehime Prefecture, mayoral election, garnering more than seven times as many votes as his opponent. Sunday’s election followed the resignation of the former mayor, who had backed the recent restart of the Ikata nuclear power plant’s No. 3 reactor. The previous mayor resigned in August after being hospitalized. New Mayor Kiyohiko Takakado, a 58-year-old former member of the prefectural assembly, had the backing of the former mayor and all 16 members of the town’s assembly. During the campaign he vowed to continue the policies of his predecessor, Kazuhiko Yamashika. His rival, 59-year-old Naohito Nishii of the Japanese Communist Party, had urged the town not remain dependent on nuclear power. He was backed by the JCP’s local chapter as well as anti-nuclear citizens’ groups. Nishii was trounced in the election, garnering just 765 votes to Takakado’s 5,451 in a race with 71.45 percent voter turnout. “I will completely carry out safety measures for the nuclear power plant,” Takakado said after his victory was assured. “I will also tackle the issues of the town’s aging population and depopulation.” Shikoku Electric Power Co. reactivated the Ikata plant’s No. 3 reactor in August. It was the first time in more than five years that the reactor was switched on since it was suspended for a routine safety inspection in April 2011. It is the only reactor in Japan currently burning mixed uranium-plutonium oxide (MOX) fuel. It was the nation’s fifth reactor that was rebooted under the stricter safety regulations introduced in July 2013 based on the 2011 catastrophe at the Fukushima No. 1 plant operated by Tokyo Electric Power Co. Holdings Inc. Besides Ikata, the only nuclear plant currently in operation in Japan is Kyushu Electric Power Co.’s Sendai facility in Kagoshima Prefecture. Yamashita, the former mayor, resigned Aug. 29 after being hospitalized in April. The Ehime Shimbun reported at the time that he had suffered a stroke that resulted in him having problems speaking.

nuclear energy
mayoral election
restarts
shikoku electric power
ikata


Looming Tokyo, Fukuoka by-elections may set stage for Lower House dissolution

Abstract: From Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to newly elected opposition leader Renho and Tokyo Gov. Yuriko Koike, political leaders in Japan are setting their eyes on two key by-elections slated for later this month. The Oct. 23 polls will take place in the electoral districts of Tokyo No. 10 and Fukuoka No. 6, to fill the seats vacated by Koike, who became governor in July, and former internal affairs minister Kunio Hatoyama, who died in June. Campaigning will kick off on Oct. 11. We look the significance of the by-elections and the current political tug-of-war: Why are the elections important? The two by-elections come on the heels of intensifying speculation that Abe may dissolve the Lower House for a snap election as early as January. In a break with tradition, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party announced last week that it will hold its annual party convention in March, instead of January. Some interpreted the delay as strategic and designed to give Abe the option to go ahead with a snap election early next year. Natsuo Yamaguchi, head of the LDP’s junior coalition partner, Komeito, said last week at a Tokyo event that the dissolution of the Lower House “could happen anytime.” Winning a Lower House election will further consolidate Abe’s power and even give momentum to an ongoing debate within the LDP to extend his stint as party head beyond September 2018 — a scenario that would make him one of the longest-serving prime ministers in postwar history. If LDP candidates win the by-elections, it will likely add to Abe’s confidence in his party’s popularity and more momentum to call a snap election, Norihiko Narita, a professor of political science at Surugadai University, said. “So the by-elections are very important for Abe,” he said. Who besides Abe has a stake in the race? For Toshihiro Nikai, an LDP veteran recently tapped as the party’s secretary-general, the by-elections will be the first national poll after he took up the No. 2 post in the LDP shake-up in August. The same goes for Renho, who became president of main opposition force, the Democratic Party, last month. The outcome of the two elections will affect their political influence within their parties. But the stakes are perhaps higher for Renho, who has gotten off to a rocky start amid criticism over her dual citizenship flip-flop and what some call her “biased” choice in new DP executives. Observers say losing big both in Tokyo and Fukuoka would destabilize her already shaky grip on power. Are things going smoothly with the Tokyo by-election? No. In fact, things are chaotic at best. At the heart of controversy is LDP lawmaker Masaru Wakasa, who just weeks ago won his party’s endorsement to run for the Tokyo race. The move came despite his recent clash with party executives over his controversial support of Tokyo Gov. Koike during her campaign for the July gubernatorial election. Wakasa, a longtime ally of Koike, stuck up for her despite criticism from party leaders who backed the party’s official candidate, Hiroya Masuda, a former Iwate governor. But despite the LDP’s endorsement of Wakasa, which had been considered a sign of reconciliation, Wakasa says he remains deeply irked by the LDP Tokyo chapter’s “outrageous” threat to expel seven assembly members who stood up for Koike during her campaign. He is now threatening to quit the party even if he wins the by-election as an LDP-backed candidate. “If the seven members are to be expelled, I — in light of my philosophy, sense of justice and identity as a politician — can’t possibly continue to be an LDP lawmaker,” Wakasa, a lawyer-turned politician, fumed in his Sept. 27 blog post. Does the LDP have anything to worry about in Fukuoka, too? Yes. Despite efforts by LDP election strategy committee chief Keiji Furuya, the party has failed to field a unified candidate for the Fukuoka No. 6 district, risking a split in conservative votes between two proteges of LDP heavyweights. One is Jiro Hatoyama, son of the late Hatoyama, who is backed by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga. The other is Ken Kurauchi, son of a local LDP chapter executive, who is supported by Finance Minister Taro Aso. With Suga and Aso both unwilling to pull out, the two will most likely run as independents, local media reports say. A plan is also being floated to have the LDP endorse the candidate who wins. Behind the clash is what local media call Aso’s lingering enmity against the late Hatoyama, who stepped down as internal affairs minister in June 2009 after fighting with then-Prime Minister Aso over whether to reappoint the president of scandal-hit Japan Post Holdings. Hatoyama’s exit dealt a heavy blow to the Aso administration, partly triggering the LDP’s historic defeat three months later and its brief fall from power. Will these power struggles hinder the LDP from winning the by-elections? Experts say no. LDP candidates in both the Tokyo and Fukuoka by-elections still appear to be the favorites, said Koji Nakakita, professor of political science at Hitotsubashi University. In Tokyo, Wakasa faces off against DP-endorsed Yosuke Suzuki, a former NHK reporter. Suzuki’s campaign pledges include boosting tourism, solving the shortage of child day care centers and bolstering wages for nonregular workers. Suzuki will almost certainly be campaigning with Renho, who herself garnered more than 1 million votes in an overwhelming victory in the July Upper House election in Tokyo. But Renho, Nakakita said, will somewhat be eclipsed by Koike, who is likely to give all-out support to Wakasa. In Fukuoka, DP-backed Fumiko Arai, a former staffer at the Japanese Consulate-General in Chennai in southern India, expects a difficult ride, too. Despite the split in LDP votes, she still has to compete against front-runner Hatoyama, who enjoys high name-recognition in addition to organizational votes. “The DP probably understands it is headed for a double defeat,” Nakakita said.

