There's nothing weird about 'sexless' Japan

Abstract: Japan has somehow earned a reputation as a “sexless” country — a place where men and women have lost their libidos. The reasons given are various but mainly have to do with increased introversion and general loss of sociability among young people. This theme is catnip to editors at overseas newspapers, where stories about “weird Japan” — regardless of their veracity — are always good for a laugh because they’re strange and harmless. Within Japan, this sexless reputation is an embarrassment, especially to older men who like to think of themselves as having been actively virile in their youths. The theme was revisited anew last week when the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research released the results of its latest study , conducted every five years, on the state of intersexual affairs, especially as it pertains to the very real issue of sinking birthrates. The statistics that attracted the most scrutiny in the press were those related to single people aged 18-34, which revealed that young folks just aren’t getting it on, as everyone feared. The results of the survey, which was conducted in June of last year, say that 69 percent of male respondents and 59 percent of women respondents do not have an opposite-sex kōsai aite , a term that translates directly as “interaction partner.” And of these respondents in total, 30 percent say they have no “hope” for such a relationship. Moreover, 42 percent of both sexes remain virgins. In its coverage of the study on Sept. 15, Sankei Shimbun related these numbers with cold fatalism, and didn’t state any of the reasons for the national whoopee withdrawal until the end of the article when it claimed that the main culprit was “financial security.” The Mainichi Shimbun covered the same report but in addition to sexual lassitude it also focused on feelings about having children from both singles and married people, which is the real purpose of the study. The number of children people expect to have in the future is less than it was the last time the study was done in 2010. More to the point, the number of children that people “want” to have is also smaller, which reveals more about the reason why young Japanese don’t aggressively seek sexual partners: lack of money. Based on these two newspapers’ reports, the study has different meanings depending on which statistics the editors focus on. Obviously, Sankei thinks the sexless angle is more interesting if not more relevant, while Mainichi takes the longer view as it relates to the falling birthrate. In both cases, the results are presented sensationally, an aspect of reporting that writer and critic Maki Fukasawa finds disingenuous. Fukasawa is the person who coined the phrase “ sōshoku danshi ” (“ herbivore males “) 10 years ago. The media enthusiastically adopted the phrase to describe what they saw as an increasing trend among certain young men who, supposedly, weren’t interested in sex. But that meaning was not what Fukasawa had in mind when she came up with the term. To her, herbivorous men were just as interested in sex as any Japanese males. They just weren’t aggressive about it. From her standpoint as a woman, the description was indicative of a welcome change from previous generations of men who only looked upon women in terms of sexual availability and desirability. Now, Fukasawa is saying that the media is also misconstruing the meaning of the government study, perhaps on purpose. During a recent discussion on Bunka Hoso’s “ Golden Radio ” talk show, she pointed out that the survey summary is 56 pages long but reporters only read the one-page press release, which boils everything down to statistics. From there, each reporter picked the numbers he found the most useful and built his article around them. The first problem Fukasawa has with the coverage is the term “kōsai aite.” It’s obvious reporters and respondents think it means sexual intercourse, which could cause confusion with regard to the types of “aite” listed for investigation: “fiancee,” “lover” and “friend.” The first two types are normally considered sexual partners, but for men at least the meaning of “female friend” has changed over time. Thirty years ago when the survey was conducted for the first time, 24 percent of male respondents said they had “kōsai” with “female friends,” while now the number is only 6 percent. This is one of the findings that perplexed Sankei. Fukasawa thinks that young men in 1987, even if they weren’t sleeping with female acquaintances, checked the box for “friend” because they tended to think of all relationships with women as being potentially sexual. Today’s young men don’t, and so didn’t check that box. Fukasawa tried to explain this discrepancy to reporters after the last study in 2010 and was told her interpretation “was boring.” “This time, no one (in the media) called and asked for my opinion,” she said on the “Bunka Hoso” program, much to the amusement of her female interlocutors in the studio. “They think I’m wrong because I say they’re wrong.” She concedes that questions about partners are open to interpretation, but she’s baffled about the way the questions about sexual experience were reported. The media expressed shock that 42 percent of young men and 44 percent of young women are virgins, an increase from 2010 but pretty much the same percentages reported in the 1987 survey. In other words, sexual impulses haven’t changed all that much in 30 years, but sexual attitudes have — and she thinks that’s a good thing. The real value of the study is in showing the effect of the economy. The numbers of young people dating or getting married increased steadily until 2000, at which point they leveled off. Since the recession of 2008, the numbers have been dropping. When people feel secure, they’re more likely to seek romantic commitments. It’s not rocket science, but, as those reporters told Fukasawa, it’s not news either.


Tokyo Bay steamer hits rocks; Tokyo slums may be cleared; Tokyo sets up bins for 'embarrassing trash'; Kaifu won't seek re-election

Abstract: 100 YEARS AGO Sunday, Oct. 22, 1916 Tokyo Bay steamer hits rocks near Sasage The Tsu-un Maru of the Tokyo Bay Steamship Co. grounded near Sasage, Chiba, early yesterday morning. The steamer, which runs between Tokyo and Tateyama, left Reiganjima at 10 o’clock on Friday evening for Tateyama, and as she was preceeding off Sasage, Chiba Prefecture, on Saturday morning, she suddenly ran on the rocks. The fishermen of Sasage noticed the distress signals, and went to the rescue of the 46 passengers and the crew, all of whom were saved. Early Saturday morning a dense fog set in, and the captain mistaking the course ran the ship on the rocks. Capt. T. Deguchi, 62 years old, has run steamers across Tokyo Bay for the past 30 years, and this is reported to be his first accident. When the steamer struck, some of the passengers lost their tempers and accused the captain of falling asleep while on duty. Deguchi was so chagrined that he attempted to throw himself overboard. 75 YEARS AGO Thursday, Oct. 9, 1941 Shiobashi, Hamazono slums may be cleared The slum quarters of Shiobashi and Hamazono in Fukagawa Ward will soon be cleared if Tokyo’s plan for removing the inhabitants turns out satisfactory. It was just after the great earthquake of 1923 that these quarters came into being. Many daily laborers hit by the quake came one after another to find shelters there. The result is that now the two districts are inhabited by about 230 households holding some 1,200 people. The lure of the spots for these people has been that since they are newly reclaimed land possessed by the city, they expected they could live there without paying any rent. So they have lived up to the present without paying rent. The city authorities could not very well squeeze rent out of them. Recently, however, the need for the reclaimed land became more keen to the city than ever. The land must be recovered from the poor inhabitants at any cost, the city thought. With the object of removing the people, the city has just completed preparations to furnish a certain vacant lot Edagawa-cho in the same ward. The lot now has a number of empty houses so that the removed people may live there with low rent. To encourage them, the city will make it possible for the new arrivals to live without paying rates for gas and electric light. The only question still remaining, Domei News Agency fears, is whether the new move of the city will come to work as it expects. The slum quarter people may or may not be encouraged by the new conditions, which, however better, necessarily involves some payment for their house rents of which their old sites are completely free. 50 YEARS AGO Sunday, Oct. 09, 1966 Tokyo sets up bins for ’embarrassing trash’ The Metropolitan Police Department has set up some 44 white trash boxes at various points throughout the city. This is news enough, it might be commented. However, these boxes are of a particular kind of trash — namely, obscene literature. The project is being carried out by the MPD’s Juvenile Section, in cooperation with the Tokyo Mothers Association. It is one phase of a “Three Don’ts” campaign: “Don’t let it be read,” “Don’t let it be seen” and “Don’t let it be sold.” Added to each of the imperatives the qualifying words “to juveniles” are understood. The receptacles have been placed in what are considered to be strategic points, that is railway stations. They provide a convenience for those who are embarrassed by the possession of trashy magazines or books while on their way home. Unfortunately, though, many of the readers of such filth are likely to be the unembarrassable types. Others would be embarrassed to be seen depositing anything into such a container. Expectations for the results of this project, as measured by the volume of obscene material collected, should not be placed high. Yet if it does nothing more than to encourage a sense of embarrassment over possessing obscene literature it will have been worth the effort. That is what society has lost and needs to regain. To embarrass the merchants of the stuff, though, is a goal to work toward. 25 YEARS AGO Saturday Oct. 5, 1991 Kaifu decides not to seek re-election Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu decided Friday not to seek re-election as president of the Liberal Democratic Party when it became clear that the faction that installed him two months ago will not support him. Kaifu reported his abrupt decision to senior leaders of the LDP, including former Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita and former Deputy Prime Minister Shin Kanemaru. Kanemaru is the powerful co-leader of the Takeshita faction, which controlled the government through Kaifu. The prime minister is expected to formally announce at a press conference set for 3 p.m. today his decision to step down Oct. 30 at the end of his current term. Political observers’ attention is now focused on whether the 106-strong Takeshita faction will field its own candidate for the next LDP president or whether it will throw its support to one of the three presidential hopefuls who lead their own factions: Kiichi Miyazawa, former deputy prime minister; Michio Watanabe, former chairman of the LDP Policy Affairs Research Council; and Hiroshi Mitsuzuka, former foreign minister. The three leaders are also expected to make announcements today of their bids for the LDP presidency.

