extracted_text:
О.А.КОЛЫХАЛОВА, В.В.МАКАЕВ
АНГЛИЙСКИЙ ЯЗЫК
Учебник
Для студентов и
аспирантов
гуманитарных специальностей вузов
Рекомендовано
                                                                                Учебно-методическим
объединением
высших учебных заведений                                                                                Российской
Федерации
по педагогическому образованию

ББК 81.2 Англ. К 60

УДК 802.0

Авторы:
О. А. Колыхалова, зав. кафедрой английского
языка гуманитарных факультетов МПГУ, член-корреспондент Международной академии
наук педагогического образования, кандидат филологических наук, доцент - главы II, V, III
(совместно с В. В. Макаевым);
В. В. Макаев, профессор многих зарубежных университетов, кандидат
педагогических наук, доцент - главы I, II, III
(совместно с О. А. Колыхаловой).
Колыхалова О. А., Макаев В.
В.
К60    Английский язык: Учебник для студентов и
аспирантов гуманитарных специальностей вузов. - М.: Издательский центр
«Академия», 1998. - 463 с.
ISBN
5-7695-0179-0
Учебник написан молодыми специалистами в области
филологии и педагогики, использующими в своей работе классические принципы
дидактики и современные направления в российском и западном университетском
образовании. Учебник отражает современные инновационные тенденции в методике
преподавания языка, ориентированные на его глубокое и полное изучение. Учебник
вовлекает обучаемых в самостоятельную работу и полезен как для занятий под
руководством учителя, так и для самостоятельного изучения и совершенствования
своих знаний.
ББК 81.2 Англ.

ISBN
  5-7695-0179-0

© Колыхалова О.А., Макаев В В., 1998
© Издательский центр «Академия», 1998

ОТ АВТОРОВ
Учебник «Английский язык» адресован в первую очередь
студентам и аспирантам гуманитарных специальностей высших учебных заведений,
студентам факультетов иностранных языков, а также всем тем, кто желает повысить
свой уровень владения языком, добиться глубинного понимания текста,
усовершенствовать навыки устной и письменной речи и перевода.
Учебник состоит из пяти частей.
Первые две части теоретические. Они содержат материалы
о словарном составе языка: многозначности, семантических полях, структуре
простых и сложных предложений, способах связи между ними, видах чтения.
Теоретический материал дополняется упражнениями и заданиями.
Третья и четвертая части содержат иллюстративный
материал, способствующий закреплению полученной информации. Тексты
познавательны, информативны, интересны, современны.
Пятая часть состоит из упражнений, направленных на
анализ внутренней структуры текстов.
Книга отражает последние инновационные тенденции в методике
преподавания языка, ориентированные на его глубокое и полное изучение. Новый
подход к изучению языка выразился в соотношении и структуре теоретического и
практического материала.
Все тексты и упражнения в учебнике мотивационны и взаимонаправленны.
Он удобен в обращении, так как предлагает удобно маркированные тексты и
упражнения; легко ложится на компьютерные программы. Он вовлекает обучаемых в
самостоятельную работу и полезен как для работы в аудитории под руководством
учителя, так и для индивидуальных занятий.
Авторы выражают глубокую признательность рецензентам,
преподавателям кафедры английского языка гуманитарных факультетов МПГУ и
преподавателям кафедры английского языка факультета переподготовки
педагогических кадров МИПКРО, где апробировался данный учебник. Высказанные ими
замечания были учтены при доработке рукописи.
Авторы будут признательны всем, кто пришлет свои
отзывы об этой работе.
О.А. Колыхалова, В. В.
Макаев

PREFACE
The textbook «English for Humanities» is for students
and postgraduate students of Humanities departments. It can also be used by
anyone who wishes to improve his knowledge of English.
It consists of five parts. The first two parts are
theoretical, supplemented with exercises. Part I focusses on vocabulary, word
formation and word usage. Special attention is paid to the use of words in
different contexts.
Part II is devoted to the teaching of reading and
comprehending the texts. Here much attention is paid to sentence and text
structure reading strategies per se.
Parts III and IV include rich variety of motivating
humanities oriented texts which illustrate the theoretical material of the
first two parts.
Part V is entirely a set of modern exercises (open-end
questionnaire, multiple choice, alternative, etc.) aiming at better analysing
and the inner structure of the texts, purposeful extraction the information.
The main aim of the textbook is to help students to
understand the text itself by increasing their word power, to teach them text
analysis. The student is to increase his word power, and through the vocabulary
he is to come to an understanding of the whole text, to master the techniques
of text analysis.
For students it is necessary to economize on time and
the textbook teaches them to work with different texts, trying to evaluate the
general idea by skimming and scanning.
The textbook teaches a student a wide variety of
skills, helps him/her answer formal and in-depth questions, without confusing
him. It provides a student with appropiate techniques and know-how which is one
of its main purposes.
User-friendly in its layout and the very structure,
the textbook offers easy for marking ennumeratedly lined texts, exercises,
firmly based on the classic principles of didactics strives at combining them
with modern Western university education.
We hope that this textbook will not be the ultimate in
its kind in the series but the first, and that other similar textbooks(e.g. in
grammar ) will follow.

BOOK I

PART I
                                        WORD POWER (VOCABULARY STUDY)

SECTION  1
INTRODUCTION TO WORD POWER (WP)
WP is about words and word knowledge
It has been estimated by some researchers (Nagy and
Herman, 1984)* that a native speaker of English who has completed 12 years of
school encounters approximately 88,500 distinct word families with upwards of
100,000 distinct meanings in reading in English. According to Nagy and Herman,
if materials for higher grades and for adults were included, then these figures
would be substantially higher. In their view, the best way to acquire this
necessary vocabulary is by reading, reading and more reading! While it may be
an unrealistic goal to expect to acquire all the words one needs within the
framework of one course or even two, it is possible to improve one's word
acquisition strategies and one's knowledge of and about words. This is the
purpose of this unit.

* Nagy, William E. and Herman,
Patricia A. (1984)

«Limitations
of Vocabulary Instruction» Technical Report No. 326 Center for the Study of
Reading University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.

Which words you learn is up to you. You, the learner,
have to build your own personalized vocabulary based on what you feel is
important to you. The information and exercises included in the WP unit, along
with the texts you read in the EFL course and the readings in English on the
bibliographies for your other courses, will increase your English vocabulary.
We hope all this will also improve your word knowledge (i.e. what you know
about how words are formed and how to figure out what new words probably mean).
Ultimately, we hope it will give you a feeling of word power (WP).
                    GOOD LUCK!