shinzo abe
tokyo
ldp
fukuoka
yuriko koike
renho
dp
by-elections


Delay in expanding traineeship program leaves Vietnamese caregivers in limbo

Abstract: HANOI - Vietnam is now the biggest provider of labor to Japan under a government-sponsored training program for foreign workers. However, delays in expanding the system to include nursing care have made some young Vietnamese rethink their plans. Do Thi Hang is among them. At 23 and with nursing experience already on her resume, she hoped to work in Japan as a caregiver under the Technical Intern Training Program, which accepts workers from developing countries for on-the-job training. Hang is now working at a restaurant while studying Japanese on her own, having quit language classes at a Hanoi language school in April. She still wants to find work in Japan, despite her parents’ urging to return to her home town in Vinh Phuc province, north of the capital, and get married. In the period from January to May, Vietnam overtook China as the biggest provider of participants to the program that started in 1993 and covers skills in roughly 70 professional categories, including textiles, machinery and agriculture. During the five-month stretch, Vietnam sent 8,420 trainees, compared with 7,815 Chinese, according to the Japan International Training Cooperation Organization, which oversees the program. Trainees also come from the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand. In March 2015, the Japanese government decided to add nursing-care services to the training program to address staffing shortages. Lawmakers then sat on the legislation. They began deliberating the changes but then got distracted by more urgent bills. One reason for the changes was a need to address problems with the program, which critics say provides cover for low-cost labor. They also allege abuses relating to harsh living and working conditions, and some hirers have been accused of restricting the liberty of their trainees. Hang was working as a nurse in her hometown when a staffing agency asked her to go to Japan. This presupposed the legislation’s imminent passage. She enrolled in the school in Hanoi in August last year to prepare for work at a nursing facility for the elderly in Nara Prefecture. The posting was supposed to begin in April this year. But the program’s changes were never approved. Instead, legislators prioritized deliberations about national security bills, some of the most contentious pieces of legislation in recent years. Realizing that it was no longer possible to participate in the trainee program and that she could no longer rely financially on her farmer parents, Hang decided to pursue a Japanese nursing license under an economic partnership agreement between Tokyo and Hanoi. Japan has been receiving workers aiming to be licensed as nurses and caregivers under the agreement, which it has with Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines. The agreement imposes tougher eligibility requirements in language competency and other areas than the trainee program. Two former classmates of Hang’s have abandoned their nursing care ambitions and have gone to Japan to work in unrelated fields, including food processing, under the training program. But Pham Anh Nguyet, 22, who also wants to become a caregiver in Japan, quit the school and now works at a restaurant in Hanoi. This is a preliminary step before embarking for Japan, as she has decided to take matters into her own hands. With little prospect of getting on the program as a trainee nurse, Nguyet decided to go to Japan to learn the language and nursing care skills on her own. Nguyet said her elder brother will raise some ¥900,000 to cover tuition for the first year and living expenses for the first three months. The sum is four times what an average factory worker in Vietnam earns in a year. “I will work, like other students, between classes to pay for expenses in the subsequent period,” she said. Thousands of young Vietnamese are thought to have planned to join the skills program but many are believed to have abandoned their plans because of the legislation logjam. The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry says it hopes the measures will sail through the Diet this autumn at the earliest.


Engineer's programming workshops help kids get expressive about coding

Abstract: On weekdays, Daisuke Kuramoto, 36, is just another computer engineer who develops education materials for an e-learning content provider. But once a month, he becomes Qramo, organizer of a computer programming workshop for children. “If you say I am ‘teaching’ programming, that’s incorrect,” said Kuramoto, who heads the Tokyo-based volunteer group Otomo. “At the workshop, I’m just a participant who loves to play around with programming.” Kuramoto started the workshop in 2008 and launched Otomo the following year, recruiting professional programmers, computer science students, parents and others with a knack for the activity. Demand for computer programming classes has been climbing ever since the education ministry announced it would become a mandatory subject for grade school by 2020. Most of the classes available today are offered at cram schools and other organizations as an extracurricular activity. Otomo is one of those organizations. Otomo invites about five to 10 elementary and junior high school students to his weekend workshops so they can write their own programs. When they have questions, volunteers drop clues to help them solve the problems on their own. For Kuramoto, the key is for teachers to engage the students and work with them instead of just issuing instructions. And that’s what he hopes will be the case when the school system finally takes up computer programming. “The important thing about programming education is to give them freedom and be creative about what they want to make, not to instruct them on how and what to do.” The group’s name, in fact, was formed by combining the word otona (adult) with kodomo (child). Kuramoto said this refers to its goal — to have adults and children work together on an equal footing. Admission to Otomo’s workshops is usually ¥1,000 — just enough to cover the facility costs. Computers and other devices used at the sessions are often borrowed for free from other organizations in the field. Asked why has kept doing the workshop for the past eight years, Kuramoto simply said: “It’s just fun. “We just like to see children having fun using computers,” he said. “When they get stuck, we give them a little clue. That helps them figure out the coding to create programs as they like. … That is pleasing enough for us to continue this activity.” In September, Otomo invited seven elementary school students to Yoyogi Park in Tokyo for the group’s first open-air workshop session. They were given tablet devices and told to compile a program to create a stop-motion picture from multiple images by using a graphical programming app called Pyonkee. The app is a derivative of Scratch, a visual programming tool developed by MIT Media Lab, a research arm of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. At the beginning of the workshop, Kuramoto showed the children how to use the device and the app. After that, they were left to make their own decisions on what to film. “If they consider me as a teacher even once, they may think I’m the person who is supposed to teach them programming from A to Z. That’s why I want them to call me Qramo, not Mr. Kuramoto,” he said. “It’s easy for children to create a program just as the teachers tell them to. But that doesn’t allow them to create what they want to make after the workshop,” he said. “I want children to realize that a computer is a tool that allows them to be free in expressing their maximum creativity.” Kuramoto formed this philosophy from his experience growing up as a self-motivated creator. Born in 1980, Kuramoto’s first experience with computer programming was when he was 8 years old. While playing with the computer owned by his father, a Maritime Self-Defense Force officer, he found he liked creating computer games. Despite his love of computers, however, Kuramoto’s dream was to become a doctor, carpenter or archaeologist. “Programming was just one of my toys,” he said. “I love making things with my own hands. I loved to play with Lego blocks, and I even created a shelf to use at home … The only difference was whether it was a real object or computer code.” His love for creation prompted him to enroll in the University of Tsukuba’s art program in 1999, where he used programming to create artwork. By then, it was an integral part of his life. During his university years, Kuramoto worked as a visual disk jockey, arranging videos for nightclubs. During this time, he developed software that let him easily change visuals on screen. Looking back, “all of these things have been a pleasure for me,” Kuramoto recalled. “I’ve always wanted to create something with my own hands . . . and programming was the easiest and the most convenient way to express myself.” Kuramoto hopes the children who attend his workshops will view computer programming as a happy experience. “It would be tragic if they are forced to learn programming only to achieve good scores on an exam or to find a job,” he said. “If you want to be a professional programmer, maybe Otomo is not for you. … We want children to realize that computers and smartphones are tools to express themselves, not merely to consume what others create. “If you aren’t satisfied with things around you, you can always create things on your own. And that’s not difficult in today’s society, where everything is controlled by computers,” he said. Key events in Kuramoto’s life 1988 – Begins programming on his father’s computer. April 1993 – Joins junior high school computer club. April 1999 – Enrolls in University of Tsukuba, School of Art and Design. March 2004 – Enters Tokyo-based e-learning content producer Shubiki Corp. August 2009 – Launches Otomo, a volunteer group that holds computer programming workshops for elementary and junior high school students. May 2016 – Publishes computer programming textbook for elementary school students.