pornography
toshiki kaifu
shiobashi
hamazono
obscene literature


Head-turning camera puts new spin on Tokyo tourist sites

Abstract: Talk about revolutionary. Ricoh’s Theta S camera shoots 360 degrees and turns out head-spinning spherical images when paired with an image-processing app. The camera, which has two lenses, can be hand-held or triggered by remote control. It turns well-known Tokyo tourist sites into scenes of fantasy, producing images that might come straight from “Alice in Wonderland.” The busy Shibuya scramble crossing, where up to 3,000 people surge across the intersection every time the light turns green, becomes a small, densely populated planet with buildings sticking out like trees. The nearby statue of Hachiko, the district’s most famous dog, can be made to watch over the crowds, waiting loyally for its owner to come back, as legend has it the dog did in the 1930s. An image of Sensoji Temple’s Kaminarimon gate in the Asakusa district makes the giant red lantern pop out. Taking the same, rabbit-hole-like approach, downtown Shinjuku gets its neon-lit buildings squashed together. In short, the camera’s images make a walk in the park or a stroll on the streets more intriguing, and you can easily share the fun with friends and family on social media. A pinch and a click on Theta’s app allows users to edit the photos and post them online. The Kaminarimon gate at Sensoji Temple in Tokyo’s Asakusa district gets a new twist in this Sept. 17 image. | YOSHIAKI MIURA The neon-lit buildings of Tokyo’s Shinjuku Ward get ringed by pedestrians in this head-spinning Sept. 25 image. | YOSHIAKI MIURA The bronze statue of the dog Hachiko in front of Shibuya Station in Tokyo pops out from the crowd in this Sept. 25 image. | YOSHIAKI MIURA Sensoji Temple in the Asakusa district of Tokyo is transformed into a miniature planet in this image taken on Sept. 17. | YOSHIAKI MIURA An image taken inside the Kaminarimon gate at Sensoji Temple in Asakusa, Tokyo, gives it a new perspective on Sept. 17. | YOSHIAKI MIURA Japan Times staff photographer Yoshiaki Miura experiments with Ricoh’s Theta S 360 degree camera in Tokyo’s Yoyogi Park on Sept. 25. | YOSHIAKI MIURA Shibuya Shibuya Post from RICOH THETA. – Spherical Image – RICOH THETA

shinjuku shibuya technology camera ricoh asakusa theta


Airbnb scores tourism-promotion deal with city in Iwate

Abstract: Airbnb Inc., a popular U.S. online marketplace and home-stay network, and Kamaishi, Iwate Prefecture, have agreed to join hands on promoting tourism in the city, the company’s first deal with a Japanese municipality. The city in Japan’s tsunami-ravaged northeast is scheduled to host matches for the Rugby World Cup in 2019 and aims to host more tourists with the help of the globally famous network. The move last week came as the government makes efforts to stimulate tourism by drafting rules for the burgeoning minpaku industry, which involves paid accommodation using private houses or apartments. Airbnb and Kamaishi are expected to work together to bolster public relations activities for tourists and increase the number of households and individuals willing to host foreign guests. The U.S. firm, whose services are available in 191 countries, has expressed a desire to cooperate with more government entities in Japan. Kamaishi Mayor Takenori Noda said at a press conference with Airbnb co-founder Joe Gebbia in Tokyo that the city would face difficulty providing accommodations for the rugby event without Airbnb’s backing. Gebbia said the firm will be able to support Kamaishi, noting it has helped cities that hosted Olympic events handle more visitors than initially planned. Airbnb profits by charging percentage service fees from both guests and hosts for every accommodation booked through its site.

great east japan earthquake
iwate
kamaishi
airbnb


Osaka bids to rekindle magic of 1970 Expo but taxpayers doubt lofty plan's claims

Abstract: OSAKA - Like millions of others who attended Osaka’s 1970 World Exposition, Kazuhiko Masuda, who was just 10 years old at the time, can still vividly recall it today. “I remember standing in line for a very long time to see a moon rock brought back by the Apollo astronauts,” the now 56-year-old Osaka-based architect said. “The Expo was all about the future, and everyone felt excited at what it might bring.” But although the city of Osaka hopes to rekindle the magic of 1970 by hosting another World Expo in 2025, lightning — as the saying goes — never strikes the same place twice. “1970 was long ago and Japan is a much different nation now,” Masuda said. “I’m not sure another Osaka Expo could be as successful, and I’m worried it will end up losing money.” Despite concerns that another Expo could add to the region’s economic woes, Osaka leaders are adamant on bidding for the 2025 event. With the central government offering to support their effort late last month, Osaka politicians and senior business leaders are gearing up to gain local and national backing. The winning bid will be awarded by the Paris-based Bureau International des Expositions (BIE) next year, with Osaka’s top rival likely to be Paris, which is reportedly preparing its own bid. Many older Osakans still fondly remember the phenomenal success of the 1970 Expo, which drew over 64 million people at a time when Japan was enjoying unbridled economic growth. Since then, city and prefectural officials have attempted, with little success, to replicate the impact of the 1970 Expo by embarking on large public works projects and holding international events — policies that noted business consultant Kenichi Ohmae once blasted as “festival economics.” The concept for 2025, though, is very different from 1970. Late last month, the Osaka Prefectural Government released a detailed proposal for hosting the Expo. Based on the theme “Our Health, Our Future,” the plan aims to appeal to those who were kids when they visited the original Osaka Expo but focus on health care and related issues they’ll face as retirees in 2025. As Japan and other developed countries grapple with graying populations and declining birthrates, maintaining the fitness and quality of life of seniors will be a major issue in 2025, the plan noted. “Turning to the situation in Japan, by 2025, all members of the baby-boomer generation will be at least 75 years old, and more than 30 percent of the total population will be over the age of 65, with women’s life expectancy likely to be over 90,” it said. An Osaka Expo would therefore focus on advances in the health industry, including robots for elderly care, as well as technologies to enable self-diagnosis of medical conditions. “The World Expo has been a festival that offers a glimpse of novelties worldwide,” the plan said. “But we want to make it ‘a new Expo’ where people worldwide would debate, find a solution and change their behavior, which would change society.” The plan says the Expo would be held on the man-made island of Yumeshima in the city’s port district, which also happens to be a favored candidate spot for hosting Japan’s first integrated resort — a casino with convention facilities, hotels, shopping and other amenities. The hope is that by 2025, the Diet will have legalized casinos, with the nation’s first one up and running to greet Expo visitors. Hosting the Expo, the Kansai business community believes, would be an excellent chance to introduce tourists to the complex. “The hosting of the Expo has to be part of an overall plan to develop the area, a plan that includes the creation of an integrated resort facility,” Shosuke Mori, chairman of the Kansai Economic Federation, said earlier this month. The Expo would begin in March or April 2025 and last roughly six months. The prefecture wants to hold it over the rainy season and the blistering hot summer in the hope, it says, of attracting as many foreign tourists as possible. But no one in Osaka expects anywhere near the number of visitors that came to the 1970 Expo. The prefecture predicts 30 million people will visit, of which nearly 18.4 million are expected to come from Osaka and the surrounding prefectures of Kyoto, Nara, Hyogo, Wakayama, and Shiga. Another 3.2 million people are expected to come from the Kanto region and yet another 7 million from other parts of the country. The last expo in Japan, the 2005 Expo in Nagoya, drew 22 million visitors. Officials also hope the event will lure some 1.4 million people from overseas. Last week, they said talks were underway to run the Expo 24/7. As to how much it would cost — and what the payoff would be — construction is estimated at between ¥120 billion and ¥130 billion, with operating costs at ¥74 billion. In figures that have sparked controversy, the prefecture claims the Expo could generate economic effects of ¥2.3 trillion directly and another ¥4.1 trillion indirectly for the entire country. But with estimates for the troubled Tokyo 2020 Olympics rising well beyond the originally announced figures, the prefecture faces growing concern among taxpayers like Masuda that the bill will be much higher than anticipated. To address these concerns, Osaka Gov. Ichiro Matsui made it clear late last month that he expects central government backing for the Expo if Osaka wins, and private enterprises outside the Kansai region to shoulder part of the costs. “This is a bid for a Japan Expo that the central government has stuck its hand up for,” Matsui said. “We will also want not only the Kansai business community but also businesses around the country to help cover the costs.” Thus, as is possible with the Tokyo 2020 Olympics, businesses and taxpayers outside Kansai may get stuck with part of the Osaka Expo bill if the rosy predictions about its future economic benefits turn out to be empty promises.