       SECTION II
WORDS ON WORDS
(Some Thoughts
About How, and What, Words «Mean»)
Text A. (from Through the Looking Glass by
Lewis Carroll «Humpty Dumpty» — Chapter VI)
«When I use a word,» Humpty Dumpty said, in rather a
scornful tone, «it means just what I choose it to mean — neither more nor less
.»
«The question is,» said Alice, «whether you can make
words 5 mean so many different things.»
«The question is,» said Humpty Dumpty, «which is to be
master — that's all.»
Alice was too much puzzled to say anything; so after a
minute Humpty Dumpty began again. «... I can manage the 10 whole lot of them!
Impenetrability! That's what I say!»
«Would you tell me, please,» said Alice, «what that
means?» «... I meant by "impenetrability" that we've had enough of
that subject, and it would be just as well if you'd mention what you mean to do
next, as I suppose you don't mean to stop here 15 all the rest of your life.»
«That's a great deal to make one word mean,» Alice
said in a thoughtful tone.
«When I make a word do a lot of work like that,» said
Humpty Dumpty, «I always pay it extra.»
Text B. (from Lewis Carroll's Symbolic
Logic, quoted on p.269 of The Annotated Alice, ed. Martin Gardner)
...I maintain that any writer of a book is fully
authorized in attaching any meaning he likes to any word or phrase he intends
to use. If I find an author saying, at the beginning of his book, «Let it be
understood that by the word "black" I shall always mean
"white", and that by the word "white" I shall always mean
"black,"» I meekly accept this ruling, however injudicious I may
think it.
Text C. (from «The Philosopher's Alice in Wonderland,»
by Roger W. Holmes, in the Antioch Review, Summer, 1959, also quoted in The
Annotated Alice fp.2701)
«May we ... make our words mean what we choose them to
mean? One thinks of a Soviet delegate using "democracy" in a U.N.
debate. May we «pay our words extra,» or is this the stuff that propaganda is
made of? Do we have an obligation to past usage? In one sense words are our
masters, or communication would be impossible. In another we are the masters;
otherwise there could be no poetry.»
Text D. (from «Words,on Words,» the acceptance speech
delivered by Vaclav Havel, on receiving the Peace Prize of the German
Booksellers Association on October 15,1989; reprinted in «The New York Review
of Books,» January 18, 1990)
(1) Words can have histories too.
(2) There was a time, for instance, when, for whole
generations of the downtrodden and oppressed, the word socialism was a
mesmerizing synonym for a just world, a time when, for the ideal expressed in
that word, people were capable of sacrificing years and years of their lives,
and their very lives even. I don't know about your country, but in mine, that
particular word — «socialism» — was transformed long ago into just an ordinary
truncheon used by certain cynical, parvenu bureauc rats to bludgeon their
liberal-minded fellow citizens from morning until night, labeling them «enemies
of socialism» and «antisocialism forces.» It's a fact: in my country, for ages
now, that word has been no more than an incantation that should be avoided if
one does not wish to appear suspect.
 (3) I was recently at an entirely spontaneous
demonstration ...protesting the sell-off of one of the most beautiful parts of
Prague to some Australian millionaires. When one of the speakers there, loudly
decrying the project, sought to bolster his appeal to the government by
declaring that he was fighting for his home in the name of socialism, the crowd
started to laugh. Not because they had anything against a just social order,
but quite simply because they heard a word which has been in-canted for years
and years in every possible and impossible context by a regime that only knows
how to manipulate and humiliate people.
(4) What a weird fate can befall certain words! At one
moment in history, courageous, liberal-minded people can be thrown into prison
because a particular word means something to them, and at another moment,
people of the selfsame variety can be thrown into prison because that word has
ceased to mean anything to them, because it has changed from a symbol of a
better world into the mumbo jumbo of a doltish dictator.
(5) No word — at least not in the rather metaphorical
sense I am employing the word «word» here — comprises only the meaning assigned
to it by an etymological dictionary. The meaning of every word also reflects
the person who utters it, the situation in which it is uttered, and the reason
for its utterance. The selfsame word can, at one moment, radiate great hopes,
at another, it can emit lethal rays. The selfsame word can be true at one
moment and false the next, at one moment illuminating, at another, deceptive.
On one occasion it can open up glorious horizons, on another, it can lay down
the tracks to an entire archipelago of concentration camps. The selfsame word
can at one time be the cornerstone of peace, while at another, machine-gun fire
resounds in its every syllable.
(6) Gorbachev wants to save socialism through the
market economy and free speech, while Li Peng protects socialism by massacring
students, and Ceausescu by bulldozing his people. What does that word actually
mean on the lips of the one and 50 the lips of the other two? What is this
mysterious thing — [«socialism»] — that is being rescued in such disparate
ways?

Text E.

Exercises:
I . In text (C) above, Roger W. Holmes asks: «May
we... make our words mean what we choose them to mean?»
1. How does Holmes himself answer this?
2. Compare Holmes' position on this issue with that of
Lewis Carroll (in text В above). Which of the two do you find more
persuasive?
3. Why do you suppose Lewis Carroll qualified what he
said by adding at the end of his declaration, «however injudicious I may think
it»? (What did he realize might turn out to be «injudicious»?)
4. How do you imagine Vaclav Havel (in text D) might
answer the same question?
5. How does the girl in the peanuts cartoon answer it?
6. What words that have «histories» (see the first
sentence of Havel's speech) can you think of?
II. A. Carroll tells us (in text В
above) that if a writer wants to use a word to mean something different from
what it commonly means, he need only tell us, at the beginning of his text,
what special meaning he has assigned to that word in his text. But what if a
writer does not prepare his reader in this way? By what other means can we
guess what meaning he has assigned to a word that he has used in an unusual way
(one that cannot be found in any dictionary?)
1. One possibility is illustrated in the short Text
(Part III) called «Filters Against Folly.» The writer speaks of a «shortage of
supply and a longage of demand» (1.4). The technical term for the rhetorical
device used here by this writer is «parallelism.» What do you think
«parallelism» means? How do we know what he means by longage, even though the
word does not appear in any dictionary?
2. We can also guess something about the meaning of a
word by its position in the sentence, or by its ending. This can be helpful in
understanding something about what a writer is telling us, even when we're not
familiar with many of the words he uses.
a. To understand something about the meaning of a word
by its position in the sentence, we have to know the parts of speech (noun,
verb, adjective, adverb, etc.)-and how they function in an English sentence.
For example:
— The first word in a sentence will usually never be a
verb. But an unfamiliar word that follows one of the familiar modals (can, may,
must, would, etc.) probably is a verb (e.g. , He may abscond with the money) ,
though the modal may be followed by an adverb (e.g. , He may never abscond with
the money). -An unfamiliar word following any of the determiners (i.e., the
articles «the», «a», «an», «some», «any»: the possessive pronouns such as «my»,
«your», etc. ; the demonstratives «this», «that», «these», and «those»; and the
counters or measuring words such as «few», «many», «several», etc.)-is
probably a noun of some sort (e.g. , Behold the Aardvark ingesting termites).
-A word ending in «ly» is likely to be an adverb (e.g. , He is demonstrably
idiotic), followed by an adjective; though it could also be an adjective
(e.g., He was a friendly creature) , followed by a noun. For the meaning of
grammatically significant word endings such as «ly», see «Suffixes Used to Form
Parts of Speech» in the Appendix to Part I (WP).
II. B. Below are a set of sentences with nonsense
words. In the blanks provided, replace each nonsense word with some meaningful
word, so that the resulting sentence is well-formed and meaningful. Use your
knowledge of the meaning aspects of word forms and their functions in English.
1. The clonks were wimbling
pootishly.

The_______ were______ ing______ ly.
2 . Have you
beller spiggled a _____?
Have
you______er______ ed a _____?
3. This om the bodgiest
puckle in the Hitch.
This______the ____iest
______in the ___ .
4. Greezzy fubbles should
blably be shifted.
____ у______s
should _____ly be _____ ed.
5. You can skritch your
Cripples and plutch them into your trinks . You can____________ your_______s
and_____them into your______s
.
What clues did you use to decide what parts of speech
to choose to fill in the blanks?
II. C. In his novel, The Clockwise Orange, Anthony
Burgess created a special lexicon (i.e., a list of words with their meanings)
for his characters. To be understood, he depended upon his readers' background
knowledge of the criminal world (presumably acquired second-hand, from reading
and seeing «thrillers»). But he also depended upon their knowledge of the forms
and functions of words in ordinary English.
What sense can you make of the following passage taken
from The Clockwork Orange?
Then we slooshied the sirens and knew the millicents
were coming with pooshkas pushing out of the police auto-windows at the ready.
That little weepy devotchka had told them there being a box for calling the
rozzes not too far behind the Muni Power Plant.

SECTION III
EVALUATE YOUR WORD KNOWLEDGE
How large is your English vocabulary? Do you need to
have precise knowledge of every word in order to be able to understand a text?
Is it sometimes enough to have only a vague idea about some of the words? Is it
sometimes all right to ignore a difficult word, hoping you will be able to figure
out what it means after further reading?
1. Evaluate your word knowledge (decontextualized).
The following words come from Sublist 1 of A University Word List, prepared by
Xue Guo-yi and Paul Nation, reprinted in Language and Communication, 3(2), 1984).
How well do you know each of them? (place the appropriate
symbol before each word.)
i. 0 = no knowledge,
ii. ? = some knowledge,
iii.
+ = knowledge (discriminating knowledge, i.e. you can translate it, can give a
definition, can understand it fully in reading and can use it productively in
writing.)

alternative
arbitrary
assume
concept
constant
criterion
denote
dimension
element
equivalent
evident
guarantee
ignore
imply
interpret
method
negative
presume
publish
range
restrict
specify
suffice
tense
valid

analyse
assess
compensate
conclude
construct
data
derive
distinct
environment
establish
facilitate
hypothesis
illustrate
indicate
involve
minimum
obvious
prime
pursue
region
role
status
summary
ultimate
vary

approach
assign
complex
consist
context
define
devise
dominate
equate
evaluate
formula
identify
impact
initial
magnitude
modify
potential
proceed
random
require
similar
subsequent
technique
usage
vertical

2. Underline ten difficult words in one of the texts
in this book as you read it, and before you reach for a dictionary.
A. How important is it for you to know each of these
words in order to understand the text? (Evaluate the importance on a scale of
1-5: (O) = of no importance; (5) — crucial)
B. How important is it for you to know these words for
your general/personal vocabulary? (Evaluate the importance on a score of 1-5:
(О) — of no importance; (5) = crucial)
3. Strategies available for learning and remembering a
new word:
1. Internal
context (analysing word structure — prefixbase — suffix)
2. Association of
the new word with words that look the same (i.e., have the same base, or stem)
3. External
context (studying the words, phrase or sentence(s) just preceding or just
following the unfamiliar word)
4. Aural and/or
visual cues (associating the word with some sound or image)
5. Native
language equivalents (associating the word with its equivalent in your native
language)
6. Synonyms
(associating the word with word(s) of similar meaning )
7. Antonyms
(associating the word with word(s) of opposite or contrastive meaning)
8. Collocations
(associating the word with words that go together with it, i.e. coffee or tea)
9. Placing the
word within a semantic field — (groups of words used in relation to a given
topic or scene)