otomo
computer programming
daisuke kuramoto


Toxin levels are low, but jury out on long-term risks at Toyosu market

Abstract: A storm over soil pollution and corner-cutting at the site chosen to host the Toyosu wholesale food market has centered on the presence of toxins in water that could be hazardous to human health. On Sept. 29, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government said it had sampled two carcinogens at levels slightly above the legal limit for drinking water. The toxins were found in groundwater at three locations at the planned food market in Tokyo’s Koto Ward. What do the regulated limits mean? Does exceeding them pose a hazard to human health? Following are questions and answers about conditions at the complex that is slated to replace the renowned Tsukiji fish market in Chuo Ward. What chemicals were detected and at what levels? Traces of benzene and arsenic were detected in groundwater at three locations at the 40-hectare site, which is earmarked for sales of fish, fruit and vegetables. However, the samples were not in the building basements. The density of benzene was 0.014 mg and 0.011 mg per liter at two locations in the section for fruit and vegetable dealers, slightly exceeding the regulation limit of 0.010 mg for benzene, the standard set for groundwater under the Soil Contamination Countermeasures Act. Groundwater at one location in the same area was found to have an arsenic level of 0.019 mg per liter, above the 0.010 mg regulation limit. Legally speaking, the metropolitan government is not obliged to apply those limits to the Toyosu site because the groundwater would not be used for drinking or washing produce. It has instead conducted water sampling tests voluntarily under a two-year monitoring survey to ease public concerns over a former industrial site that is being repurposed for food. So far it has conducted eight groundwater tests, and this is the first time chemicals were found to exceed the mandated limit. The Tokyo government plans to conduct a final round of water sampling next month and to release the results in January. Do the levels pose a danger to humans? Experts believe not. However, the report has fueled anxiety and has made it politically more difficult for the metropolitan government to close Tsukiji and shift its operations to Toyosu. The regulation limits for potentially toxic chemicals for groundwater are as strict as those for tap water. The levels are set to ensure safety even in the worst case scenario of drinking 2 liters of the contaminated water every day for over 70 years, which would be impossible at the Toyosu site. The scenario is therefore unrealistic. And even if someone were to exceed the limit over seven decades, it would increase their risk of cancer by only 0.001 percent, according to the Environment Ministry. Is it excessive to apply tap water standards to Toyosu? It depends on one’s view of the risk. “I personally believe the levels do not pose any safety problems, but how people feel about it is another matter,” said environmental safety expert Kohei Urano, a professor emeritus at Yokohama National University. He said people have become particularly sensitive about the Toyosu site because they know it will handle food. Tatemasa Hirata, director of the Open University of Japan’s Wakayama Study Center and the chairman of an expert panel on soil contamination set up by Tokyo Gov. Yuriko Koike, released a statement on Oct. 3 saying judgment should not be based on a one-time spike in levels. Hirata added, it is common for contamination levels of newly scrubbed soil to show ups and downs while continuing on a trend of decline. Could levels rise in future? Experts are split on this. Metropolitan government officials insist that it will not happen. Akio Hata, former president of the Japan Association on Environmental Studies, argues that more contaminated groundwater may seep to the surface, particularly if freed by an event large enough to cause liquefaction, as was seen at some Toyosu locations — a site built on reclaimed land — after the Great East Japan Earthquake in March 2011. The metropolitan government maintains that liquefaction can be prevented by lowering the groundwater level with pumps and by hardening the soil. It said this was applied to some parts of the Toyosu site before the 2011 quake, and the tremor caused no observable liquefaction at those locations. Takeshi Hasegawa, a former member of a technical expert panel for the Toyosu project under the metropolitan government, argued that the groundwater level can be lowered to prevent any contact with humans. He added, toxins can also be flushed out. “In Toyosu, if you want to lower the densities of chemicals below the regulation levels, you can pump in lots of tap water and pump out groundwater from wells. That was the method used before construction to lower the soil contamination level,” Hasegawa said. At the Toyosu site, 19 wells have been dug for pumps to control the groundwater level, and 21 other wells have been drilled for use in monitoring toxin levels. Using those wells and the pumping system, the groundwater level can be lowered to prevent water from seeping into the basements at the market buildings, Hasegawa said. The metropolitan government was not pumping the system at its full capacity when assembly members visited the underground space last month and revealed that a thick layer of clean soil — recommended by outside experts — had not been laid as planned. When will the pumps reach full speed? The metropolitan government will put the system into full operation in mid-October, with the aim of keeping Toyosu groundwater less than 1.8 meters above the level in Tokyo’s Arakawa River, a standard used by the metro government. This means the water level will be maintained well below basement floors. Since Oct. 4, the metropolitan government has been posting data on the recorded groundwater levels at Toyosu, measured twice a day, on its website .