osaka
ichiro matsui
2025 world expo
1970 world expo


Space exploration and human evolution

Abstract: Can we become a multiplanetary species? There have been several spectacular announcements along these lines recently. Both SpaceX founder Elon Musk and Amazon founder Jeff Bezos have unveiled ambitious plans and tested rockets. Now aerospace multinational Boeing has ramped up its plans to get to Mars. What we’re doing is more than just becoming multiplanetary, however — we are intervening in human evolution. In short, we are accelerating our own speciation. Some might look at what we’re doing to the Earth and suggest that the human “infection” shouldn’t be allowed to spread in the cosmos. Others, and it’s the majority view, held by people such as the physicist Stephen Hawking, say it’s the only way to ensure the long-term survival of our species. Whichever view you subscribe to, there is a new space race in operation. Musk and Bezos are developing rockets — the Falcon Heavy and Blue Origin, respectively — to transport people to Mars. Boeing CEO Dennis Muilenburg announced that he wants his company to be the first to get to the red planet. He has a contract with NASA to transport U.S. astronauts to the International Space Station, as has Musk. But Muilenburg is very serious about Mars. “I’m convinced that the first person to step foot on Mars will arrive there riding on a Boeing rocket,” he said in Chicago last week. Boeing has the advantage of collaboration with NASA. Boeing’s rocket is called the Space Launch System that, incidentally, is powered by RS-25 engines, a model that was used on space shuttles, and has since been refitted and re-tested. SpaceX’s Falcon Heavy rocket is also an impressive beast. It is due to make its first test flight later this year, and when it does it will be the biggest operational rocket in the world by a factor of two. Its design is impressive; it’s big enough to carry more than 54 tons of payload into orbit. That, SpaceX says, is equivalent to an entire 737 jet loaded with passengers, crew, luggage and fuel. SpaceX also has plans for their Interplanetary Transport System — a commercial passenger rocket big enough for 100 people. Musk’s timeline is ambitious to say the least — he wants to launch the first people to Mars in 2024. Officially, NASA and Boeing are looking at a crewed flight to Mars in the 2030s. I’ve mentioned some of the details of the rockets to emphasize that these projects are really happening. No doubt Musk’s dates will get pushed back as revisions delay launches. However, if he can secure the additional investment, he will probably be able to get to Mars at some stage. At that point, we will be able to describe ourselves as a multiplanetary species. However, what we’ve not been considering is that we’re hastening the evolution of our own species. If we manage to get to Mars, we won’t just be multiplanetary — we will be on the way to splitting our species in two. That’s because humans evolved on Earth and are just not up to space travel. We’ll need to engineer people to to help them adapt better. Our most obvious weakness is our ability to handle radiation. Radiation mutates our DNA and makes us prone to cancer. It’s enough of a problem on Earth but in space, even on a relatively short six-month trip to Mars, travelers would be exposed to large doses of cosmic radiation, certainly more than the current NASA limits for astronauts on the ISS. Maybe, people say, we would be able to reach Mars but then die there of cancer. Takekazu Kunieda at the University of Tokyo has a possible solution, although it may also be some years off. He works on tardigrades, microscopic animals with eight legs that are resistant to massive doses of radiation. Kunieda and colleagues last month published a paper in the journal Nature Communications showing that tardigrades have a “damage suppressor” protein, or Dsup for short, that shields their DNA from radiation damage. Kunieda thinks it may be possible in the future to engineer space-traveling humans with the Dsup protein, thereby gaining tardigrade-level protection. He also identified other genes in the tardigrade genome that help protect the animals from DNA damage. Now, as soon as you start engineering people with special genes, you are creating a barrier to breeding with unmodified people. Not necessarily a genetic barrier, not at first. Someone with just a few tweaked genes would still be able to breed with an unmodified human, but they probably wouldn’t want to, because their offspring would not be guaranteed to get the desired genes. In any case, space pioneers will only have themselves to breed with, so the choice will be restricted. And so far I’ve just mentioned one trait: tardigrade-radiation protection. However, space travelers will ultimately need a whole suite of adjustments. The most immediate will be changes to muscles and bones to cope with living on a planet with lower gravity that Earth. The immune system will work differently in space, diets will be less diverse so microbiomes will be different and so on. Indeed, there are a number of “improvements” we could make. The point is that we should remember that we’re talking about making a new human species. I don’t actually have a problem with that. It seems sensible and necessary if we are to give ourselves the best shot of surviving what will be extraordinarily tough new lives. The first people to live on Mars will live every day in conditions that make surviving an Antarctic winter look simple. I hope we eventually become a multiplanetary species. It’s important, however, to remember that we will also be on the way to creating a new, space-faring species. Homo sapiens martianius, perhaps?


Fukui poised to benefit from decision to scrap Monju

Abstract: Big money pull a million strings Big money hold the prize Big money weave a mighty web Big money draw the flies — Rush, “The Big Money” Last month’s announcement that the Monju experimental fast-breeder reactor in Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture, would likely be decommissioned was an acknowledgement of what had been obvious for decades. Namely, that Monju was too fraught with technical and political problems to have ever stood a chance of success. For Kansai, the decision brought a feeling of relief among those concerned about a plutonium-producing plant in their backyard, but a feeling of “now what?” among everyone else. No political leader in Osaka, Kyoto, Nara or Kobe either wistfully eulogized or passionately protested the recommendation that Monju, which has cost more than ¥1 trillion, be scrapped. In Fukui, however, it was a different story. For more than four decades, Fukui’s leaders have finessed the art of extracting (extorting?) as much money from Tokyo as possible in exchange for cooperation in continuing not only Monju but also 13 commercial nuclear reactors, a concentration of nuclear power plants said to be the densest in the world. Massive amounts of tax money were funneled into the prefecture by the Liberal Democratic Party for all sorts of uses. Some were noble (construction of modern train stations, schools, hospitals and social welfare facilities). Some were corrupt (propaganda museums that played down the risks of nuclear power, all expense-paid “study” tours to Europe’s nuclear reactor towns for local residents that included sightseeing trips to Paris). Nobody really knows how much money, directly and indirectly, went to Fukui and Tsuruga over the decades for “bearing the burden of Monju.” Unofficial guesses put the figure in the billions of yen. But what has residents in Kansai, and elsewhere, concerned is how much it will cost them, in the form of future government payoffs to Fukui, to be rid of Monju. The prefecture certainly has friends in high places looking out for its interests. Defense Minister Tomomi Inada, a favorite of Shinzo Abe, represents Fukui’s 1st district. That’s the one without nuclear power plants, but she’s very close to those in Fukui who support them. Then there’s Tsuyoshi Takagi, who served as reconstruction minister. He’s from Tsuruga and represents Fukui’s 2nd district in the Lower House, an area that hosts those 13 commercial nuclear reactors. In short, Fukui has powerful allies who will work hard to ensure all manner of new funding flows to the prefecture and to Tsuruga over the coming decades. Making matters better for Fukui but worse for taxpayers elsewhere, three commercial reactors will be decommissioned over the next few decades. You can be sure Fukui politicians from the governor on down are drawing up a long wish-list of pork barrel projects they will demand the central government, as well operator Kansai Electric Power Co., fork out in exchange for consenting to each reactor’s decommissioning plans — plans that might include disposing high-level radioactive waste generated by decommissioning in Fukui, over the objections of residents. In short, decommissioning means big money for Fukui in the years ahead in the form of subsidies, jobs and service-industry income. And not just at Monju, where the basic cost was recently estimated at ¥540 billion. With predictions it might cost ¥8 trillion to scrap the crippled Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, and perhaps a dozen commercial reactors probably heading for the scrap heap in the next decade, Japan has entered the “age of nuclear power decommissioning.” There’s big money involved that will draw a swarm of flies, especially in towns and prefectures hosting the power plants. Taxpayers elsewhere, therefore, will need to be especially vigilant and handy with the flyswatters and insect repellent.

fukushima
energy
nuclear power
liberal democratic party
monju
fukui


Is the end near for Earth's biggest fish market?

Abstract: Naotaro Endo’s documentary “ Tsukiji Wonderland ” opened in Tokyo — in Tsukiji, in fact — two weeks ago. Under normal circumstances, such an accomplished and beautiful film would be evaluated on its aesthetic and edifying merits, but the timing of the release makes such judgments problematic. “Tsukiji Wonderland” is about the greatness of the titular wholesale seafood market, the largest in the world, which handles 1,700 tons of fish a day, representing ¥1.6 billion in transactions. The market is a well-oiled machine because of the professionalism and expertise of the people who work there, not to mention the exacting demands of their highly motivated clientele. All the aspects that make it a unique commercial enterprise and worthy of anthropological study are described in the film. But in the end, none of it means anything because Tsukiji is destined to close very soon, and that fact isn’t mentioned until the last line of dialogue in this 110-minute movie. As a topical film, it’s immediately irrelevant. And if “Tsukiji Wonderland” were really a requiem, which is how the movie is being marketed, it would have to address the forces that conspired to relocate the market to Toyosu, where it will be cut off almost completely from its main customer base — the Tokyo restaurants in Shinbashi, Ginza and Nihonbashi. Though Endo includes a number of foreign experts in the film to praise Tsukiji’s methodology, the business is extremely local, or at least it is with regard to what counts as the film’s main theme: The close interaction and feeling of trust between sellers and customers. A good portion of the running time is taken up by interviews with restaurateurs who harp on the fact that they would not be as successful as they are if it weren’t for Tsukiji market. That success, as Endo points out several times, is based on proximity — these chefs can easily walk or ride a scooter to Tsukiji. Toyosu is not so far as the crow flies but, since it is located in one of the lesser developed landfill tracts on the Tokyo waterfront, it isn’t convenient. Despite some interesting historical revelations and explications about Tsukiji’s working environment, the movie is just another tribute to Japanese food culture. As such it reflects how the media ignored the Tsukiji-Toyosu problem until the new Tokyo governor, Yuriko Koike, decided to postpone indefinitely the scheduled move in November because of problems with the structure in Toyosu and lingering worries about contaminated soil. The Asahi Shimbun finally put the controversy in a proper, coherent context with a four-part series earlier this month and, given the market’s situation right now, the series could have been the basis for a more illuminating documentary. For many years, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government has been trying to develop the Tokyo waterfront through force of will. In the mid-’90s they tried to hold a World City Expo there, but the governor at the time, Yukio Aoshima, cancelled it, saying it was a waste of money. All those casinos that resort owners and city officials want to build would be on the waterfront, but the central government has yet to legalize gambling. The Tokyo Olympics was conceived and promoted not so much as an “international sports fair,” but as a way to bring more infrastructure and construction to the waterfront . However, the centerpiece new National Stadium is going to be built where the old one was, in the heart of the city. While Tokyo Gas, the company that previously owned the land where the new seafood market is being built, wanted to sell it after closing down a processing plant, it legally couldn’t until it cleaned up all the chemicals the plant had left behind. That would have cost a lot of money, which Tokyo Gas didn’t want to pay, so Tokyo bought it from them at a steep discount. For years now the city government has been unable to find a use for the land. A new highway link slated for the area around Tsukiji provided an excuse to move the facility, but some experts, according to Asahi, say the highway doesn’t require the market to move. In any case, Toyosu was chosen as the new location, and while there is some argument over just how contaminated the site is, we’re talking about a place where food is sold, and one thing’s for certain: The highly disciplined palates of the kind of people who patronize Tsukiji are not going to stand for even the slightest taint of benzene, even if it is far below allowable government levels. With the added hassle of a more difficult commute, it seems more and more unlikely that they will continue to patronize the market after it moves to Toyosu. Sixty-one of Tsukiji’s 670 wholesalers have already done something about this problem. They plan to not move to Toyosu but rather to a new Tsukiji fish market built by Chuo Ward not far from the present one. It will include all the functions Tsukiji is famous for, including auctions, only on a much smaller scale. More significantly, it has better access to transportation than Toyosu does. As the president of the market told Asahi, the purpose is to “maintain the Tsukiji brand as the best seafood market in the world,” and he made it clear that by definition you can’t do that if you’re in Toyosu. This is all being reported, but, as Endo’s movie illustrates — albeit indirectly — that attention is coming way too late. Where was the media when Tsukiji’s move was finalized by the metropolitan government? The decision was always treated as a foregone conclusion because that’s how the press interacts with the bureaucracy. Newspapers and TV stations now cover Tsukiji every day in tones of sadness and longing, with the result being that when the market recently held its annual fair, attendance was four times bigger than usual. As Joni Mitchell once sang, you don’t know what you’ve got till it’s gone. Tsujiki isn’t moving. It’s being killed off.