SECTION IV
THE WORD IN THE DICTIONARY
Some dictionaries you may want to examine:
American College
Dictionary
Random House
College
Dictionary Concise Oxford
Webster Ninth New
Collegiate Dictionary
Longman's
Dictionary of Contemporary English (Advanced Learners' Dictionary)
(4.1)
Information Available in Some Dictionaries
1. Spelling (and various acceptable spellings, when
there is more than one of these for a given word [e.g. color, colour])
2a. Various related Usages should be indicated — i.e.
, usages that are closely related to each other so that they can be listed
together — (usually in the order of the frequency with which they are used)
under a single entry (e.g. «radical» as used in political science or in
mathematics or linguistics) .
2b. Examples should be given of each usage (sentences
or phrases in each of which the given word is used differently: i.e., has a
slightly different «meaning»). E.g. «discipline» as «training» or «punishment»,
or as «an area of instruction».
3. Homographs — there may be separate listings for
words that are spelled alike but are different in other ways. They may be
pronounced differently, they may belong to different word classes (e.g., noun,
verb, adjective, etc....) or they may be completely different in meaning.
(e.g. flock (noun) — a group of animals or people
flock (verb) — to gather in large numbers
flock (noun) — (1) small pieces of wool, cotton, etc.,
used for filling cushions. (2) soft material that forms decorated patterns on
the surface of wallpaper, curtains, etc.
4. Abbreviations — there may be a separate listing for
the abbreviated form of a word (e.g., «Dr.» and «Doctor») (See also:
Abbreviations, Unit 3 of WP Appendix, [Section X]).
5. Capitalization — there may be separate listings for
the capitalized and uncapitalized forms of certain words that have a specific
meaning when they are written with a capital letter.
e.g. reformation — the act of improving something
Reformation — a 16th century European religious
movement
6. Syllabification — there may be an indication of the
correct way to divide the word. This information is necessary in writing, when
we have room for only part of the word at the end of a line. It also helps us
too see what parts the word is made of (which is useful for guessing its
meaning).
Divide the words anonymous and anthropology according
to the divisions indicated in your dictionary. What symbol does your dictionary
use to indicate how this is to be done?
7. Pronunciation — Look up the pronunciation of the
following words: (a.) «ancillary» (b.) «harass». What symbols are used to
indicate how to pronounce these words? Where are these symbols explained?
Sometimes a word is spelled the same way, but pronounced differently, for each
of its different grammatical roles. (E.g., «estimate», as a noun; «estimate»,
as a verb.) Look up the word «estimate» to see how it is pronounced in each of
its roles.
8. Parts of Speech — For each word there should be an
indication of its Word classes or parts of speech: (e.g., verb (v.); noun (n.);
adjective (adj.); adverb (adv.) etc. It's useful to know that the same form of
the word can serve more than one function (i.e. , fill more than one position
in the sentence). Look up the word «form» in a good dictionary. What different
functions can it serve? (See also «Parts of speech», Unit I of section V in
Part II.)
9. Other information about verbs:-
A. There should be an indication of whether a verb is
trans. (transitive) or intr. (intransitive), i.e., whether or not it is followed
by a direct object. You may find that some verbs (like «guess») can be used
either way (trans. and intr.) B. Irregular inflections of verbs should be
indicated; e.g. irregular forms of the past and past perfect; swim, swam; put,
put; to be — am, is, are, was, were. C. Information about Phrasal Verbs is useful.
Sometimes called two-part verbs, these consist of a verb and a specific adverb
(e.g. to give out) or preposition (e.g. to look after). These have a different
meaning from the meaning of the verb alone (e.g. to give or to look), and they
may have separate listings.
10 . Other
information about nouns:
A. There should be an indication of what type of Noun
it is i.e., Countable (C), or Uncountable (U)). This is useful for deciding
whether to use it with a singular or plural verb; what determiner (the, a,
much, many, etc.) to use with it; and with what pronoun (sing. or plural) to
replace it. B. Irregular inflections of nouns should be indicated: e.g.,
irregular plural forms such as «child», «children»; «candy», «candies»;
«phenomenon», «phenomena»; «datum», «data».
11. Other Information about Usage:— Become familiar
with the labels used in your dictionary to give information about the use or
function of the word in the language. What do you think the following labels
indicate about the word?
standard/ non-standard; Brit./ Am., colloq.
(colloquial), slang; obs. (obsolete); arch. (archaic); Black
English; abbrev. (abbreviation). (See
«Abbreviations»,Unit 2 of WP Appendix, [Section X]).
Without bothering to look these up, how do you think a
good dictionary might label the following:
a. «You're gonna make it hot for us.»
b. theater, theatre; color, colour; favor, favour
c. Thine honour has been ruined.
d. Ain't you pretty!?
e. Have a «nash»?
12. Compound words — these are separate words that
have a special meaning when they appear together (without a hyphen — ) and
hence may be listed as a single entry under the first of the two words. E.g.
hot air; hot dog; hot plate; hot pot; hot line
Sometimes the two words are actually joined together,
and you will learn this from the fact that they are listed as a single word
e.g. hothouse, hotfoot, hothead.
Sometimes the two words are joined by a hyphen, and
this too, will be indicated by the form of the dictionary entry: e.g.
hot-blooded.
13. Synonyms and Antonyms — A good dictionary will
also list words that are similar in meaning to, or opposite in meaning from,
the word you have looked up (i.e., its synonyms and antonyms). Some
dictionaries list the synonyms and antonyms under the most frequently used
word. E.g., under «injury» the American College Dictionary lists the following
synonyms (syn.): hurt, wound, and the following antonym (ant.), benefit.
14. Etymology, or word derivations— It is sometimes
useful to know whether the word was originally Latin, Greek, German, French,
Spanish, etc., and when it came into the English language). (Most college-level
dictionaries supply this information.) E.g. if you look up the word «refusenik»
which is listed in some dictionaries published after 1974, you will learn that
«refusenik» is a new formation from «refuse» and the Slavic suffix «-nik».(See
also «nudnik»). See also «It's All Greek» in part III below.

(4.2) Learning how to get most out of a Dictionary
Dictionary Exercise:
1. Words of high and low frequency (in terms of
usage). Is it enough for you to just deal with words that are common (of high
frequency) or does your bibliographical and college level reading also require
you to be familiar with words of lower frequency (words that are not commonly
used)? Does your dictionary list words that are rarely used, or that are technical
terms peculiar to certain areas of knowledge? Does it include rare usages under
commonly used words?
(a) Check the word «radical» in your dictionary. Do
you find a mathematical and chemical or scientific meaning of the word as well
as a meaning from the area of political science?
(b) Check the following (rarely used) words and see if
they are in your dictionary
                                      (i) aardvark
(ii) eleemosynary
2. Range of Definitions
Does your dictionary make available to you a range of
meanings i.e. words which may be used in a technical /non-technical sense?
See example of «radical» above. Judging by what you found under «radical»,
would you say your dictionary provides a broad, or narrow, range of
definitions?
3. Order of Listings
How are different meanings of the word indicated in
your dictionary? Does your dictionary follow any particular order in listing
different meanings? I.e. does it give the most common or most typical meaning
first?
4. Multi-meaning Words
How does your dictionary enter multi-meaning words? —
as one entry, with several different meanings? with several different entries?
(a) How many meanings does your dictionary have for the word «hold»? (b) what
is the meaning of the word «hold» in each of the following?
a. to hold hands
b. Hold the
merchandise for me, please.
c. The call is on
hold.
d. His
performance can hold them spellbound.
e. We will hold
the meeting on Wednesday at 4 p.m.
f. Will you hold
back on that publication, please?
g. Who holds the
major political offices? the minor ones?
h. This bottle
holds 8 c.c.
i. I hold these
truths to be self-evident. J. I hold him to be the best applicant.
k. He managed to
hold the hostage for 18 hours before releasing him.
Does your dictionary contain all of these meanings or
did you have to work out the meanings from the context?
5. Find one of each of the following types of
dictionaries:
a. a bilingual dictionary (English-Russian, English
French, etc.)
b. an English — English Learners' Dictionary c. an
English — English College Dictionary Look up the underlined words in the
following sentences in each of these dictionaries. Note the differences in the
entries of the various dictionaries for the same word. (Be prepared to find
that some dictionaries do not list them at all.)
1. The University cannot
function on eleemosynary contributions alone.
2. The number of civil
service posts held by people of indigenous origin was small.
3. Students are often
recalcitrant about paying their fees.
4. NATO is an
organization that serves many countries.
(4.3)
Dictionary Questionnaire* and
some
First-year Student Responses

* from: Appendix C in Abigail Newback and Andrew
D. Cohen, «Processing Strategies and Problems Encountered in the Use of
Dictionaries». Journal of the Dictionary Society of North America, No. 10,
1988.