groundwater contamination arsenic market tsukiji toyosu benzene


Japanese media cautiously tackle the U.S. election

Abstract: During the first half of this year, coverage by Japan’s print and broadcast media of America’s presidential primary campaigns and debates was heavier than usual. But as the two remaining contenders stagger toward the finish line, one gets the impression that Japanese are just as weary as their American counterparts — if not more so. Where’s the outrage? More specifically, has the media here toned down the most controversial revelations concerning Donald Trump — and, to a lesser extent, Hillary Clinton? I posed that question to Dave Spector, a veteran TV personality and Chicago native who has been giving regular talks about the election on local TV shows. “I don’t believe there have been any conscious efforts here to downplay or avoid any level of sexual innuendos concerning Trump, at least within the parameters allowed in broadcasting,” Spector responded. “The now-infamous leaked audio excerpts from ‘Access Hollywood’ were shown repeatedly on television here with only a few words disguised or bleeped out. I myself had no problem airing the material and there was no suggestion it might be too strong, even for the morning programs. As for the now notorious line, ‘Grab them by the pussy,’ no exact equivalent really exists in Japanese, so if translated literally it wouldn’t have the same meaning as Trump intended,” Spector says. “Naturally TV must deal with time constraints, so viewers here are not going to be exposed to anything near the level of U.S. TV coverage.” For Spector, this is “the first time in memory” that a U.S. election has received such heavy coverage in Japan — and just about all the candidates’ “dirty laundry has been aired,” he says. One of the more disparaging stories concerning Trump appeared in Aera (Oct. 31), a weekly newsmagazine with a feminist slant. Under a headline describing Trump as the “unrepentant king of sexual harassment,” journalist Keiko Tsuyama went into some of the details claimed by his victims (“He was like an octopus”). “While there are many criticisms of Trump aside from his apparent contempt for women,” concluded Tsuyama, “there can be no doubt that his past acts of sexual harassment should make people reconsider voting for him.” On the day of the 9/11 memorial ceremonies in New York, Clinton developed pneumonia and was shown needing assistance to walk to her car. A U.S.-based Japanese reporter, Sachiko Hijikata, reported in Sunday Mainichi (Oct. 2) that the so-called alt-right, a nascent right-wing group often concerned with preserving “white identity,” accused Clinton of concealing serious health issues, ranging from Parkinson’s disease to the after-effects of a brain injury. (Those are rather mild, compared to what bloggers on the lunatic fringe have been posting. Some have gone as far as to assert she is actually dead, and that the person shown on TV is an impersonator.) “The election strategies being adopted by both sides are becoming increasingly chaotic,” Hijikata remarked. It goes without saying, but many issues judged important by Americans — such as gun rights, abortion, illegal immigration and appointments to the U.S. Supreme Court — don’t resonate much with most Japanese and tend to be glossed over by the media here, whereas Japanese writers seldom shirk from commentary on America’s ethnic and racial dynamics. It would appear that some Japanese journalists reporting from America find it safer to choose selectively from what they see in the U.S. media and quote it, sometimes almost verbatim. The Washington Post boasts one of the most hostile editorial stances toward Trump and has been widely cited by Japanese media during the 2016 campaign. This includes the lead story in an eight-page section on the U.S. elections in Shukan Economist (Oct.25) by Akihiko Yasui, a division manager at Mizuho Bank’s research arm. In the article, titled “Clinton maintains her advantage; Trump’s scenario for a come-from-behind victory,” Yasui quotes from the Post, writing that “Votes by nonwhites are Trump’s weak point.” He then went on to explain how shifts in U.S. voter demographics have made Hispanics a key factor to winning in New Mexico, as well as in so-called swing states such as Virginia, North Carolina, Florida and Nevada. Yasui echoed U.S. predictions that, whether Trump wins or loses, the Republican party’s dilemma — dependence on America’s shrinking base of white voters — is likely to persist. In addition to Yasui’s essay, Shukan Economist ran four other articles. Three focused on specific political points: the televised debates; American concerns over unemployment that might impact on ratification of the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement; and differences in the candidates’ policies toward foreign military intervention, with Trump reportedly supported by members of the military by a margin of 49 percent versus 34 percent for Clinton. The fourth was an essay by Surugadai University lecturer Masayuki Hatta on the alt-right. Made up of mostly Caucasian voters, it has formed a key segment of Trump supporters. “Even if Trump wins, curbs immigration and halts free trade, it will bring no immediate improvement in whites’ condition,” Hatta writes. “Their decline is due to other factors, such as their shrinking demographic and the technological revolution. I suppose a Trump presidency will fail to dispel the dissatisfaction being voiced by members of the alt-right.” With the election just over a week away, the Japanese media seem to have adopted a wait-and-see attitude, conserving energy for election night coverage. Whatever the outcome — whether America elects its first female president or a flamboyant, outspoken political outsider — more excitement is in the cards.

hillary clinton
donald trump
u.s. presidential election 2016


SDF activity in South Sudan is sidestepping security debate

Abstract: Governments are adept at using indirection and euphemism, and right now Japan’s is struggling with an issue whose terminology is exacerbating that struggle. When translated directly, “kaketsuke keigo” means “rushing to provide security,” a phrase whose implied action begs for clarification. It’s being used by the ruling Liberal Democratic Party to describe possible new capabilities of Self-Defense Force troops being sent abroad on peacekeeping missions, specifically those who will replace current SDF members stationed in South Sudan if that mission is extended to March. Unlike their predecessors, the new troops will be able to come to the rescue of parties in danger when those parties request assistance, and they would presumably need weapon to execute such rescues. The difficulty stems partly from the fact that the Japanese press has never sufficiently explained the SDF’s mission in South Sudan, not to mention the situation in the country itself. New Defense Minister Tomomi Inada went there earlier this month to study the situation so as to determine whether or not replacement personnel will be allowed to carry out kaketsuke keigo, but Inada herself didn’t seem to understand what she was doing. Since she was only in country for seven hours, accompanying media didn’t have time to leave her orbit and find out about the situation for themselves. They went all the way to Africa and all they came back with was a sound bite . Matters became more confused during a subsequent Diet discussion about the friction between South Sudan President Salva Kiir’s government forces and rebel soldiers under the sway of former Vice President Riek Machar. The SDF can only join peacekeeping operations in conflict-free zones, and an opposition lawmaker asked Inada if killings that occurred between armed groups associated with the South Sudan government in August didn’t constitute “fighting.” Inada preferred to call the violence a “clash.” Prime Minister Shinzo Abe backed her up on this interpretation while acknowledging that killings took place and property had been destroyed, which would seem to indicate that war-like intentions were involved. Then last week, the media were invited to observe training exercises by the SDF personnel who will be replacing the current ones in South Sudan. Although it’s assumed these troops could be permitted to carry out kaketsuke keigo, they didn’t bear arms during the exercise, which simulated the rescue of U.N. workers from a mob of demonstrators. An SDF official told TV Asahi that the personnel were originally going to carry weapons during the exercise but that the government then told them not to. Another SDF official went further in an interview with Tokyo Shimbun , saying that the personnel didn’t carry arms “because (the government) doesn’t want the public to see any weapons.” It’s obvious the government wants the SDF to do more than build roads, which is all they’re authorized to do now, but they are still nervous about suggesting SDF personnel could be in harm’s way. By and large the media didn’t say anything to make the government more nervous. However, in the Oct. 15 edition of its in-depth news magazine, “Hodo Tokushu,” TBS reported on the attack by alleged government soldiers at a hotel where U.N. personnel, journalists and nongovernment organizations were staying. The attack happened July 11, so TBS was a bit late covering it. The incident relates directly to kaketsuke keigo, since the people under attack sent out many calls for help, none of which were answered. One local journalist died and several women were gang-raped. TBS presented the attack as the kind of thing peacekeeping forces are supposed to respond to, but even if the SDF had authorization to carry out rescues, they would have been prevented from doing so in this case because they would have been in conflict with presumed soldiers of a government they are supposed to be helping. No other members of the multinational peacekeeping forces “rushed to provide security” in this case. If SDF personnel discharged their weapons in the execution of a rescue and government soldiers were killed, the SDF would be liable for criminal charges in South Sudan. So why is the government so keen on authorizing the SDF to carry out kaketsuke keigo in South Sudan if, in fact, they can’t legally do so in the most likely instances that call for it? When the LDP got the new security laws passed to expand SDF activities abroad, it changed the SDF from a purely defensive body to something more proactive, and allowing rescue missions fits that posture. During a discussion of the matter on Nippon TV in August , Masahisa Sato, a former SDF commander and current LDP lawmaker, pointed out that presently SDF personnel must “avoid conflict at all costs,” a directive easy to follow since the personnel sent overseas so far were only involved in constructing infrastructure such as roads. “They are not combat troops,” said former U.N. official Kenji Isezaki during the same discussion. “And when they are stationed abroad, they are treated as guests.” This exceptionalism has always bothered Abe, who believes the rest of the world thinks it unfair that Japan doesn’t share in the risk. But while everyone recognizes that South Sudan, the world’s newest country, is in a de facto state of civil war, Japan officially does not even acknowledge it is in a state of conflict. SDF forces may be allowed to bear arms in case they need to defend themselves or carry out a rescue mission but the government wants the public to think there will be no situation in which either action would be a proper response. The media is finally questioning these semantic gymnastics, and say that kaketsuke keigo is not as much of a done deal as it was thought to be. Kenji Goto, the regular commentator on TV Asahi’s nightly news show “Hodo Station” and normally a staunch Abe supporter, concluded that the SDF’s mission in South Sudan was not a humanitarian one. They’re just there so the government can make a point, he said. If Goto won’t defend the administration, then who will?