Rape allegation casts harsh light on university club

Abstract: Bright and vivacious young women are in great demand as TV announcers. For many in Japan, the stepping stone to a career in broadcast news has been the annual Miss Keio contest, held during the autumn festival at the nation’s most prestigious private university: Keio, in Tokyo’s Minato Ward. But earlier this month, the pageant’s organizer, the 92-year-old Keio Advertisement Society, posted the following announcement on its website: “This year’s Miss Keio contest activities … have been cancelled as a result of punitive measures by the university, due to the occurrence of an unfortunate incident that betrayed everyone’s expectations. As a group, we have reflected deeply upon this. … We extend our apologies to the six finalists. We are truly sorry.” On Oct. 4, Keio University ordered the Advertisement Society to disband, following revelations of its members’ alleged involvement in the gang rape of a female student in early September. The victim’s indignant mother spoke with a reporter from Shukan Shincho (Oct. 20) about the ordeal: “The next day around 8 p.m. my daughter was taken to a hospital by ambulance. She looked devastated, and I didn’t hear what had happened until I’d paid the hospital charges. I couldn’t believe what she told me.” Not only was the girl’s mother infuriated at learning of the alleged rape, she also felt betrayed by the university’s apparent attempt to subsequently play down the incident. “My daughter belongs to several circles and hadn’t been very active in the Advertisement Society,” the mother continued. “Around the end of August, one of the members asked her to go to their beach retreat in Hayama, Kanagawa Prefecture, to help clean up the house. Because she hadn’t been involved with the circle up to that point, I suspect (the attack) had been their original intention all along.” The victim, whose name was not reported, told Shukan Shincho she arrived at the beach house around 6 p.m. on Sept. 2. It was only then that she realized she was the sole female present. “We finished supper around 7:30,” the victim was quoted as saying. “Then one of them said, ‘Let’s go upstairs for a drink.’ It was my first time to go to this kind of retreat, and I went along, thinking this was the custom.” Upstairs, the students sat around a low table in the narrow, six-mat tatami room, and she was served a shot glass filled with tequila. “It was really strong and I didn’t want to drink it,” she relates. “Around 8:30 I was asked to go downstairs and bring them a deck of cards. When I returned and saw the expressions on their faces, I sensed they were up to something.” A sixth member of the circle arrived and had a drink, but went back downstairs and went to sleep, leaving her upstairs with five members. Then the “drinking game” began. When she resisted, she was physically forced to down the drink. She was woozy, but still conscious, when she saw two of the members begin to undress in front of her, according to Shukan Shincho. Yukan Fuji (Oct. 20) asked Hisashi Sonoda, professor at the Konan University Graduate School of Law in Kobe, what might be in store for the alleged offenders. “I can only comment based on what I’ve seen in the media, but according to the criminal code, this would appear to be a case of gang rape, compounded as a sexual assault against a person who is intoxicated, asleep or otherwise unable to consent or resist,” said Sonoda. The current law was revised in reaction to the rapes of between three and 12 women (the actual number was never determined) in 2003 by members of a now-defunct group at Waseda University that organized music events at nightclubs, where they would choose their victims. The revised law provides for penalties more severe than ordinary rape, and offenders risk a prison term of between four to 20 years. Any possibility of an out-of-court settlement now appears moot. Shukan Jitsuwa (Nov. 3) reported that on Oct. 16 the young woman filed a formal complaint with the Kanagawa Prefectural Police, setting the stage for criminal prosecution. If the case goes to trial, one of the most damning pieces of evidence is likely to be video images that the students recorded using a cellphone camera. The images reportedly show club members humiliating and sexually abusing their unconscious victim. In May a student at the University of Tokyo made headlines following his arrest on charges of public indecency, when he doled out similarly sadistic abuse on a 21-year-old co-ed. What is it with these elite students, wonders Nikkan Gendai (Oct. 20), that brings out such bestial behavior? Psychiatrist and author Joji Suzuki tells the tabloid that many such young men grow up feeling privileged, with the mistaken attitude that they can get away with almost anything. “Young men who were constantly badgered to study by their mothers when they were children have the potential of getting carried away,” explained Suzuki. “They sublimate their anger and resentment against their mothers by taking it out on other women.” An alumnus of Keio’s Advertising Society told Sunday Mainichi (Oct. 30), “As much as I loved belonging to that group, I won’t stand for that kind of coercive drinking. So I agree with the decision to shut it down; it’s what we should expect from Keio University. And disbanding the group won’t be the end of it. I’m really angry that the university still hasn’t issued a public statement on the matter.”

rape
kanagawa prefecture
beauty contest
keio university
hayama
keio advertisement society


Entrepreneur on mission to make it easier to study abroad

Abstract: Foreign students looking to study in Japan would probably want to ask a million questions before taking the plunge. Which schools and universities offer classes in English? What kind of scholarship programs are there? How does one find housing? Are part-time jobs available? But given the language barrier and school websites that are less than helpful, many find the answers elusive. Enter Shota Morikawa, a 24-year-old entrepreneur who is carving out a niche for himself in the education industry, where website technology remains fairly low-tech. Last September, Morikawa launched ST Booking , a one-stop website offering information to foreign students who want to study in Japan. Morikawa wants schools to use his site as a marketing platform to recruit students, just like prospective home owners use Suumo.jp , a popular real estate search engine. ST Booking provides information on language schools, universities, housing and job opportunities in Japan — everything you’d want to know. “Access to information on educational programs in Japan is still limited,” Morikawa said in an interview. “This industry has not changed over the past five decades. There are no young people working in this business, so the whole system is outdated and doesn’t suit the current needs.” Given the problems caused by Japan’s shrinking population, Morikawa believes his website can help Japanese schools recruit in a more effective and efficient way than the traditional promotional events they hold at home and abroad. He said many schools with attractive programs, including English-based curricula and scholarships, simply aren’t doing a good job attracting students — Japanese or otherwise — in the internet age. “The information on schools’ websites is either in Japanese only or hard to find, which discourages prospective students from seeking the answers,” he said. “That’s a huge loss for schools because many of them are struggling to attract foreign students.” His website has since become a platform for Japanese schools and overseas agents eater to network, he said. A Hyogo Prefecture native, Morikawa himself studied in the United States for a year as an exchange student at Lewis and Clark College in Portland, Oregon. The only reason he chose Lewis and Clark was because his school, Waseda University, had an exchange program with it. He didn’t even bother looking at other universities. “Later I realized I could have chosen from other possibilities that I had no idea about,” Morikawa said. It was this realization that access to information is crucial to young foreign students that led to him to start ST Booking. At first, however, the idea was just one of about 50 other business ideas he was mulling. Born into a family of entrepreneurs, Morikawa always thought he would start his own business by the time he was 30, just like his parents did. So his plan was to enter a company first, study how to start a business, then establish his own. But after returning from Portland, quitting Waseda and working at consultancies and venture firms, he witnessed countless young entrepreneurs his age launching startups, going bankrupt and starting over. That kindled his entrepreneur spirit. So he headed to Silicon Valley, home to world’s largest high-tech corporations and thousands of startups, to start a music streaming startup, only to close it within a year. He then focused on an industry where technology had not yet made a splash — education. With his international background — born in Hawaii with dual nationality — and a passion for computer programming, it didn’t take long for him figure out that a website catering to exchange students would be a perfect fit. Especially with the Japanese government eager to double the number of foreign students to 300,000 by 2020. To differentiate his website from his rivals, including Ryugaku Journal or Education First, Morikawa decided to focus on services for Southeast Asia. “There’s no service targeted at Southeast Asian students … this is an area where we can achieve a competitive edge,” he said. “The number of Vietnamese students is growing rapidly and the number of Southeast Asians coming to study in Japan will continue to rise.” So far, ST Booking, which offers services in English, Chinese and Vietnamese, has offices in Tokyo, Vietnam and Taiwan, with a fourth expected to open in Thailand. The company has already established a network connecting 60 Japanese universities, language schools and vocational schools in Japan with 1,100 agents in Vietnam, Thailand and Taiwan. “This is our strength — our agents are based not only in Japan, but also in those countries” it targets, Morikawa said. The firm, launched with venture capital of $200,000 (¥24,000,000), makes money by charging schools commissions for students recruited via ST Booking and from promotional fees for advertising their academic programs to contractors in Asia. “We want people to associate studying abroad with ST Booking — this is our goal for this year,” he said. “The government wants to boost the number of incoming students to 300,000 by 2020, but I want to boost it to a million.” That seems ambitious for a startup still testing the waters. So far, Morikawa’s firm has received dozens of inquiries and four students have completed the application process. But the long road ahead won’t discourage him from taking up the challenge. “There’s no point in doing anything if you can’t reach number one,” said Morikawa. “My parents never criticized me even when I stopped attending classes and quit university,” he said. “They would rather say ‘If there’s something you want to do, just do it.’ ” Key events in Morikawa’s life April 2010 — Enters Waseda University. September 2012 — July 2013 – Becomes exchange student at Portland’s Lewis and Clark College. June 2013 — September 2014 – Works at East Ventures, a venture capital firm in Tokyo. October 2014 — Moves to Silicon Valley where he works at a local leading venture capital firm Scrum Ventures and launches his own music streaming aggregator startup. September 2015 — Establishes ST Booking.