 (A)   1. What is your general attitude
toward the use of dictionaries?
— «I try not to use a dictionary a lot
because that is a way to test myself and see if I can manage without using it.»
2. Do you like using
dictionaries?
— «I hate using a dictionary
because it takes me out of concentration and I hate searching for the words.»
3. Do you feel that
dictionaries help you?
— «Yes. The dictionary helps me
most of the time, because I use it only when I really need it.»
4. When do you usually feel
that you need the assistance of a dictionary?
— «Impossible I prefer using
the context of the sentence itself to define an unknown word in that sentence.
However, when this does not work the assistance of a dictionary is O.K.»
5. Do you have any special
difficulties while using a dictionary?
— «Sometimes the definitions
of one word are too subtly different.»
— «The only difficulty I have
while using a dictionary is when there is more than one meaning to the word and
I can't pick the best one.»
6. Which type of dictionary
do you prefer? Why?
— «I prefer thinking in
English while studying English, so I use an English — English dictionary.»
—    «I prefer the English — Russian dictionary
because it's the easiest. But I use the English — English because it's the best
way to learn.»
(B) How would you
respond to each of the above questions?

SECTION V
CONNOTATION
Many words have both a PRIMARY and a SECONDARY
meaning. The PRIMARY meaning of a word is its denotation — i.e., what the word
explicitly signifies. The SECONDARY meaning of a word is its CONNOTATION. This
is the ADDITIONAL 'meaning that a word takes on from the types of contexts in
which it is most frequently found. Some word have POSITIVE CONNOTATIONS, some
have NEGATIVE CONNOTATIONS, and some are NEUTRAL (i.e., they simply denote a
concept without coloring it positively or negatively).
Often a writer implies his attitude or point of view
by choosing words that have positive or negative connotations when there are
neutral equivalents that he might have chosen instead. Conversely, he might
express his unwillingness to take sides on an issue by using neutral terms
wherever possible.
Consider the effect of the words having positive or
negative connotations (in contrast to their neutral equivalents) in the
following pairs of statements.
1. He purports to be happy in his work. (negative,
implying a false claim) He claims to be happy in his work. (neutral)
2. He built himself a house, (neutral)
He built himself a home. (positive, implying a place
of warmth, comfort and affection)
3. He entered the studio,
(neutral)
He invaded the studio, (negative, implying an
unwelcome intrusion)
4. He was youthful in appearance, (positive) He was
juvenile in appearance, (negative, implying   immaturity )
5. He decided to leave his job. (neutral) He decided
to abandon his job. (negative, implying desertion)
6. She dedicated herself to feeding her family,
(neutral) She dedicated herself to nourishing her family, (positive, implying
that the feeder maintains life)
7. He was a profound thinker. (positive, implying
extreme penetration into the subjects of his thought) He was a deep thinker,
(neutral)
Sometimes the same word has somehow acquired various
connotations. The reader must then pay close attention to the context in which
it appears if he wants to infer an implied attitude. Consider the way in which
the change of context changes the connotation of the underlined words in the
sentences below.
8. Hercules was a mythical figure, (neutral).
        The story he
gave the press was entirely mythical.
(negative,
implying falsehood)
9. He told a funny
story, (neutral)
There's something funny
about the letter, (negative,  implying cause for suspicion) What connotation
does the  underlined word have in the following sentences?
10. That was a fantastic
meal. (       )
He was troubled by
fantastic dreams. (        )

SECTION VI
A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO WORD STUDY

Internal Structure/Context
Prefixes — Bases — Suffixes (see Unit 1 of WP Appendix
[Section X])
6.1 Decoding the word correctly (noting exactly how
the word looks)
Read aloud each of the following sets of words and
think about the meaning of each word in the set. What element/s is/ are
important for distinguishing between the different words? Add a word or a pair
of words to each set, showing the same element of difference.
1. boot, booth; book;__________ (different end consonants)
2. bed; bud;___________________ (different vowels)
3. scheme —
scene;____________(the addition or omission of a consonant before and/or after
the vowel)
4.
undeveloped-underdeveloped;_______ (a change in the prefix)
underemployed-unemployed;
5. apprehensive-apprehension
_______ (a change in the suffix, indicating a different part of speech)
6.2 Recognition of Consonant Blends in English
In the following list, circle consonant blends that
you recognize as being found in English words. Supply a word using each of the
latter blends (i.e. «ph» = phenomenon).

bl, br, bxt, cl, cr, ct, dt, dw, fr, fs, gl, gr, lr,
nk, pi, pr, qu, sc, sch, sl, sm, sn, sp, spl, sq, st, str, sw, tch, thr, tw, wh
Which of the following combinations may also be found
in words used in English? (Use a dictionary, if you aren't sure, to see if any
words begin with them, and if so, how these words are pronounced.)
kn, psy, mn, pn, gn
6.3 Words have structure.
Individual
letters > syllables > units of meaning.
A word in English always has a base, or stem (e.g.
establish). It may also have a prefix and a suffix (e.g. dis establish ment).
It may also have more than one prefix: (e.g. un pro ductive (note that the base
is the same as in re ductive; de ductive); un pro voked (note that the base is
the same as in re voked); un per formed (note that the base is the same as in
re formed) . And it may also have more than one suffix: e.g. profit able ness
(in which the base is «profit»).
+/- PREFIXES + BASE +/- SUFFIXES
A prefix has invariable meaning or a few constants of
meaning. A suffix may also have grammatical meaning (i.e. it can tell us if
the word is used as a verb, noun, adjective, or adverb) in addition to
«meaning» meaning.
Circle the prefix, block out the base, and underline
the suffix in each of the following words . Then decide what parts of speech
the word can be used as (the suffix will tell you) . Sometimes the same suffix
can indicate more than one part of speech (e.g. , «explosive,» which can be
used as a noun or an adjective).
international
induction presupposition detective
homogeneous
reproductive     unfamiliar
6.4 Invariable position of
word part
Reorder each of the following
sets of word-parts so that each set makes a meaningful word.
Example: -ical, bio-, auto-,
graph = autobiographical

1. marry, -age,
-ity, abil-
2. on, -ment,
-vir-, en-, al, -ism
3. -sible, -in,
-pre-, corn, -hen
6.5 Meaningful prefix or not?
The first syllable may look like a detachable English
prefix, when actually it is an integral part of the base (it cannot be
separated from the base and analysed for meaning). Therefore, you must be
careful, when trying to guess the meaning of an unfamiliar word, not to assume
automatically that what looks like a prefix is in fact always that.
In each of the following sets of words, circle the
word that does have a detachable prefix.
disappointment, disciple, disapproval (dis = showing
an opposite or negative)
unanimous, unlawful, undisguised (un = a negation, a
lack, or an opposite)
illegal, illegitimate, illusion (il = a negation, a
lack, or an opposition)
pregnant, presupposition,
predetermined (pre = before)
abnormal, able, abduction (ab
= away from)
religion, renegotiate,
reenact (re = again, or back)
biannual, bigotted, bilateral
(bi = two, twice or double)
6.6 Word derivation
From a single word base, you
may be able to construct many other words. The following are derivations of the
base «edit». Divide them into noun, verb, and adjectival categories. edit:
edition, editorialize; editor, editorial; editorialization
Nouns : Verbs : Adjectives :
6.7 Productive word parts — Chaining
Circle the part of the word which is
repeated in the adjacent word. Explain the meaning of the word part in the
word.
socialism
sociology         biology
theism                                  biography
theocracy     democracy      demography

Can you determine the meaning
of the following words by analysing their parts?
atheism, atypical,
specialize, nationalize, synthesize, summarize, bibliography, chronology,
terminology?
Can you make up a new chain?
6.8 Creation of new words
On the basis of your knowledge of the words in Column
I can you make an «educated» guess about the meaning of the (invented) words
alongside them? (It is acceptable to invent a word when no word exists as yet
for the concept you have in mind.)
Column I
1. cafeteria groceteria,
washeteria
2. hierarchy «lowerarchy»
3. channel  chunnel
4. tunnel    hamburger
pizzaburger, fishburger, soyaburger
5. shortages longages*
What do you think «ruburban» or «comdramatist» might
mean?