defense
security
south sudan
tomomi inada


Tourists in Pyongyang offered ultralight aircraft tours for $150

Abstract: PYONGYANG - Until a few months ago, if you wanted a bird’s eye view of North Korea’s capital, there was basically only one option: a 150-meter-tall tower across the river from Kim Il Sung Square. Now, if you have the cash, you can climb into the back seat of an ultralight aircraft. With the support of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, who has vowed to give North Koreans more modern and “cultured” ways to spend their leisure time, and with foreign tourism companies looking to entice visitors with unique things to do besides visit war museums and political monuments, a Pyongyang flying club has started offering short flights over some of the capital’s major sights. The tours, which began in late July, are operated by the Mirim flying club out of a fancy new facility on an old airfield adjacent to another of Kim’s signature modernization projects: a sprawling equestrian club and horse racetrack. Officials say more than 4,000 North Koreans have gone up in the ultralight fleet since, along with “hundreds of foreigners” from 12 countries. The flights go directly over some of Pyongyang’s most iconic spots, including the gargantuan May Day stadium, the torch-tipped Juche Tower and Kim Il Sung Square area, and the Munsu Water Park, yet another of Kim’s leisure spot “gifts” to the city. Flights start off over a typically rural setting, with a mixture of farmland and small hamlets. But that quickly transforms into what one would expect from a city of about 2.5 million: block after block of densely concentrated high-rise residential buildings, some in the drab gray color of concrete but many painted over in pink, beige or blue pastels. Toward the center of the city, spaces open up once again with large public plazas and the parks that surround Pyongyang’s many monuments to its leaders and war memorials. Considerations of places best not subjected to flyovers were almost certainly a factor before the tours could get off the ground. And, just to be safe, photographs taken from the air are screened by club officials after each flight. But seeing the city from a height of 2,000 meters or less while slowly puttering through the skies provides quite a different perspective from anything tourists, and even most Pyongyang residents, had ever been able to get before. The flights aren’t cheap — a 25-minute ride from the airstrip on the outskirts of the city to Kim Il Sung Square and the Juche Tower, which had previously been the best place to get an urban panorama, goes for around $150. Shorter flights are offered at cheaper prices, starting from about $65, but those only fly around the immediate vicinity of the flight club. Prices for North Koreans are much cheaper, though club officials wouldn’t say exactly how much. Officials say the ultralight aircraft used for the flights were made in North Korea.


Japan denies reported plan to jointly administer Russian-held islands

Abstract: Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga on Monday denied a media report that the government is discussing jointly administering with Russia the disputed islands off Hokkaido as it seeks a breakthrough deal on a row that has prevented the two nations from inking a peace treaty to formally end World War II. The Nikkei financial daily reported Monday that Moscow has already been informed of some details about such a proposal, with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe hoping to kick off negotiations on the plan with Russian leader Vladimir Putin at a summit slated for Dec. 15 in Yamaguchi Prefecture, Abe’s home turf. The dispute has long been an obstacle to the two nations signing a peace deal. The four islands have been under the administration of Russia, where they are known as the Southern Kurils, since the former Soviet Union took control of them at the war’s end. Suga denied the Nikkei report, and maintained the government’s stance that Japan will sign a peace treaty only after resolving the fate of all four islands. While the Nikkei said it was unclear which islands would be put under joint administration, the treatment of the bigger islands of Etorofu and Kunashiri has been one of the biggest stumbling blocks in the dispute. While Russia upholds the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration — in which Russia agreed to hand over the smaller Habomai islet group and the island of Shikotan — Japan has argues that the status of all four islands must be settled before a peace treaty can be signed. To break this diplomatic deadlock, Abe and Putin agreed that “a new approach” was needed when they met at the southern Russian resort town of Sochi in May. Whether Russia would even accept a joint-administration plan remains unknown. In 2012, Putin said that the dispute must end in a hikiwake , the Japanese term for a draw in judo parlance. But putting any island under a joint-administration system might not appeal to Russia, which claims lawful control of the four islands. Meanwhile, Russian Ambassador to Japan Evgeny Afanasiev on Monday introduced a message from Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, who said that more cooperation between the two countries will be seen at the summit talks, including development and economic tie-ups. The ambassador read the message during a forum at the Russian Embassy ahead of celebrations marking the 60th anniversary Wednesday of the 1956 joint declaration that normalized the two countries’ diplomatic relations. Lavrov’s comments came after Abe proposed an eight-point economic plan, which has been a driving force in the peace treaty negotiations, during the May talks with Putin in Sochi. Liberal Democratic Party Vice President Masahiko Komura also indicated he has high hopes for the summit and said Abe and Putin have forged a personal relationship, which is necessary for the negotiations go move forward.