Thailand sets up security centers ahead of referendum on new constitution

Abstract: BANGKOK - Thailand’s military government has set up security centers around the country ahead of an August referendum on a new constitution, a spokesman for the government said on Monday. The centers are the latest measure rolled out by the government as Thailand prepares to vote on a new constitution that critics fear will entrench the military’s influence. The draft of Thailand’s 20th constitution is to replace one scrapped after a 2014 coup by generals who promised stability in Southeast Asia’s second-biggest economy. The Aug. 7 referendum will be the first real rest of the junta’s popularity since it took power. A “Centre for Maintaining Peace and Order” has been set up in every one of Thailand’s 76 provinces, said Major General Sansern Kaewkamnerd, spokesman for the Thai prime minister’s office, in order to ensure “no cheating, no lobbying and no persuading people to vote one way or another.” Provincial governors will be responsible for assembling teams to join the center including police, troops and civilian volunteers. “We need to ensure peace during the referendum so that people can decide how our country will move forward,” Sansern said. Last month junta chief Prayuth Chan-ocha and opposition supporters of ousted populist premier Thaksin Shinawatra both contacted the United Nations after an upsurge in political tension, just a day after police shut down an electoral monitoring center Thailand sets up security centers ahead of referendum of the “red shirt” anti-government movement. The red shirts say the centers are needed to prevent fraud. Thanawut Wichaidit, a spokesman for the red shirt movement, accused the government of double standards. “We weren’t able to set up our monitoring centers so why should the military government be allowed to set up their centers?” Thanawut said. “The military government is blindfolding the electorate and leading their hand to vote in the manner they want.” Under the proposed charter, a junta-appointed Senate with seats reserved for military commanders would check the powers of elected lawmakers for a five-year transitional period.


Deal reached on U.S. base worker status in Japan

Abstract: The Japanese and U.S. governments have agreed to narrow the extent to which American citizens can be granted preferential treatment under the bilateral pact that governs jurisdiction over U.S. military personnel and base workers, according to a draft agreement obtained Monday. The move comes amid heightened calls by Okinawa, which hosts the bulk of the U.S. military bases in Japan, to revise the 1960 pact following the recent arrest of a U.S. civilian base worker in connection with the slaying of a local woman. Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, U.S. Ambassador Caroline Kennedy and Lt. Gen. John Dolan, commander of the U.S. military in Japan, are expected to announce the deal at a news conference Tuesday, a Japanese government source said. Many people in Okinawa, which hosts about 75 percent of all U.S. military facilities in Japan in terms of land area, feel the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) is one-sided and overly protective of Americans. Under the review, the Japanese and U.S. governments have agreed to split the “civilian component” into four categories, as Okinawa and other local authorities hosting U.S. bases have said the scope of civilian workers covered by the current agreement is unclear. Currently, the agreement merely defines the component as “civilian persons of United States nationality who are in the employ of, serving with, or accompanying the United States armed forces in Japan.” Under the agreement, U.S. authorities in principle have the primary right of jurisdiction over U.S. military personnel or their “civilian component” if offenses are deemed to have been committed while on duty. In such cases, Japanese prosecutors cannot indict them. According to the draft, the four new categories are: civilians paid by the U.S. government to work for the U.S. military in Japan; civilians working on ships and aircraft operated by the military; civilians working for the U.S. government and staying in Japan for official purposes related to the military; and technical advisers and consultants staying in Japan at the invitation of the military. Making clear the categories will effectively lead to narrowing the range of civilians subject to preferential treatment, the government source said. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is likely to highlight his administration’s efforts to address Okinawa’s concerns ahead of the pivotal Upper House election on July 10. Japanese and U.S. foreign and defense officials have been negotiating the bilateral pact since Nakatani and U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter agreed June 4 in Singapore to clarify the scope of American citizens subject to it. Kenneth Franklin Shinzato, an American who worked in a civilian capacity at the U.S. Air Force’s Kadena Air Base, was arrested May 19 for allegedly abandoning the body of Rina Shimabukuro in April. Last Thursday, Shinzato was indicted for raping and murdering the 20-year-old woman. Although SOFA in its current state did not cause a problem for Japanese authorities investigating this case, as they were able to arrest and indict the suspect, the incident reignited Okinawan demands to revise the bilateral agreement.

military
u.s. bases
sofa
u.s.-japan relations


Modern needs, crowds outgrow historic Harajuku Station

Abstract: For more than 90 years, the European-style Harajuku Station building has been part of the Tokyo urban landscape — bearing witness to the Great Tokyo Air Raid during World War II, the 1964 Tokyo Olympics and the district’s rise as a mecca of Japanese youth culture. Despite calls to retain the historic Shibuya Ward landmark, cherished by visitors and locals alike, East Japan Railway Co. announced last month it will build a new station building in time for the 2020 Tokyo Olympics and the extra visitors expected ahead of the event. JR East said it will build the new station adjacent to the current building with no plans yet on what it will do with the existing station structure. Following are questions and answers about Harajuku Station: What’s the history behind the station? The original Harajuku Station opened in 1906 about 500 meters north of the current location, according to the Railway Museum in Saitama Prefecture. The current structure, built in 1924, a year after the Great Kanto Earthquake, is believed to be the oldest wooden station building in Tokyo. It was designed by Kaoru Hasegawa, an engineer for Japanese Government Railways, a now-defunct government agency. Harajuku Station has been ranked among the top 100 stations in the Kanto region for its design. During WWII, the station survived damage from the Tokyo air raids of May 1945. Even though 77 percent of Shibuya Ward burned down, the firebombs that broke through the roof of Harajuku Station miraculously were duds. The station complex also has a platform specially built for the Imperial family. Constructed in 1925 and located a few hundred meters north of the regular platform, the nondescript structure gets little notice by people on passing trains. It was reportedly constructed to draw little attention when it was used by Emperor Taisho, who was ill at the time. The Imperial family has not used the special platform since 2001, according to JR East. The station is located next to Meiji Shrine, one of the biggest shrines in Japan, and has long handled heavy visitor traffic to the site. On the first three days of the New Year, Meiji Shrine sees some 3 million visitors, and it has an extra platform directly connected to the shrine to handle the crowds. The extra platform is only used between Dec. 31 and Jan. 4. What will the new station look like? An image provided by JR East shows a modern double-story, glazed-wall structure, with an entrance slightly west of the current building and closer to the shrine. The new building will be more spacious to handle larger crowds, JR East said. On an average day, about 70,000 people use the station, about 10 percent of the traffic at nearby JR Shinjuku Station. The current extra platform will be rebuilt for daily use by Yamanote Line trains bound for Shinjuku and Ikebukuro. Why was Harajuku Station not rebuilt earlier? JR East has long considered refurbishing the small, easily crowded station, but doing so posed problems because the structure straddles several live tracks. But there also seems to be another reason, which is to keep the current station building, according to some past news articles. A May 2, 1988, article in the Yomiuri Shimbun said a total redevelopment had been considered several times but to no avail, with the Japanese National Railways (the successor to Japanese Government Railways), ultimately ceding to the wishes of local residents who resisted the plans. How do locals feel about the new design? An official of Shibuya Ward said it had received calls from people wanting the current station building to be preserved. The official said the ward will ask JR East to do this. Most of several local residents interviewed by The Japan Times shared this view. “I don’t want it to change. I hope it will still be there,” said Akie Hirai, 45, who has lived in Shibuya Ward for more than 20 years. The historic building is a familiar sight to her, she said. Hirai also said she hopes the new building will be simple and easy to navigate, as opposed to other stations, such as JR Shibuya Station, which has become a labyrinth amid redevelopment in recent years. A man in his 60s who grew up in the Harajuku district and wished to remain anonymous, however, didn’t feel that the current station building needed to be preserved just for nostalgic reasons. Despite having many memories of the station, the man said Harajuku would be better served by a redeveloped station that can handle more visitors.