* See «Filters
Against Folly,» in Part III

6.9 Web of
Relationships
Can you access the meaning of the words in the web in
relation to the base word in the center?
apathetic                          pathology
empathy                                   pathologist — patho —
sympathy              pathogenic
pathological           pathos           apathy
6.10 Word parts — variable/invariable meaning
Prefixes. How many of the following prefixes do you know? Indicate the meaning
of each prefix and suggest a word in which it appears.
a, ambi, amphi, auto, bene, by, circu, circum, со,
col, corn, con, contra, de, dis, dys, e, ex, en, entre, inter, intra, hyper,
hypo, it, im, in, infra, ir, macro, micro, maxi midi, mini, mis, non, off, out,
over, pan, pre, pro, pseudo, quasi, re, retro, sym, syn, ultra, under, vice,
with.
6.11 Who Can Count??? (Word elements having numerical
meaning)*
Identify the numerical elements in each of the
following words. Make a number chart ranging from the smallest unit to the
largest.

* (See also, «Quantitative prefixes» in Unit 1 of
WP Appendix, [Section X]).

monarchy, bilateral, pentagon, septuagint, decade,
quadraplegic, centennial, primary, hemisphere, dichotomy, unified, trimester,
quadrant, quintuplet, semicolon, millenium, octagonal, hexagon, septet, octave,
decalogue, trilogy, monopoly, sextet, omnipotent, polygamous,multiracial,
myriad, oligarchy, twilight, twice, twins.
SECTION VII
A
CONTEXTUAL APPROACH TO WORD STUDY
A) Contextual clues to the meaning of the words in the
sentence.
In addition to the Internal Context of Structure clues
for a word, (see Section VI of WP above) readers are frequently told to find
the meaning of an unknown word in the surrounding context — i.e. from the words
or phrases before or after the unknown word «X». This is wonderful advice if it
works: unfortunately, the context does not always provide the reader with the
clues needed. The following exercises are designed to help you recognize the
contextual clues, if and when they exist in your text.
Deriving Meaning
from Context                                                                                (Do
not use a dictionary for these exercises)

7.1 The context can sometimes help you with the
meaning of an unknown word without your having to go to the dictionary.
Although there are severe limits to the meaning the context alone can give, it
can help to reveal meaning in several ways. Try to figure out the meaning of
each of the difficult words in the examples below:
1. The context can help by re-stating the idea
expressed by the word (i.e., by providing a definition). Most organisms are
aerobes; that is, they require oxygen to live.
«aerobe» means: ______________________.
2. The context can help by restating the idea
expressed by the difficult word using several simpler words. The Germans left
the Czech village of Lidice devastated: it was totally destroyed.
«devastated» means: ____________________.
3. The context can help by providing examples
illustrating the meaning of the difficult word: Innards, such as hearts,
kidneys and livers, are eaten more enthusiastically in some cultures than in
others.
«Innards» means: _____________________.
4. The context can help by telling us what the word
does not mean (here introduced by the word «but», signalling a contrasting
idea) . The word "sea" usually refers to a body of water that is
saline, but the water in the Sea of Galilee is relatively sweet.
«saline» means: ______________________.
5. The context can help by allowing us to infer the
meaning of the word from what it tells us about the concept that the word
refers to. The doorway was so low that when he entered the room he hit his head
on the lintel.
«lintel» means:_______________________.
6. The context can help by telling us what facts lying
in the storehouse of our general knowledge we should call on for help.
Of all the five senses, the one dogs depend upon most
is the olfactory sense.
«Olfactory» means:_____________________.
Exercise B:
Determine the meaning of each underlined word from the
context. You may write the meanings in Russian.
1. Insect fecundity is frightening: many kinds of
insects lay hundreds or even thousands of eggs at one time. «fecundity»
means»:_____________________.
2. Mozart manifested his
dislike of Salzburg by choosing to live much of his life outside that city.
«to manifest» means:____________________.
3. Many works of art were salvaged from the flood in
Florence in 1966, but Cimabue's «Crucifix» was very badly damaged.
«to salvage» means:_____________________.
4. Dr. Burns's research sounded much more impressive
when he described it as petrology rather than simply the study of rocks.
«petrology» means:_____________________.
5. Scientists rejected first the idea of a geocentric
universe and then of a heliocentric one as they discovered that neither the
earth nor the sun is at the center of the universe.
«geocentric» means: _____________________.
«heliocentric»
means: _____________________.
6. The terminal points of the
Egged bus lines 9 and 28 are Mt. Scopus and Givat Ram.
«Terminal» means: _____________________.
7. Through Conan Doyle's
stories the character of Sherlock Holmes has taken on so much verisimilitude
that we tend to forget that, in reality, there was no such person.
«verisimilitude» means:__________________.
8. One characteristic property of gases is their
thermal expansion: all gases increase in volume when their temperature is
raised.
«thermal» means:______________________.
9. Psychologists also study normal behavior, but they
are particularly concerned with behavior that is deviant.
«deviant» means:______________________.
10. The best example of a
true social isolate would be a feral child, provided a child could actually be
found who had had no contact whatsoever with human society, and had been reared
in the wilderness by animals.
«isolate» means
:______________________.
«feral» means
:_______________________.
11. The theme of a novel may
be primarily didactic, and this teaching may be moral or social.
«didactic» means:
_____________________.

7.2. Use of words indicating Spatial (Alternative
spelling: «Spacial» ) Orientation or Movement
These words can be used both literally (to indicate an
actual movement or position in space), or metaphorically (to indicate something
like movement or position). Determine whether the use of the underlined
spatial words is Literal (L) or Metaphorical (M) in each of the following sentences.
__ 1. But since the boundaries of Islam extend
far beyond those of Iran what constitutes Iran's «self-defence» becomes
highly ambiguous.
__ 2. Iran protested the next day , contending that
its plane had been attacked over «international waters», while the
Saudis said that the plane had been downed in «Saudi» territorial
waters.
__ 3. It was not until much later that pan-Turkism and
pre-Arabism appeared on the political horizon and, even then, there is
some doubt as to what they really signified.
__ 4. The barrier separating the rich and the
poor is seldom crossed.
__ 5. He was deeply in debt.
__ 6. Prices soared sky-high.
__ 7.
He followed the ups and downs of the stock market.
__ 8. He arrived at a landmark decision during
his first year as a judge.
B) Value Clues. You may find contextual clues relating
to the worth or desirability of, or to the affect or emotion aroused by, the
difficult word.
a. Indicate whether the underlined words in the following
sentences convey a positive or a negative meaning.
b. Underline the other words in the sentence that
serve as value clues to the meaning of the difficult word.
1. The critic commended the work for its intellectual
honesty.
2. Domestic effluents destroyed the formerly
beautiful environment.
3. The sonorous bells awakened the villagers to
another peaceful Sunday.
4. Beware of predatory
men.
5. She was insulted by his
condescension.
C. Function Clues:
Function clues relate to what someone or something
does; how it, s/he functions.
7.3 In each of the following sentences, indicate the
words or phrases which help us to understand how the underlined word functions.
1. The foundation provides grants and scholarships to deserving
students.
2. The minister was
incarcerated in the Tower of London, where they held him until he was
brought to trial.
3. They respected his
anonymity by refusing to reveal his name and address.
4. The effect of his
chicanery was to make everybody distrust everything he ever said or did
thereafter.

SECTION VIII
SEMANTIC
FIELDS

UNIT A: AREAS, SCRIPTS, TOPICS,
CATEGORIES
When learning new vocabulary , try to attach the new
words to something previously learned. It helps if you try to categorize or
group related words that share a «semantic field» (an area of meaning) . In
English it pays to focus on the way a word looks (as opposed to the way it
sounds) when trying to decide what other words it might be related to. (Many
words sound alike but are spelled very differently. Chances are they are very
different in meaning e.g. bare — bear; affect — effect.)
8. 1 Semantic Fields
List at least 5 words you associate with each of the
following areas. Do any of your words cross areas?