shinzo abe
vladimir putin
disputed islands
russia-japan relations


Abe-Putin summit to open door to isle row solution

Abstract: When Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russian President Vladimir Putin met in the Russian resort town of Sochi in May, they agreed on one thing: the need for a new approach to settling the dispute over four islands off Hokkaido. The islands, which the Soviet Union seized toward the end of World War II, stretch to the southern tip of the Kamchatka Peninsula and are the subject of a 71-year-old dispute that has prevented the two countries from signing a peace treaty to formally end the war. Because Putin finally plans to visit Japan in December, speculation is growing the two sides might start the process of resolving the dispute. Critics say the two leaders, both boasting strong electoral mandates, are expected to make progress as Russia and Japan mark the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations this year. Let’s take a closer look at what could happen when Abe hosts Putin in his hometown of Nagato, Yamaguchi Prefecture. How is Tokyo trying to resolve the territorial dispute? According to several reports, Japan has a two-track approach that entails accepting the return of the Habomai islets and Shikotan while continuing negotiations for the return of the two larger islands, Kunashiri and Etorofu. Tokyo might also propose putting Kunashiri and Etorofu under tentative joint administration while offering economic cooperation and seeking visa-free visits to the islands by Japanese, some reports say. Some 17,000 Russians reside on the four isles, according to the Foreign Ministry, and Russia has built hundreds of military structures on Kunashiri and Etorofu. Is this approach new? Not really. Tokyo’s official stance is that the two countries should settle who owns all four isles before signing a peace treaty. But in the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration that normalized diplomatic relations, the former Soviet Union agreed to hand over Habomai and Shikotan only after a peace treaty was signed. The two-track approach has been supported by politicians including Muneo Suzuki, an influential former Diet member from Hokkaido. Suzuki, who has an extensive network of contacts in the Kremlin, has been advising Abe on the matter since the end of last year. Officially speaking, Abe says Japan’s stance is that the four islands must be returned. But a source close to him says he is not necessarily sticking to this stance in order to break the stalemate. Other top figures, including Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida and Nobuo Kishi, senior vice foreign minister and Abe’s younger brother, said Tokyo will mull as many options as possible to end the dispute. Will Putin accept this? It is uncertain, but Putin has shown a willingness to adhere to the 1956 Japan-Soviet Joint Declaration. In 2001, he and then-Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori signed the Irkutsk Statement, the first official document to recognize the 1956 declaration as a basic legal document. Nobuo Shimotomai, a Hosei University professor and specialist in Japan-Russia relations, said the two-track scenario somewhat follows the Irkutsk Statement. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov hinted last week that the gradual approach was still viable. “With regard to the territorial dispute, it requires more patience, and a phased approach is needed,” Peskov told Russian news agency RIA Novosti. “Most importantly, it requires a reliable base in terms of mutual trust, which arises during the development of trade and economic relations.” “Peskov’s message can be interpreted as meaning both sides can agree to settle the issue if they take a gradual approach over a longer time span,” Shimotomai said. Economic cooperation could be key. When Abe visited Sochi in May, he proposed an eight-point economic cooperation plan that reportedly amounts to nearly ¥1 trillion. He also tasked Hiroshige Seko, minister of economy, trade and industry, with pursuing economic cooperation with Russia, indicating he is serious about moving the issue forward. Seko said last week that he aims to visit Moscow before Abe meets with Putin on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum meeting in Peru in November and flesh out the plan. James Brown, an associate professor at Temple University, said he is skeptical the Kremlin will accept the plan because leaving room for negotiations over Etorofu and Kunashiri does not resolve the problem for the Russians. “The Putin administration would be willing to transfer Habomai and Shikotan in exchange for the peace treaty and put an end to this issue, if Japan gives up on the other two islands,” said Brown. Brown also said that at the summit in December, it might be more realistic for both sides to agree on less critical issues, such as visa-free access to the islands by Japanese citizens. This would benefit Abe by producing progress for Japan and help Putin by bringing much needed economic assistance and development to the islands, he said. What factors could hamper their efforts to reach a deal? One risk that could spoil Abe’s delicate balancing act with Russia is the United States. President Barack Obama was wary of Abe’s visit to Sochi in May, when Russia was still under international sanctions for its annexation of the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine in 2014. Obama reportedly told Abe not to go to Sochi but was rebuffed. Abe maintains that Crimea and the isles off Hokkaido are separate issues, and his government has sought to allay U.S. officials by saying that improving Japan-Russia ties would benefit regional security. Abe is also thinking post-Obama. When Abe met with Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton last month in New York, the former secretary of state accepted Abe’s engagement with Russia, according to Kurt Campbell, who was assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs under Clinton. Yet Brown of Temple University warns that the international climate surrounding Syria could be risky for Abe. He said any aggressive actions by Russia in Syria — including the bombing of hospitals or U.S. assets close to the December summit — will put Abe in a difficult situation. Engagement with Russia could anger Japan’s Group of Seven colleagues, especially with U.S.-Russia relations hitting rock bottom over Syria.

shinzo abe
vladimir putin
northern territories
russia-japan relations


Japan slides to 111th in WEF gender equality rankings

Abstract: Japan’s efforts to bridge the gender divide have failed to translate into substantial change, with the nation sliding to 111th in a global inequality ranking report released Wednesday. The Global Gender Gap Report 2016, an annual benchmarking exercise by the World Economic Forum (WEF), found that despite Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s push for women to play a greater role in society, the nation had done little to make more use of its female talent since its ranking at 101st last year. Contributing most to the drop, the WEF said, was the gender gap for professional and technical workers, with Japan ranking 118th for economic participation and opportunity — down from 106th last year. However, it had made progress in reducing the gender gap in areas such as tertiary education enrolment and women’s representation among lawmakers, senior officials and managers, and in improving wage equality for similar work, the WEF said. Japan also ranked higher this year in the key areas of education attainment and health and survival. Regionally, the report, which ranks 144 countries, showed that East Asia and the Pacific has closed 68 percent of its gender gap. But the WEF said the region contains stark contrasts, with a large distance between the most gender-equal societies such as the Philippines (7), which ranked highest among Asian nations, and New Zealand (9), and economic heavyweights China (99), Japan and South Korea (116). “The sluggish pace of change in these larger nations in part explains why current projections suggest the region will not close its economic gap for another 111 years,” the WEF said. The organization, based in Geneva, Switzerland, said on a global scale a slowdown in progress meant economic parity between the sexes could take 170 years, noting chronic imbalances in salaries and workforce participation despite women attending university in equal or higher numbers than men in 95 countries. Nordic nations, meanwhile, remain the world’s most gender-equal societies, led by Iceland (1), Finland (2), Norway (3) and Sweden (4). Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said that while the overall ranking went down, individual areas such as education, health care and political participation improved. “The government is promoting female power as the biggest potential driver for economic growth,” he said. “Under the government of Abe, about 1 million jobs have been created for women, and the number of female board members of companies listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange has more than doubled. “We will keep continuing with these efforts,” he added.