wwii
jr east
meiji jingu
harajuku station


Japan, U.S. agree to narrow definition of 'civilian component' protected by SOFA

Abstract: The Japanese and U.S. governments officially agreed Tuesday to limit the extent to which U.S. military workers are protected under the Status of Forces Agreement, which gives the U.S. jurisdiction over American civilian workers who commit crimes while on duty. The change in the implementation of SOFA was announced amid mounting protests among the people of Okinawa against the U.S. military presence in the prefecture, sparked most recently by the rape and murder of 20-year-old Rina Shimabukuro, allegedly by Kenneth Franklin Shinzato, a 32-year-old civilian employee at Kadena Air Base and a former U.S. Marine. “Today’s agreement is a further indication of the commitment of the U.S. government,” Ambassador Caroline Kennedy said when she announced the agreement at the start of a meeting with Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida, Defense Minister Gen Nakatani and Lt. Gen. John Dolan. Since the murder case began in May, Tokyo and Washington have been working to revise the implementation of SOFA, while many people in Okinawa have been demanding a total revision of the 1960 agreement, which has never been revised. Tuesday’s agreement centers on narrowing the definition of “civilian component,” which under SOFA is defined as “civilian persons of United States nationality who are in the employ of, serving with, or accompanying the United States armed forces in Japan.” As with U.S. service members, the U.S. has jurisdiction over civilian workers who commit crimes while on duty, but many Okinawans feel the classification is overly broad and vague. Under Tuesday’s change, the civilian component will be narrowed to four categories: civilians paid or funded by the U.S. government to work for the U.S. military in Japan; civilians working on vessels and aircraft operated by the U.S. military; civilians working for the U.S. government and staying in Japan solely for official purposes in connection with the U.S. military; and technical advisers and consultant saying in Japan at the official invitation of and solely for the U.S. military. For consultants and advisers, the two governments said they will ensure that those who are working for firms contracted by the U.S. military have the high degree of skill and knowledge necessary for the mission of the U.S. military. The governments will negotiate to define what exactly that means in the coming months, and work to ink a legally binding mutual understanding. Tuesday’s agreement also excludes those who have permanent residency status in Japan from the civilian component. Japanese officials said that someone like Shinzato, who was working at a cable television and internet-related business at Kadena Air Base, would not be considered a civilian component under the new, more stringent framework. Tokyo is championing the envisioned introduction of the four categories as a step forward, but it is unclear how narrowing the definition of the civilian component under SOFA will prevent crimes committed by base workers in the future, or pacify the rage of Okinawa residents. Nakatani said base workers not protected by SOFA will be tried under the Japanese system, and a Defense Ministry official said Japanese police “will not need to enter the base,” provided the U.S. military hands over suspects. If a suspect were to flee into the base facilities, however, initially preventing the Japanese police from accessing evidence left on-base, it could delay the investigation, he said. It is also unclear how Japan can keep tabs on the number of people classed as civilian components, or information about them. Nakatani said after the meeting that as of the end of March there were about 7,000 civilian workers, of which 2,000 were contractors. But Japanese officials admitted the information had not been updated for three years, until the Shimabukuro case. Government officials also said it is too early to say how the new agreement, once implemented, will effect the number of personnel who could be tried under the Japanese legal system if they were to commit a crime. A defense official said it is possible the number will go up if the U.S. military hires more technical advisers and consultants to cope with more sophisticated weapons systems.

okinawa
u.s. bases
sofa
u.s.-japan relations


Okinawa takes wait-and-see attitude on changes to Japan-U.S. SOFA

Abstract: OSAKA - Tuesday’s announcement by Tokyo and Washington that an agreement has been reached that more narrowly defines those classified as civilians employed by the U.S. military in Japan was greeted with caution by top Okinawan officials, who are taking a wait-and-see attitude. But the new definitions covering civilian contractors and technical experts and the legal protections they enjoy under the bilateral Status Of Forces Agreement (SOFA), which now separates them into four basic categories, are unlikely to quell calls for more fundamental revisions to the pact itself. Okinawa Gov. Takeshi Onaga told reporters Tuesday afternoon in Naha that as details were still lacking, the prefecture will be watching carefully to see how bilateral discussions to further refine those details progress over the following months. Others, however, said the new agreement is not enough. “The definitions of civilian workers remains too vague, and I think the agreement is insufficient,” said Satoshi Taira, an Onaga supporter and a leader of an Okinawa group opposed to the construction of the Henoko base to replace the Futenma facility. The four categories now defined as being part of the American military’s “civilian component” under SOFA are civilians paid by the U.S. government to work for the U.S. military in Japan (on land); civilians who work on ships or with aircraft that are operated by the military; civilians working for the U.S. government and staying in Japan on official business related to the military, and technical advisers and consultants who are in Japan at the invitation of the military. The U.S. has primary jurisdiction over such civilians, as it does with military personnel and their dependents, if an alleged offense occurs while they are on duty. The issue of jurisdiction has long been a source of tension and controversy in Okinawa. That is because police investigating alleged crimes by those covered under SOFA cannot enter military bases without permission to investigate. And more importantly, if the U.S. determines an offense has occurred while on duty, the alleged perpetrator cannot be indicted by Japanese prosecutors. The U.S. is supposed to give “sympathetic consideration” to Japanese requests to turn over those protected by SOFA who are alleged to have committed an offense, but legally it does not have to honor those requests. Tetsuo Kotani, a senior fellow at the Japan Institute of International Affairs, said Tuesday’s agreement is about the best that could have been expected. “The agreement is important in narrowing and clarifying the subject of SOFA. It was not clear whether the suspect in the recent murder case was subject to SOFA, although the case itself was a huge tragedy,” Kotani said. “To meet Okinawa’s anger and frustration, the agreement was the most Tokyo and Washington could do given the fact any revision of SOFA is unrealistic.” In a Kyodo News poll taken in Okinawa at the end of May, 71 percent of the respondents favored revisions to SOFA. The survey was taken soon after American contract worker Kenneth Franklin Shinzato, a former U.S. Marine who works at Kadena Air Base, was arrested and then indicted on charges of raping and murdering 20-year-old Rina Shimabukuro. But there is a difference between revision, or reinterpretation, of the language of SOFA and fundamental revisions to the agreement itself. Changes to the arrangement have become a hot-button issue in the Upper House election. Liberal Democratic Party member Aiko Shimajiri, seeking re-election in Okinawa, has called for revision of SOFA. Her opponent, Yoichi Iha, is also campaigning for a fundamental overhaul, which would require formal renegotiation of the agreement and, most likely, changes to Japanese law. Hiromori Maedomari, a professor at Okinawa International University and an expert on SOFA, said Tuesday’s deal is meaningless. “There’s no way for the Japanese government to check to determine if the civilian workers are really qualified for the jobs they were hired for,” he said. “They don’t even know how many civilian workers are currently in Japan today. It was a political ploy, conducted on the eve of the Upper House election.” The most recent statistics available from the Okinawa Prefectural Government show that in June 2011 there were 1,994 civilian contract workers in Okinawa covered by SOFA. Of that number, 1,139 were employed by the navy; 437 by the air force; 326 by the army and 92 by the marines. At that time, there were just under 26,000 American military personnel in Okinawa, with just under 20,000 dependents.

military
u.s. bases
u.s. japan
sofa
crimes


Tokyo's Jinbocho a must-visit for lovers of antiquarian books

Abstract: Jinbocho, in Tokyo’s Chiyoda Ward, is one of the world’s biggest centers for browsing used books, with around 160 stores selling volumes that range from the musty and dusty to antiquarian. Book lovers spend hours among shelves filled with the nostalgic smell of old books, while coffee shops in the back alleys offer further escape from the hustle and bustle of central Tokyo. Bookstores started concentrating in Jinbocho in the 1880s to cater to law students and researchers attending the law schools that were set up in the neighborhood in the early Meiji Era (1868-1912). Today one can find all kinds of books, priced from ¥100 to more than ¥1 million. Visitors might try first Hon to Machi no Annaijo (Information Center for Books and Town), which is in the center of Jinbocho on Yasukuni-dori avenue. Staff can advise which shops specialize in particular subjects. Non-Japanese visitors are welcome, as the center uses translation apps for the English, Chinese, Russian, Korean and Thai languages. Because some bookstores sell foreign language books, shop owners say it is possible to find valuable antiquarian books in Jinbocho that may not exist in their countries of origin. Yasukuni-dori is lined with shops selling used books in Tokyo’s Jinbocho district. | SATOKO KAWASAKI A shopper browses art books at a store selling used volumes in Tokyo’s Jinbocho neighborhood. | SATOKO KAWASAKI Old maps, ukiyo-e woodblock prints and books from the Edo Period are among valuable antiquarian items offered at the Oya bookstore in Tokyo’s Jinbocho district. | SATOKO KAWASAKI People browse used volumes at one of some 160 bookstores in Jinbocho in Tokyo’s Chiyoda Ward. | SATOKO KAWASAKI


Porn industry takes first step toward recognizing it has a problem

Abstract: Japan’s multibillion-dollar pornography industry suffered a shock last month after police arrested three men connected with one of the country’s top talent agencies, in a rare crackdown on illegal practices in the business. Investigative sources said the trio were arrested on suspicion of dispatching a woman in her 20s to work with a video producer over two consecutive days in late 2013 during which she was coerced into engaging in a sex act. Those who cover crime in Japan know this problem isn’t new — it has just been a while since the police did anything about it. On June 11, police arrested Marks Japan President Takashi Kozasu, 50, and two others on suspicion of labor law violations. The three men were charged with breaking laws that regulate labor dispatch companies, which forbid agencies from sending workers into harmful work against public morals. Police sources said they launched the investigation after the woman consulted with them in December 2015. According to media reports, the suspects played a part in forcing the woman in her 20s into appearing in adult films by threatening to punish her financially. They also threatened to demand money from the woman’s parents as a penalty for “contract violations,” if necessary. She reportedly signed a contract with the company as a model in 2009, but appeared in more than 100 adult films after Oct. 1, 2013, until she was able to cancel the contract in 2014. In a report published March 3, Tokyo-based advocacy group Human Rights Now warned of a rise in the number of cases in which young fashion hopefuls are coerced into obscene or pornographic videos after responding to offers from agents purporting to offer above-board assignments. In many cases, the group said, young women sign contracts with agencies without knowing they will later be pressured to have sex on camera. Shihoko Fujiwara, a representative from Lighthouse: Center for Human Trafficking Victims, says the organization had received more than 100 complaints regarding forced participation in adult films in the past 18 months. “Victims are talked into signing things like a fashion modeling contract, or they are told they are going to be acting in a film,” Fujiwara says. “When they turn up on set, however, they are given a porn script and informed that it is a porn shoot. They beg to quit or to go home but the producers or studios threaten to charge them with millions of yen in penalties for ‘contract violations.’ They are used and disposed of like products, with long-lasting consequences on their schooling, careers and marriages.” Ten percent of these complaints were from young men, Fujiwara says. Those involved in the adult industry were at first evasive after the June arrests. Mariko Kawana, a former adult video actress who has made more than 400 X-rated films over her career, told Diamond Magazine Online on June 10 that she had never experienced coercion. In the same interview, however, Kawana noted that her first introduction to the industry came from a man who tried to blackmail her into working as an adult video actress. He invited her to an audition and then threatened to tell her parents she was acting in adult videos as soon as she turned up for the interview. Kawana was then approached on the street by a scout who was working with a large production company, in which she registered as an actress and learned she could refuse any role. The president of the production company called her male friend and halted the blackmail attempt. Kawana ultimately ended up appearing in adult videos, but on her own terms. The coercion of actresses in the adult film industry isn’t entirely new. In February 2009, police in Tokyo arrested the CEO of talent agency Pinki Net Productions on suspicion of child pornography law violations. The agency had used a 16-year-old girl in an adult movie that was sold on DVD. Industry observers at the time had warned that the case may just be the tip of the iceberg — and so it seems. In response to the most recent allegations, the Intellectual Property Promotion Association (IPPA), which represents Japan’s adult film industry, issued a formal apology on June 22. In a statement, the IPPA said it “deeply regrets that we failed to take the initiative (to deal with the problem). We are very sorry.” The IPPA pledged to work with NPOs to address issues such as coercion and human rights violations, and to improve working conditions as quickly as possible. Fujiwara welcomes the apology, but warns that the IPPA oversees just 80 percent of the agencies involved in the adult film industry. Plenty of other firms operate independently without oversight, she says. Acknowledging a problem exists is always the first step toward solving it. Let’s hope the agencies take the next step soon in order to protect those working in the industry, preferably sooner than later.