ECONOMICS PSYCHOLOGY
RELIGION MUSIC YOUR OWN FIELD OF STUDY
8. 2 The Vocabulary of the Script
Think of at least 5 words which relate to each of the
following «scenes». Do any of your words cross scenes?
A RESTAURANT THE
LIBRARY THE UNIVERSITY THE DENTIST
8. 3 Suggest a Topic
For each of the following word sets, suggest an area
to which it relates, the topic of a text in which you are most likely to find
most of the words. I. leaders, executives, abilities, |2. nuclear weapons,
aggression, manager, performance, |geopolitical considerations, job,
production, supervisor, |deterrence, restraint, selection, qualities,
attributes, |attack, civilian targets personality traits Do any of these words
cross topics?
8. 4 Imagine a Scene — Suggest a Script
What do all the following words have in common? For
each of them, imagine a specific scene that it suggests. Tip ransom allowance
refund honorarium bounty tuition retainer bonus rent fare child support bus
money wage salary reward alimony prize
8. 5 Identify the
Topic
In the following short «text» , what words are used to
identify and to refer to the topic? What is the topic? What replacement or
substitution words or phrases are used instead of repeating it? Is there any
ellipsis (word(s) or idea(s) left out)?
«Did Gordon give us any work to do for tomorrows?»
«Of course! 5 pages to read and ten questions to answer.»
«Have you finished doing it?»
«Yes, most of it».
«Does that mean I can get it
from you this evening?»
«Yes, if you'll
do the same favor for me some time.»
8. 6 Co — reference or
Synonymous Reference
In each of the following sets, some of the words have
more in common with each other than they do with the other words in the set.
Group together those words in each set which share a common meaning. Specify
what you think that meaning is.
1. obligatory, compulsory, binding, voluntary,
enforceable
2. legal, bona fide, legitimate, illicit, lawful
3. rule, law, institution, custom, violation,
precedent, principle, standard
4. allow, permit, grant, sanction, censure
5. calm, concerned, anguished, distressed, agitated
6. achievement, calamity, catastrophe, disaster
7. provoke, please, irritate, annoy
8. dispute, disagreement, accord, argument, strain
9. biased, prejudiced, subjective, objective
10. conclude, deduce, infer, introduce
11. judge, appraise, evaluate, ignore, assess
12. anticipation, expectation, retrospection, plan,
intention
Other Useful Groupings of Words
Words of related or overlapping meaning can sometimes
be interchanged. They usually vary, however, in the degree to which they
express a given concept.
8.7 Downtoners and Emphasizers
Words that are related in meaning may be positioned on
a continuum according to the degree to which they express a given quality .

a.
Position the following
set of words on the continuum going from too little (insufficient) to too much
(superfluous)..
An Insufficient
Amount
A Superfluous Amount

generous, bountiful, ample, scarce, plentiful,
sufficient, excessive, impoverished, adequate, lavish, deficient, sparse,
skimpy, profuse, substantial, meagre, adequate, limited, abundant
If we want to strengthen or weaken a value word, we
can choose an emphasizer to make it even stronger, or a downtoner to make it
weaker.
b. Place the following sets of emphasizers on a
continuum:
Emphasizers: certainly, definitely, fully, terribly,
thoroughly, absolutely, completely, entirely, enormously, intensely, etc.
c. Place the following sets of downtoners on a
continuum.
Downtoners: partly, almost, slightly, hardly,
moderately, scarcely, possibly, quite, somewhat, rather, etc.. Combine words
from a. and b. and a. and c. to illustrate the strengthening or weakening
effect.
8.8 Place each of the following word sets on a scale
as indicated . A scale of:
1. size — from small to large
huge, immense, microscopic, giant, minuscule, considerable,
gargantuan, titanic, mammoth, miniature, massive, dwarf-like, average,
colossal, infinitesimal
2. probability — from improbable to likely
feasible, apt, likely, certain, definite, doubtful,
conclusive, sure, impossible, decided, possible
3. frequency — from infrequent to frequent
often, seldom, occasionally, never, once in a while,
eventually, rarely, hardly ever, sometimes, hardly
4. quantity — from a little to a lot
much, many, few, hardly any, a mere few, a lot more
than, most, a mere handful, the bulk of, the majority, massive amounts, some,
several, a minority, not more than, somewhat less than, an infinite amount, countless,
innumerable, numberless
5. quality — from inferior to superior
excellent, shabby, precious, rare, poor, genuine,
good, feeble, sophisticated, crude, fine, rough
6. development — from increasing to decreasing
magnify, enlarge, minimize, supplement, multiply,
augment, swell, reduce, prolong, diminish, expand, extend, amplify, maximize,
shrink, condense, contract, miniaturize
7. disagreement/agreement — from, disagreement to
agreement
balance, accord, discord, concord, confluence,
harmony, concurrence, unanimity, cooperation, disharmony, disunity, dissonance,
congruence, consensus, dissent, dissention, controversy
8 helpfulness — from hidrance to help,
benefit, hindrance, impediment, prevention, support,
aid, prophylactic, assistance, obstruction, restraint, restriction, furtherance,
repression, suppression, fosterage, sponsorship
9. achievement — from failure to success
attainment, failure, success, accomplishment,
prosperity, fulfillment, realization, completion, perfection, consummation,
triumph, breakdown, downfall, collapse, crash
8.9 Male/Female Words
While English is not considered a «gender» language in
the sense that all words are specifically «marked» masculine or feminine, there
are some words that are specifically masculine or feminine.
Place the following words in the appropriate column:
«male», «female», or «unmarked». Indicate whether any of these words have any
further specified meaning. (E.g. mullah — male [ in Islamic countries), title
of respect for a person who is learned in, teaches or expounds the sacred law;
ii. [in Turkey] a provincial judge.)
queen
minister
mother
priest
child
politician
employee
adolescent
nurse
Esquire (Esq.)
Mrs.
actress
princess
director
lass
lad
soldier
waiter
chairman
astronaut
Ms.
spinster
master
stewardess
conductor
caliph
mistress
nun
ballerina
maiden
Mr.
bachelor

UNIT B: LANGUAGE OF RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS IN SCIENTIFIC ARTICLES (“Hedging”)

8.10 Hedging Words — the Language of Results and Conclusions
8.10.1 Results and Conclusions:
The following statements have been taken from a
psychology article reporting on an experiment set up to study the reactions of
witnesses to an accident. Which of the statements reports a Result (R) of the
experiment and which represents a Conclusion (C)? Is there a difference in the
language of the reporting?
_ 1. It is not our impression that the non-responders
had decided not to act. Rather, they were still in a state of non-decision.
_ 2. Subjects who had met the victim were faster to
report his distress than other persons from sixperson groups.
_ 3. The groups ranked the same on speed as they did
on response rate.
_ 4. Apparently the ability to visualize a specific
distressed individual increases the likelihood of helping him.
_ 5. The situation created an avoidance-avoidance type
conflict. On the one hand, subjects wanted to avoid guilt and shame for not
helping; on the other hand, they wanted to avoid making fools of themselves by
over-reacting.
_ 6. The behavior of other bystanders and the
relationship among them seem to be important.
_ 7. A stranger who has been programmed not to react
is the most inhibiting, a neutral stranger next; and a friend the least.
_ 8. Of those who heard the accident while alone in
the waiting room, 70 percent offered to help the victim before she left the
room.
8.10.2 Language of «Hedging»
Place the following words or expressions on a
continuum from UNCERTAIN to CERTAIN
UNCERTAIN____________________________CERTAIN

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
a. Undoubtedly...
g. In our opinion...
b. It
seems...                                     h. We may conclude that...
c.
Surely...                                        i. It may be assumed that...
d. It may be
that...                            j. The results are clearly...
e. I am not all that certain
that...      k. Possibly...
f. It is not at all certain
that...           l. this suggests that...

UNIT C: TERMS USED IN STUDY AND
TEST SITUATIONS
8.11 Which of the terms in the following list
expresses what each of the teachers has in mind?
identify; evaluate; draw a diagram of; review;
enumerate; cause; compare; analysis; summarize; analyze; describe, outline;
list; justify; define.
1. A music teacher wants the class to show that they
understand clearly the meaning of some special terms used in music
He would ask them to _________________ the term.
2. A literature instructor wants students to
demonstrate their understanding of the similarities in two poems written at different
times and places. He would ask them
to__________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
the poems.
3. A political science teacher wants the class to give
a sympathetic version of why the United States sent troops into a certain
country. He would ask them to___________________________________the invasion.
4. Next, the students are expected to give an
objective view of this same event. He would ask them to give
the_____________________________________________ of the invasion.
5. Music students are expected to mention all the
contributions of jazz to modern music. They would be asked to
____________________________ these contributions.
6. A Shakespeare instructor wants students to present
a clear picture of the construction of the Elizabethan stage. He would ask them
to_________________________ the stage.
7. A history teacher wants the class to show that they
know the main stages in the development of industrial power in England. He
would ask them to provide an___________________________________of these stages.
8. Students in an art class are assigned a painting by
another member of the class; they must mention its strengths and weaknesses and
decide whether or not it was successful. They would be asked to ___________ and
to __________________________it.
9. A class in Spanish history is expected to present
briefly an account of the development of Franco's political views. They would
be asked to___________this development.
10. Students are given a list of names of people and
places; they are expected to tell who or what these names represent. They would
be asked to__________the items on the list.
11. A sociology teacher wants the class to give a
thoughtful statement concerning the various aspects of the role of television
in the lives of preschool children. He would ask them to provide
an____________of the subject.