Japan, Russia diplomats to meet Thursday to prepare for Abe-Putin summit

Abstract: Senior Japanese and Russian diplomats will meet next Thursday in Moscow to prepare for a summit between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Vladimir Putin in December, Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida said Friday. Vice Foreign Minister Shinsuke Sugiyama and First Deputy Foreign Minister Vladimir Titov are expected to discuss a decades-old dispute over four Russian-administered, Japanese-claimed islets off Hokkaido. “The dialogue will focus on global issues the two sides have strategic interests in, such as the North Korean and Syrian issues. At the same time, they will also discuss bilateral issues,” Kishida told reporters. Abe has shown strong enthusiasm to make progress on the territorial talks when he meets Putin on Dec. 15 in his home prefecture of Yamaguchi. The territorial row has prevented the two neighbors from concluding a post-World War II peace treaty. The strategic dialogue between Sugiyama and Titov will be the first such talks for the countries since February 2013. They will also discuss responses to North Korea’s repeated nuclear tests and missile launches despite global calls for the reclusive state to refrain from provocative acts. Following a fifth nuclear test by Pyongyang last month, Japan is seeking cooperation from Russia and other countries to adopt a new U.N. Security Council resolution to impose tougher sanctions on North Korea.

shinzo abe
vladimir putin
russia
disputed islands
shinsuke sugiyama
vladimir titov


Japan, U.S. to sign pact limiting SOFA coverage of 'civilian component' base workers

Abstract: The Japanese and U.S. governments have agreed to sign a new pact to narrow the scope of U.S. military base workers provided limited legal immunity under the bilateral status of forces agreement, diplomatic sources said Thursday. The new pact is aimed at assuaging the anti-U.S. base sentiment in Okinawa triggered by the arrest of a civilian U.S. base worker for the murder in April of a local woman. It is expected to be signed by year’s end by Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida and U.S. Ambassador to Japan Caroline Kennedy, the sources said. The pact will supplement the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement, under which U.S. base workers classified as the “civilian component” and U.S. military personnel are entitled to U.S. primary jurisdiction if accused of a crime while on duty. The supplementary pact is expected to exclude from the “civilian component” category civilian base contractors without a high degree of skills or knowledge and place them under Japanese jurisdiction, the sources said. It would likely exclude the U.S. base contractor, Kenneth Franklin Shinzato, who is to be tried for the murder last April of a 20-year-old woman while working for an internet firm at Kadena Air Base in Okinawa. The government of Okinawa, where the bulk of U.S. bases are concentrated, has said the definition of “civilian component” is unclear. Responding to the public outrage in Okinawa sparked by the murder, the Japanese and U.S. governments said in July they had agreed to group U.S. base civilian personnel into four categories: Civilians paid by the U.S. government to work for the U.S. military in Japan; civilians working on U.S. military-operated vessels and aircraft; U.S. government employees staying in Japan for official purposes related to the military; and technical advisers and consultants staying in Japan at the invitation of the military. As of March, there were about 7,000 U.S. civilian workers at U.S. military bases in Japan, U.S. officials said. At a working-level meeting in September, the two governments agreed to sign the supplementary pact before U.S. President Barack Obama leaves office next January, after which Kennedy is also expected to be replaced as the U.S. ambassador to Japan, the sources said.

okinawa
u.s .
fumio kishida
caroline kennedy
sofa
crimes
japan


The bright side, and dark, of Japan's university beauty contests

Abstract: On Oct. 4, Keio University in Tokyo announced that a student group responsible for organizing its annual beauty pageant had been ordered to disband for conducting “dangerous acts,” including forcing minors to drink. The announcement was soon followed by news that male members of the group, called the Keio Advertisement Society, gang-raped a female student, although the elite private school later said it was unable to confirm the allegation. The disbanding of the group caused the Miss Keio Contest, known as one of the most flamboyant university beauty pageants in the country, to be called off this year — and likely for years to come. What’s all the fuss about university beauty pageants? The Japan Times takes a closer look at how the tradition developed in Japan. What do campus beauty contests mean to students? For the students, a beauty pageant is a way to show the world what they are capable of, said Kyohei Matsumoto, 22, of Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo. Matsumoto heads a group of Aoyama Gakuin students who are organizing the annual Miss Aoyama contest, which it says is Japan’s oldest university beauty pageant. The first Miss Aoyama contest was organized in 1977, Matsumoto said. “The good thing about the contest is that everything is organized by students from scratch, from where to hold the event to what to do at the contest and how to promote it,” Matsumoto said. For female nominees, being named a candidate is a huge plus for those who dream of working as TV broadcasters because they become campus celebrities. Winning is considered a significant stepping stone to entering such a highly coveted career. Several TV announcers have taken this route: 1996 runner-up Miss Aoyama Christel Takigawa became a freelance anchorwoman, and 1999 Miss Keio Minako Nakano and 2011 Miss Sophia University Reina Uchida have become news announcers at Fuji TV. What about the universities? Matsumoto believes the schools view beauty contests as publicity tools that can be used to attract more prospective students. About 200 universities hold them. When are the contests held and what are the criteria? Although procedures vary from place to place, beauty contests are often billed as the main event of a university’s autumn festival. About three to 10 nominees are selected, with the winner decided by both online and physical voting at the contest site. They are also usually open to the public, meaning nonstudents can vote as well. Candidates are judged by appearance, personality, skills, stage performances and social media presence. Some universities hold a male pageant in conjunction with the female one. Others hold contests for men who dress like women, and vice versa. One school, Tokyo Institute of Technology, where nearly 90 percent of the undergraduates are male, holds an annual Mr. Beauty contest to recognize the most beautiful cross-dresser. Why do the pageants have such a high profile? University beauty pageants have become increasingly important to big business. For some companies, university beauty pageants are considered as an effective way to promote products to students, who have become a difficult demographic to reach because they watch less TV, said Masaya Hasegawa of You Can Pass Co., an advertising agency specializing in marketing to students. Companies, especially cosmetics makers, apparel companies and waxing salons, sign up to sponsor pageants at major universities. They provide products to the nominees for free while asking them to spread positive messages about them on social media in return. For instance, one of this year’s candidates for the Miss Aoyama contest has about 10,000 followers on Twitter. “Young people know that TV celebrities are out of their reach. … They know that beautiful celebrities are not using the shampoo they are advertising,” Hasegawa said. But if that same product is promoted by a student, the message becomes more appealing, he said. Other firms offer eye-popping prizes to the nominees just to create a buzz online, Hasegawa said. For example, some of the companies that sponsored the Miss Aoyama contest in 2015 gave away trips to Hawaii or parcels of land to the finalists. Another offered to give a nominee a job. While praising commercial support, Matsumoto of Aoyama Gakuin pointed to the risk of the pageants being hijacked. “I’m concerned the event will become too commercialized,” Matsumoto said. “The event would be no longer ours if we only did things just to make companies happy. That is not what we are hoping for.” Does everyone support the contests? No. Like other beauty pageants, critics say they’re sexist. In 2011, a plan to launch a beauty pageant at International Christian University in western Tokyo was scrapped after drawing the ire of students, alumni and others opposed to the idea. “We stand against beauty pageants because they have a history of reinforcing a unitary concept of ‘women’s beauty,’ which is highly racialized, somatically normative, and classed, as well as a history of functioning as a tool for sexual objectification of women,” a group opposed to the event said in a statement written in English. Some universities, like Meiji University in Tokyo, organize the contests like a fashion show instead of a beauty contest. Others, like elite Waseda University, don’t allow students to hold official beauty contests in its name.