pornography
marks japan
human rights now


Karuizawa murder; Tokyo subways vital; Beatles live at the Budokan; 'Satanic Verses' translator slain

Abstract: 100 YEARS AGO Tuesday, July 18, 1916 Canadians murdered in Karuizawa burglary The Rev. W. A. F. Campbell and Mrs. Campbell, of Toronto, Canada, a young couple who have been attached to the Canadian Methodist Mission in Tokyo for the last two years, were brutally murdered early this morning at their summer cottage, No. 563 Karuizawa. The assassin was a Japanese burglar who entered the house through a second story window. Just what happened between his entrance and the time the woman servant was aroused by the screams of her mistress will never be known. The murderer escaped, and is still at large. A representative of “Kokusai” interviewed the servant this morning. She said that about 2:30 a.m. she was aroused by the noise of screaming and a struggle in the room occupied by Mr. Campbell and his wife. She lighted a lamp, and ran to the room where she found the murderer. Mr. Campbell and Mrs. Campbell were then dead. The terrified woman aroused the neighbors but nothing could be done except to call the police. It was dark and even the description of the assassin was vague. The knife, she says, was about 6 inches long. The authorities have sent word to the residents that the occurrence should give no special cause for uneasiness. It is urged, however, that ordinary precautions be taken against burglars and sneak thieves as unguarded open windows or doors, or the exposure of sums of money or of valuables are temptations, and that even the cowardly sneak thief will turn and use a knife when he is cornered. The ordinary burglar will not resort to violence. They also say that for many years Karuizawa has been noted for its freedom from crime of all kinds and particularly from burglars. 75 YEARS AGO Sunday, July 20, 1941 Subways of Tokyo regarded as vital The program of the transportation facilities in Tokyo that is to be executed by the new organized Tokyo Rapid Transit Operating Syndicate, and the importance of underground lines in the city’s transportation system are explained by the Railways Ministry in the recent issue of Shoho, published by the Board of Information. The population of Tokyo in 1940 was about 6.8 million, increasing some 900,000 in the past five years. At this rate of increase the population is estimated to reach 10 million in a little more than 10 years, and then the traffic will be increased two to three times. The transportation facilities naturally have to be expanded to two to three times the present capacity. Then it must be studied as to what kind of transportation facilities will be most suitable for the future. 50 YEARS AGO Friday, July 1, 1966 Beatles make Tokyo debut in the Budokan The Beatles’ debut in Tokyo on Thursday before an audience of about 10,000, was a howling, screaming success! It could have been more than that but Tokyo’s finest had things quite well organized, thank you. Just before the Beatles were announced on the stage of the Nippon Budokan in Kudan, Tokyo, by MC E.H. Eric, rows of gray-clad white-called policemen moved down into the aisles and sat down. The kiddies could scream and wave their hankies, many with tears streaming down their faces, and swoon, practically, when one of their bushy-haired heroes (not really bushy, mind you, but then neither are they “mop-haired”) looked in their direction, waved, did a little dance, smiled (oh, bliss!) or even shrugged. It was all over in 30 minutes flat. Kids were crying, sobbing on each others’ shoulders, 15 minutes after the performance. They just couldn’t believe it was all over. At the press conference, Paul McCartney, a take-charge guy everywhere with the Beatles, said, “We’re not good musicians … just adequate.” I wish someone would drop that adequacy on me. McCartney did much of on-stage emceeing, too. In fact, the only time the whole half-hour the crowd quieted down enough to hear an image-orthicon TV camera drop to the floor was when Paul sang “Yesterday.” There was also “Ringo,” “Nowhere Man,” “A Girl,” “I Feel Fine,” “Yeah, Yeah, Yeah,” and “Paperback Writer,” their No. 1 tune on the charts at this moment. Three big screams for the Beatles! 25 YEARS AGO Saturday, July 13, 1991 Japanese translator of ‘Satanic Verses’ slain The Japanese translator of British author Salman Rushdie’s novel “The Satanic Verses” was found stabbed to death Friday morning on the campus of Tsukuba University in Ibaraki Prefecture, police said. Hitoshi Igarashi, 44, was an associate professor of comparative culture at the university, located outside Tokyo. His books include “The Islamic Renaissance” and “Medicine and Wisdom of the East.” A janitor found Igarashi lying in a pool of blood near a seventh floor elevator, with deep slash wounds to the neck, face and hand, police said. Rushdie, of Indian descent, was condemned to death by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the late Iranian Islamic leader, shortly after the book appeared several years ago. He has been in hiding since that time. Khomeini and other Muslim leaders said the novel blasphemed the religion and should be punished by death. Igarashi used this translation of Rushdie’s novel in his classes, sources said. One of Igarashi’s colleagues said Igarashi once joked he might be in danger after publishing his translation.

the beatles
budokan
karuizawa
salman rushdie
satanic verses


Despite obvious signs, care home killer slipped through the cracks

Abstract: Satoshi Uematsu exhibited disturbing behavior before Tuesday’s massacre at a care home, delivering an ominous euthanasia letter to House of Representatives Speaker Tadamori Oshima and telling co-workers and the police he intended to kill disabled people, prompting his forced hospitalization. But despite obvious signs the suspect posed a risk to those in his charge, 19 people at the Tsukui Yamayuri En facility were murdered and 26 were injured, leaving the public and authorities wondering whether more could have been done to stop him. “I hope the world will become more peaceful,” Twitter user @tenka333 — thought to be Uematsu — tweeted at 2:50 a.m. Tuesday, around the time he was stalking the halls of the care home, slashing the necks of residents as they slept. A photograph of a someone resembling Uematsu in a black suit, white shirt and tie accompanied the tweet. In February, Uematsu tried to hand-deliver a letter to Oshima at his official residence in Tokyo. “I am able to kill a total of 470 people with disabilities,” a copy of the letter, obtained by Kyodo News, read. “My goal is to create a world where euthanasia is allowed for people with multiple disabilities — in cases where it is extremely difficult for them to live at home and be socially active — with the consent of their guardians.” He identified two care facilities, including the one attacked Tuesday, as his targets. The hand-written letter included his name, address and phone number. Uematsu said that he was aware his idea was outrageous, but after working with the patients’ exhausted parents and unenthusiastic care staffers, he said he hoped to “contribute to Japanese society and the world.” The letter also went into detail on how he would do it, saying he would attack at night when fewer workers were on duty, bound them with zip ties, slaughter the 260 patients and then turn himself in. The events of Tuesday differed in only one respect: He only attacked one facility. “A revolution is needed now. It is about time to take this indispensable yet difficult step for the sake of all mankind,” he wrote. “It will be a huge step forward for Japan.” He then spelled out how he hoped to be treated after his arrest: up to two years of detention and then acquittal after being judged mentally incompetent. He would then demand  a new identity, plastic surgery and ¥500 million to fund a new life, the letter said. A Lower House official received the letter on Feb. 14 and reported it to police the same day. The Tokyo police in turn informed their counterparts in Kanagawa Prefecture, where Uematsu lives. The Kanagawa police warned Uematsu’s father, who lives in Tokyo, to keep a close eye on him. Reacting to the events this week, a police officer at Kojimachi Police Station, near Oshima’s official residence, said: “We did all we could.” A few days later on Feb. 18, Uematsu made similar remarks to his co-workers at Tsukui Yamayuri En. This caused alarm because he had never said such things or caused any kind of trouble before, they said this week. “It seems he started thinking that way all of a sudden and I have no clue why,” the manager said. Uematsu quit the next day. The police, meanwhile, reported the case to the Sagamihara Municipal Government, which decided to commit Uematsu to a mental hospital out of concern he could harm others. At the hospital, he tested positive for marijuana and was diagnosed with marijuana-induced psychosis and paranoid disorder. But he was not diagnosed as an addict and was released on March 2. He appeared to regret what he had done and expressed remorse. A city official quoted him as saying, “There was something wrong with me.” According to the Narcotics Control Law, doctors are obliged to report drug addicts to the governor. If Uematsu had been diagnosed as one, the Kanagawa Prefectural Government could have prolonged his stay for further treatment. Two days after his release, police found that Uematsu was staying with his parents and requested that they be kept informed about his behavior. The Sagamihara Municipal Government also had planned to check on him but could not due to lack of staff.