 SECTION IX
FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE
A writer frequently uses figurative language in order
to explain an idea: to explain a new idea in terms of an image or association
with something familiar, or to make this idea more «colorful». One way to
understand figurative language is to try to capture the qualities, properties
or characteristics of the already known image and relate what is relevant to
the new idea.
Some frequent images that are used in figurative
language are words related to,
i. Body parts
ii. Animals
iii. Light/Dark
iv. The Weather
v. The Military
1. Suggest what a writer wants to express by each of
the following: the brow of a hill, the mouth of a river; the voice of the town;
the heart of the matter; the sinews of war; the hands of time; to live from
hand to mouth. Can you suggest any other such images related to body parts?
2. What do you think the writer means when he says:
it's a dog's life; she's a snake, he's a pig; he's a mule; the month of March
comes in like a lion and goes out like a lamb; I got it straight from the
horse's mouth, you're being catty; she looks mousey; they're nothing but sheep!
3. What do you think the writer wants us to understand
by each of the following expressions: to throw light on the matter; he wants to
be shown in the best light possible; he's in the limelight now; it's an
illuminating idea, what a brilliant piece of work! don't always be so gloomy;
that was a dark day; The Age of Enlightenment; I see a brighter future; there
are sunny prospects for the oil industry; the future looks bleak.
4. Examine the following statements, phrases or
headlines and indicate what the writer wants to express when he says:
a. cutthroat competition
b. we're bending over
backwards to please them.
c. The recovery of Fiat and
VW follows a period when the economy has been ailing.
d. The strike fizzled out.
e. Ben and Jerry's (an ice cream firm) is getting fat
on America's growing appetite for super-premium ice cream.
f. They planted $500,000 in
seed money for the research.
g. The Conservatives routed
the Labor party at the elections and Labor has been in retreat ever since.
5. Suggest other examples of figurative language that
you have encountered in readings in this course. (See especially What Is A
Historical Fact?, in Part IV.)

SECTION X
APPNDIX

UNIT 1: PREFIXES, STEMS, (ROOTS) SUFFIXES
A:
PREFIXES

Prefix

Ab-, abs—
(a-,an-)

ad-(ac-,af-,
ag-,al-,ap-
ar-,as-,at-)
ambi-
amphi-
ana-
ante-
anti-
arch-
auto-
bi-
by-
circum-
con-(co-,col-
corn-,cor-)

Usual Meaning

away from,
  without,
lacking

to, toward

both
around, on both
  sides
back, again,
  out of
before
against
first, chief
self
two, twice
close,
  incidental
around
- with,
  together

Examples

Abnormal,
  abstract, abnegate,
Amoral, Amazon,
  anonymous,
Apathethic,
  aversion
accede, adhere,
  aggressive,
affix, allow,
  appeal, arrest,
assert,
  attendance
ambiguous,
  ambidextrous
amphibious,
  amphitheatre
anachronism
anteroom, antediluvian
antisemitic,
  antidemocratic
archangel,
  archetypical
autobiography,
  automatic
bi-annual,
  bilateral, bisect
by-law,
  byproduct
circumvent, circumnavigate
concede
  collaborate
cooperate,
  combine, correlate

contra-
counter-
de-
demi-
di-, dia-
dis-(di-)

dys-
en-
epi-
equi-
eu-
ex- (e-)
extra-
hetero
homo-
hyper-
hypo-
in- (im-,ir-)

in-(il-, im-,
ir-)
inter
intra-,intro-
iso-
macro-,magni-
mal-
micro-,mini-
mid-
mis-
mono-, uni-
multi-,poly-
non-
ob-(oc-,op-)

omni-, pan-
para-

per-
peri-
post-
pro-, prim-
pro-
pseudo-
quadra-

against
contrary
down, do tne
  opposite
half, lower
two,through,
  between
away from, fall
  to,
(not)
bad,abnormal
make
over,
  across,outside
equal, same
good
out, from
beyond, very
other,
  different
same, self
  homonym,
above, excessive
under, less
  than
in, into, inside

not

between, among
within, inside
alike, equal
large, great
bad, wrong
small
middle, halfway
bad, wrong
single, one
many
not
against,
to
all
beside, for the
purpose of
through,
  completely
around,
  surrounding
after, behind
first, before
forward, before
false, unreal
four

Contradict
counterproposal,
  countersue
depress,
  depend, decentralize
demigod,
  demitasse
diameter,
  diagram, dichotomy

dismiss,
  digress, diversion
dysfunction,
  dyslexia
enable, enlarge
epidemic,
  epidermis, epilogue
equivalent,
  equilateral
euthanasia,
  eugenic, euphoria
exclude, emit,
  evasion
extralegal,
  extraordinary
heterosexual,
  heterogeneous
homophon,
  homosexual
hyperactive, hypertension
hypodermic,
  hypo-allergenic
indict, immerse, important
institute, irradiate
insecure,
  illegal, immoral,
impure,
  irregular
intervene,
  interpret
intramural,
  introspection
isometric,
  isolate
macroeconomics,
  magnify
malfunction,
  malpractice
microscope,
  minimum
midweek,
  midsection
misdemeanor,
  mistake,
monogamy, unilateral
multipurpose,
  polygram
nonsense
object,
  obstruct, oppose
observe, occur
omniscient,
  panchromatic

parallel,
  paralegal, parasol
perceive,
  perennial, perfect
perimeter,
  peripheral
postpone,
  postdoctorate
preview,
  pcecedent, primary
progress,
  procedure
pseudonym,
  pseudoscientific
quadrennial

quasi-
re-
retro
se-
semi-, hemi-
soli-
sub-(suf-,
sug-,sup-,sus-,
super-,supra-
sur- (sue-)
syn-, sym-
tele-
trans-
tri-
ultra-
un-

as if,
  seemingly
again, back
backward
away from
half, partially
only, single
under, below,
  lower

above, greater,
  beyond
over, on
like
far, long
  distance
across
three
extreme, beyond
not, opposite,
reverse

quasi-judicial
review, regard,
  reject, react
retrogress,
  retroactive
seclude, seduce, separate
semiliterate,
  hemisphere
solitude,
  soliloquy
subordinate,
  suffer
support, suspicion
superimpose,
  superior
surpass,
  surface, success
synonym,
  sympathy
telephone,
  television
transport,
  transfer
trilateral
ultraconservative

undo, unlawful.

В: NUMERICAL PREFIXES USED IN MEASUREMENTS

Name

Symbol*

Meaning

Unit Multiplier

tera-
giga-
mega-
kilo-
hecto-
deka-
deci-
centi-
milli-
micro-
nano-
pico-
femto—
atto-

T
G
M
k
h
da
d
с
M
u
n
p
f
a

trillion
billion
million
thousand
hundred
ten
one-tenth
one-hundredth
one-thousandth
one-millionth
one-billionth
one-trillionth
one-quadrillionth
one-quintillionth

10^12
10^9
l0^6
l0^3
10^2
10^1
10^-1
10^-2
10^-3
10^-6
l0^-9
10^-12
l0^-15
10^-18

* Le Systeme
International d'Unites (SI), International System of Units

C: QUANTITATIVE PREFIXES

Prefix Meaning

mon      one

un       one

bi two, twice,

Example of Use

monotone
  (single tone or key)
monoxide
  (contains one oxygen atom per molecule)
unicellular
  (one-celled)
unilateral
  (one-sided)
bicycle (two
  wheels)

double
di
du
ter
  three
tri

    tetr four

quadr
a
  without
an
  lacking
heter
  mixed

horn
  similar

  throughout
hyper above,
  over,

  excessive
hypo less than,

  below,

  deficient
is
  equal,

  same

micr small

poly
  many,

  much
tel
  distant, far

bifurcate (two
  branches, forked)
dimorphic (in
  two forms)
duplex (double,
  twofold)
tertiary (third
  rank or stage)
tripod
  (three-footed stand)
tritium
  (hydrogen isotope with 3 nuclear particles).
tetrachloride
  (four chlorine atoms)
tetrahedron
  (solid with four faces)
quadruped
  (four-footed animal)
abiotic
  (without living organisms)
anarchy
  (without government)
heterogeneous
  (a mixture of kinds)
heteromorph
  (exhibiting diversity of form)
homogenized
  milk.
homograft
  (tissue from a similar type)
hypertoxic
  (excessively poisonous)
hyperesthesia
  (unusually high sensitivity)
hypodermic
  (below the skin)
hypothyroid
  (thyroid insufficiency)

isosceles
  triangle (equal sides, equal angles)
isomorphs (same
  shapes or forms)
isothermal
  (equal temperatures)
microscope
  (view of small things)
microbiology
  (study of tiny living things)
polychrome
  (many-colored)
polynuclear
  (having many nuclei)
telescope
  (distant view)
television
  (seeing at a distance)