university
keio university
beauty pageant


Seeking remedies for maladies new, old and absurd

Abstract: The Sept. 29 cover of Shukan Bunshun was adorned with an illustration of legendary New York Yankees slugger Babe Ruth, portrayed by Makoto Wada in a pinstripe uniform and with bat in hand. Ruth’s amazing batting records were attributed in part to his remarkably good eyesight. There’s a slight irony here because the same issue of Shukan Bunshun carries a three-page article warning readers to beware the ravages of sumaho rōgan — presbyopia (longsightedness typically associated with aging) brought on by prolonged squinting at the tiny screen of a smartphone. The eyes depend on ciliary muscles to adjust the focus on objects according to their distance from the viewer. When the ciliary muscles lose their flexibility, their ability to change the lens thickness results in the condition Japanese call rōgan (literally, “old eyes”). “Before, it was rare for people in their 20s and 30s to seek treatment for eye fatigue, but recently their numbers have been soaring,” Misaki Ishikoka, a Tokyo ophthalmologist who specializes in diagnosing and treating the problem, tells the magazine. “We have to consider that it may be related to the growing use of smartphones.” Actually, three factors may contribute to deteriorated vision: distance, reduced frequency of blinks and “blue light.” Holding the phone too close — 20 or 30 centimeters from the face — will strain the eye muscles. Reduced frequency of blinks will dry the eyes and cause irritation — smartphone users blink as few as six times per minute, about half that of someone reading a book. The third factor is so-called blue light, high-energy light in the visible spectrum — emitted by displays, and which can damage the retina. An existing condition of presbyopia may also be aggravated by smartphone use, leading to other physical problems such as stiff shoulders or headaches. Phone users may just keep popping aspirin for the pain, not realizing their smartphone may be the cause. Meanwhile, a report in Shukan Asahi (Oct. 7) probes the growing problem of constipation among primary school children, who may complain of such discomforts as feeling pain during evacuation due to hard or unusually large stools. When Japan Toilet Labo conducted an internet survey of 4,833 primary schoolchildren and their parents, it found that 20.2 percent of the children complained of constipation, with 7.6 percent saying they evacuate less than once every three days. Only 32 percent of parents were aware that their children had such problems. The solution clearly lies in education. In Shukan Asahi, Atsushi Kato, director of Japan Toilet Labo, advises parents to clean toilets together with their children and offer praise when they complete a bowel movement. “Cleaning the toilet together is a ideal time to teach them about the importance of evacuation,” said Kato. “We want them to talk about toilets and poop. Asking kids to describe their bowel movements will give a parent important clues concerning their child’s diet, exercise and sleep.” In a survey conducted last March, Kato’s organization learned that nearly half of all primary school students try to avoid defecating at school. Almost 68 percent of boys eschewed the school toilets, compared with fewer than 30 percent of girls. One reason for the boys’ higher number may be related to bullying or harassment in restrooms. As one remedy, more primary schools have been modernizing lavatory stalls to accord more privacy to users. Measles may not normally be regarded as a sexually transmitted disease, but Shukan Jitsuwa (Oct. 6) speculates that visitors to the Tobita red-light district in Osaka’s Nishinari Ward may find themselves with an embarrassing case of the virus. This claim is based on an outbreak of measles that flared up in mid-August, infecting over 30 workers at Kansai International Airport. The health authorities scrambled, and some 900 people received vaccinations. The airport is less than an hour by train to Osaka’s Airin district, a congested area close to Tobita that is populated by many day laborers and elderly people, and which recently has been attracting backpackers and other low-budget travelers with its cheap lodgings. Shukan Jitsuwa worries that infected travelers might carry the contagion. “Some may see measles as a minor annoyance, but lots of elderly are residing here,” said a person who performs volunteer work in Airin. “An outbreak could be a disaster. And if it breaks out in Airin, it will definitely spread to Tobita as well.” A medical journalist tells the magazine that this could be a serious concern: “When people who haven’t contracted measles as children grow to adulthood their resistance becomes lower. In the event of a mass outbreak, measles can cause potentially fatal inflammation of the brain, or pneumonia, among the elderly or infirm. So it can’t be taken lightly.” Bad eyesight, constipation and measles weren’t the only health-related stories appearing in the weeklies, which also tackled premature dementia, syphilis, damaged tooth enamel and the financial collapse of the medical industry in Japan. For people worried they may be developing premature dementia, Shukan Shincho (Sep. 8) offers a checklist of 12 items. They include taking much longer to perform a familiar task; disregarding one’s personal appearance; and difficulty operating the TV remote control. Sunday Mainichi (Sep. 11) notes that the old scourge of syphilis is becoming a problem again, with 764 reported cases among women last year — a sixfold increase from 2010. The cause of the rise is not fully understood, but the disease has also been spreading rapidly in mainland China. Shukan Gendai (Sep. 24-Oct. 1) warned that people past age 60 should stop brushing their teeth with commercial preparations, as it wears down tooth enamel. The article cited Akira Mori’s latest book published by Kodansha in August — titled “Ha wa Migaite wa Ikenai” (“Don’t Brush Your Teeth”) — which suggests that brushing can raise the risk of becoming bedridden and may aggravate the progression of Alzheimer’s disease. The book’s advice? Run the tip of your tongue over your teeth instead. Finally, Aera (Oct. 3) devotes 16 pages to the medical profession, including a prediction that the current health system’s finances will go bust — possibly in as soon as five years. Physicians, heal thy system.