violence
murder
sagamihara
satoshi uematsu


Focus on economy, failure of opposition clears way for Abe's LDP in national elections

Abstract: Since last year, media outlets have given much coverage to citizens’ groups opposing Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s controversial security legislation. Liberal intellectuals, too, have roundly criticized Abe and warn that his tenure could transform into an authoritarian regime. But Abe’s ruling coalition has weathered these storms to emerge the victor in all four of the latest national elections over the past four years, most recently in Sunday’s Upper House election, and many are asking why. Experts are blaming a dearth of alternative policy proposals from opposition parties on economic and welfare issues, which always top the priority list for general voters. In particular, they say that the Democratic Party, the largest opposition force, has failed to present itself as a reliable alternative with concrete economic and welfare policy proposals. “The ruling parties have prevailed in setting the agenda. They have put economic issues on the front burner, as opposed to constitutional issues,” said Yoshiaki Kobayashi, a professor of political science at Keio University. Abe has been rightly regarded as an ardent advocate of revising the pacifist Constitution. But during election campaigns he has rarely discussed this goal, or security issues, focusing instead on the economic and welfare issues that surveys suggest are the main concern of voters. In a June 24-26 poll by NHK, the issue of social security took center stage, with 29 percent of 2,044 respondents saying it was the most important issue when casting their ballot. This was followed by economic policies at 26 percent and issues involving the consumption tax at 12 percent. Only 11 percent of respondents cited constitutional issues. Abe has not specifically explained how he will achieve his key economic goals, which include a pledge to push up the nation’s gross domestic product to ¥600 trillion. But in place of proposing viable policy alternatives of their own, the opposition parties have instead chosen simply to criticize the side effects of Abe’s economic policies, Kobayashi said. “The opposition parties should have proposed economic and welfare policies that are backed with specific financial resources. But they haven’t,” he said. Meanwhile, many opposition lawmakers have criticized the LDP’s moves toward revising the Constitution, in particular Article 9, and asked voters not to give them two-thirds of the 242 Upper House seats. But such a plea is “difficult to understand” for voters, who do not regard such strategies as a realistic political agenda, said Jun Iio, a professor of political science at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies. In 2012, the LDP publicized its own draft constitution, in which most articles of the current charter, including the war-renouncing Article 9, were changed. But coalition partner Komeito has yet to agree to any of the LDP’s proposals. Instead, many Komeito members are calling for the creation of a new article to guarantee citizens’ right to a healthy environment. “Nothing has been agreed between the LDP and Komeito over constitutional revision yet. Even if pro-revision forces win two-thirds of the Upper House, it’s not clear yet if it will actually lead to initiation of a national referendum of constitutional revision,” Iio said. Before taking power in 2009, the DP, when it was still the Democratic Party of Japan, had advocated some key economic polices to appeal to voters. They included a public pension reform plan, drastic cuts to “unnecessary” government spending and increasing budget allocations for child-raising households. But the party has abandoned its own pension reform plan after learning it is likely to immediately increase the financial burdens on everyone. After taking power in 2009, DPJ Cabinet members did not drastically cut “unnecessary budgets,” as it had previously pledged, except for those of public works. On the contrary, some even tried to expand the budgets of their own ministries. “The DP has yet to seriously reflect on the failures it made while it was in power. They haven’t made clear what actually went wrong,” Kobayashi said. So people’s distrust of the DP will not go away. They really doubt if the DP is capable of managing a government.”

ldp
opposition
2016 upper house election
dp


Hitting the mark at the Miraikan's ninja exhibition

Abstract: By Jon Ginsburg Thanks in large part to some teenage turtles and video game culture, ninja are no long hidden in the shadows and known worldwide. The nimble masters of stealth and subterfuge are also experiencing a bit of a comeback in their homeland. The ninja came into the spotlight at the Group of Seven summit , which was held in Mie Prefecture in May. Iga, a city in Mie that also happens to be “the hometown of ninja,” pounced on the promotional opportunity and had the troupe Iga-Ninja Group Ashura showcase ninja skills and explain their tools and techniques for the summit’s visitors. Also in 2016, Aichi Prefecture advertised that it would be hiring ninja to promote tourism, as well as its historic Nagoya Castle. No doubt inspired by the upcoming tourism bonanza, culminating with the 2020 Olympics, this campaign will feature ninja performing acrobatic stunts, using their signature shuriken throwing stars and, of course, posing for pictures with tourists. For the next three months, Tokyo residents and tourists alike can get the full ninja experience at Odaiba’s Miraikan, the National Museum of Emerging Science and Innovation. On July 2, their latest special exhibition — “The Ninja: Who Were They?” — opened to the public. On the media preview day, I had a chance to experience it firsthand. Before venturing into the show’s interactive areas, I perused the historical displays and ninja-related artifacts near the entrance. These ranged from different types of shuriken (there are a variety of kinds, believe it or not) to other weapons and tools of the trade, including grapples, iron claws and fire arrows, to name just a few. The exhibition also contains installations that provide insight into the ninja ways of life and explain survival strategies, such as methods of concealment and secret codes. What sets this exhibition apart is its interactive component. Visitors — be they children or adults — can test their skills to determine whether or not they have what it takes to be a ninja. The first exercise I tried consisted of jumping over boxes representing sunflowers. Naturally, no self-respecting ninja would leave bent flowers in his wake. While it sounds easy, it’s not merely a matter of jumping high. You have to use your head. My confidence soared after this first task. I thought I was well on my way to becoming a ninja . . . until I reached the dreaded tiptoe challenge. Participants must silently tiptoe across a wooden floor without triggering sensors that set off alarms. This challenge was easily the most frustrating. My advice to future challengers is to stay on your toes, and don’t let your heels hit the floor. I took another beating at the shuriken target wall. Since throwing accuracy is one of my athletic strengths, I assumed that I would excel at this challenge. Unfortunately, my overconfidence proved to be my downfall. Maybe it was my one-out-of-five hit rate, or maybe it was seeing children half my size hitting the targets more often, but I definitely came up small during this task. If, as I did, you discover that you lack the right stuff to become a ninja, there are two photo opportunities that might make you feel better. You can attach your head to an animated figure’s body, via the old face-in-photo-wall trick, or visit a light display that shows your digital ninja silhouette. Strike a pose, and the silhouette may even grow or multiply. “The Ninja: Who Were They?” is an ideal exhibition for those seeking a more interactive museum experience. The history of these Japanese espionage experts is fascinating, but what’s not to love about a show that tests your mad ninja skills? See City Guide article on “The Ninja: Who Were They?” for details.


Regional votes reveal cracks in political landscape

Abstract: The overwhelming victory of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party-Komeito coalition in the July 10 Upper House election overshadowed regional results that suggest growing numbers of voters in certain parts of Japan aren’t as dedicated to the LDP as it first appears. It’s true that, with 146 of the 242 Upper House seats, the coalition is in firm control. But when looking at who won what, and where, the picture becomes more complicated. There were 73 single-district seats up for grabs. The ruling coalition roughly split the country, taking about 26 seats in districts west and northwest of Aichi Prefecture and the remainder to its east. But the Democratic Party did far better in eastern, and northern, Japan than in the west. Only five of the Democratic Party’s 21 single seat winners won west of Nagoya. The Democrats did particularly well in the traditional LDP strongholds of the Tohoku region and Hokkaido for a couple of reasons. In Tohoku, there is a growing sense that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s LDP and Komeito reflect the values of wealthy urbanites, not those in a rural region who are struggling to rebuild from the Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami and subsequent meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant. The second reason is one the Tokyo-based media failed to fully appreciate: the depth of unease over the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement. For too long, Japan’s national media have avoided serious questions about whether the agreement is really good for Japan as a whole, or good only for major Japanese corporations that will benefit from it — especially those that spend huge amounts of money on advertising in those same national media. Regional media in Tohoku and Hokkaido, however, have spent years analyzing the pros and cons of the TPP, leading to knowledgeable questions and concerns among local voters that the candidates were forced to address in ways they don’t have to when being questioned by some Tokyo-based TV pundit. The election results indicated a lot of these voters had doubts about the way the LDP and Komeito have handled the TPP. And western Japan? With only five seats won by the Democrats, and none by the Japan Communist Party, it’s clear that, west of Nagoya, the LDP and Komeito still have the power to stave off the opposition (Okinawa excepted). Rural areas — including most of Kyushu, all of Shikoku and the ultraconservative Hokuriku region — all went for an LDP candidate. But even Osaka and neighboring Hyogo Prefecture saw LDP, Komeito and Osaka Ishin no Kai (which resembles the LDP in most ways) candidates winning all of the single seats. In Kyoto, where Osaka Ishin has never been popular, one LDP and one Democratic Party member won. Lots of explanations have been offered as to why opposition parties fared poorly in western Japan: lack of local organization, an image of catering more to city-dwelling intellectuals, or too tied to trade unions that are strong in the central and eastern parts of the country but weak in the west. Those perceptions are true or at least plausible. But a quick glance at the current Abe Cabinet reveals that, with the exception of Justice Minister Mitsuhide Iwaki, who lost his Fukushima seat in the election, and Olympics Minister Toshiaki Endo, who is from Yamagata Prefecture, none are from Tohoku or Hokkaido. On the other hand, 11 ministers, including Abe himself, represent areas west of Nagoya or in the Hokuriku region. Thus the presence of so many senior ministers from those parts of the country also played an important role in determining the LDP’s fate in other districts, especially those where its candidates were not as nationally visible, or as close to the centers of power in Tokyo, as their western Japan counterparts.

osaka
liberal democratic party
elections
upper house
komeito