D:
STEMS/ROOTS

Stem/Root

Usual Meaning

Examples

ag, act
arch
anim
anthrop
astro
aud
belli
bene, bon
biblio
bio
capit
ced, cess
cent
chron
corp
cosmo
cycl
demo
die, diet
duce, duct
erg, urg
ethno
fact, fict
fed, fid
fer
fin
fort
gamy
gen
geo
grad, gress
gram, graph
homo, human
hydro
ject
jud
locu,loqu
mani, manu
mem
metr
miss, mit
mob, mot
morph
mort
nom, nym

nov
ology
ortho
pathy, pass

do, drive
chief, leader
life
man
stars
listen, hear
war
good, well
book
life
head, chief
go, move
hundred
time
body
world
circle, wheel
people
say, tell
lead
work
race, nation
do, make
faith, trust
carry
end
strong
marriage
become, produce
earth
step, go
write
man
water
throw
Judge
speak
hand
memory
measure
send
move
form, shape
death
name, law

new
study of
correct,
  traight
felling,

agent, reaction
anarchist,
  archetype
animal,
  inanimate
anthropology,
  misanthrope
astrophysics,
  astronaut
auditorium,
  inaudible
rebel,
  belligerant
benefit, bona
  fides
bibliography,
  bibliophile
biology,
  autobiography
capital,
  capitulate
proceed, excess
century,
  bicentennial
synchronize,
  anachronism
habeas corpus,
  incorporate
microcosm,
  cosmonaut
tricycle,
  encyclopedia
democratic,
  epidemic
predict,
  dictator, indict
conduct, deduce
energy,
  ergometry, metallurgy
ethnology,
  ethnographic
manufacture,
  fiction
confident, bona
  fide, federal
transfer,
  differ, inference
infinite, final
fortify,
  reinforce
monogamy,
  bigamy, polygamous
generate,
  engender, genetics
geology,
  geography, geometry
gradual,
  congress, aggressive
graphology,
  telegraph
homicide,
  humanity, hominoid
hydrology,
  anhydrous
reject,
  interjection
prejudice,
  subjudice
elocution,
  circumloquacious
manipulate,
  manufacture
remember,
  memorial
metrics,
  perimeter
transmit,
  permit, dismiss
motive,
  automobile
amorphous,
  anthropomorphic
post mortem,
  rigor mortis
nominate,
  nomothetical, synonym,
patronym
novel, renovate
psychology,
  penology
orthodox,
  orthodontist

ped, pod
pel, pulse
pend
philo
phobe
phone
photo
pone, pose

port
press
psycho
rupt
scribe,script
sequ, secut
simi
solu, solv
soph
spec, spic
struct
tain, ten
temper
tend
terre
test

tract
vene, vent
ver
vers, vert
vid, vis
vit, viv
voc,vok
voil, voiu
xeno
zoo

suffering,
disease
foot
push
hang
love
fear
sound
light
place, set in

sympathy,
  apathy, passionate
biped,
  pedestrian
expel,
  repulsive, impulse
pendant,
  dependant
philosophy,
  anglophile
phobic,
  agoraphobia
phonics,
  homophone, telephone
photograph,
  photosynthesis

place
carry
push
mind
break
write
follow
like
loosen, free
wisdom
look
build, arrange
hold
time
stretch
earth
swear,
bear witness
pull
come
true
turn
see
life
call
roll, turn
stranger
animal

postpone,
  suppose, position
transport,
  reporter
depression,
  express
psychometric,
  parapsychology
interruption,
  disrupt
prescription,
  describe
sequence, consecutive
similar,
  simulation
dissolve,
  solution
philosopher,
  sophisticated
inspect,
  conspicuous
destruction,
  construct
maintain,
  detention, attend
temporary,
  contemporary
extend,
  tendency
territory,
  terra sanctra

testify, attest
contract, retraction
convention, intervene
verify, verisimilitude
converse, reverse, divert
visual, invisible, provide
vivid, revive
vocation,
  revoke, provocative
evolution,
  revolve, revolt
xenophobia,
  xenophile
zoology,
  epizootic

SUFFIXES
E. Suffixes used to form (and sinify) the various parts of speech

Suffix

Formation

Examples

-able,-ible,-ble

adj from v

washable

-ance,-ence
-ant,-ent
-ate

-cy
-dom
-er
-ful
-fy (-ify)
-ic, -ical
-ish
-ism
-ist

-ive
-ize
-less
-ly

-ment
-ness
-ous,-ious,-ose
-ship
-tion,-sion,-ation

n from v
n and adj from
  v
n and adj from
  n
v from n or adj
n from adj
n from n or adj
n from v
adj from v or n
v from n or adj
adj from n
adj from n or
  adj
n from n or adj
n or adj from n
or adj
adj from v
v from adj
adj from n
adv from adj
adj from n
n from v
n from adj
adj from n
n from n
n from v

appearance
expectant
affectionate
activate
privacy
kingdom,
  freedom
dancer
restful,
  eventful
terrify, purify
photographic;
  economical
foolish;
  youngish
heroism,
  socialism
violinist;
  socialist

explosive
modernize
childless
cleverly
hourly
government
loudness
dangerous
membership
examination

* For a complete list of English
suffixes and their meanings see Longman's Dictionary of Contemporary English
(an advanced learners dictionary), 1989, 1990 edition.

UNIT 2: REFERENCE WORDS AND ABBREVIATIONS
Reference words and abbreviations. Here are some of
the more common abbreviations and reference words used in documentation.
A.D. Anno Domini "in the year of the Lord".
Proceeds numerals; often printed in small caps; no space between. Avoid using
in references to centures.
anon.        anonymous
ante          "before" Cf.
«supra»
art., arts.       article(s)
b.            bom
Lat. «n.»; Ger. «geb.»
B.C. Before Christ. Follows numerals; often printed in
small caps; no space between.
bibliog.        bibliography, -er, -ical
biog.          biography, -er, -ical
bk., bks. book(s). Note that this abbreviation (e.g.,
Bk. II of 2 bks.) saves but one character.
ca. (or c.) circa "about" Used with
approximate dates, e.g.
ca.1776; «ca.» is preferable to «c.» whic can also
mean "chapter" or "copyright."

cf. confer "compare" Never use»cf. «when
«see» is intended. Ger. «vgl.»; Sp. «cfr.»
ch.,chs. (or chap., chaps.)
chapter(s)
col.,cols.      column(s)
соmр.
compiled, -er
d.             died Lat. «ob.»; Ger.
«gest.»
diss.
dissertation
ed.,eds. (or edd.) editor(s), -ion(s), -ed by Some
presses prefer «edn.» for «edition,» «ed.» for «editor.»
ed.cit. editio citata         "edition
cited"
e.g. exempli gratia "for example". Rarely
capitalized; no space between; preceded and followed by comma. Ger. «z.B.»
enl.
enlarged ( as in «rev. and enl. ed.»)
esp.           especially ( as in «pp. 248-263, esp
p.251»)
et al. (never et
als.) et alii "and others"
et seq., seqq. et sequens, sequentia "and the
following" But cf. «f.,ff.»
etc. (rarely &c.) et cetera "and so
forth". Avoid using in text. Ger. «usw.»
ex.,exs.,      (or
exx.) example(s)
f.,ff. and the following (with a space, after a
numeral) page(s) or line(s) But exact references are preferable, e.g., pp.
53-54 instead of pp.53f., pp.53-58 instead of pp. 53ff. (Some presses, e/g/,
Harvard, prefer the style «53f» — omitting the period.)
fac. (or
facsim.)      facsimile
fasc.                        fascicle
fig., figs.                figure(s)
fl. floruit "flourished, reached greatest
developement or influence"

fn.      footnote Cf. '«n.»
fol.      (or fo.),f0oll. folio(s)
front,    frontispiece
hist. history, -ical, -ian
ibid. (sometimes ib.) ibidem "in the same
place." i.e., the single title cited in the note immediately preceding.
Not to be introduced by «in.» Ger. «ebd.»
idem (no period; sometimes id.) "the
same" (person)
i.e. id est
"that is" Rarely capitalized; no space between; preceded and followed
by comma. Ger. «d.h.»
illus.     illustrated, -or, -ion(s)
infra (not inf.) "below" Cf. «post» and see
«supra.» Since the English word has the same number of letters. The use of the
Latin may be thought affectation. Many editors consider «see below (or above)»
preferable, although others, particulary edi-tors of classical journals, warn
that «above» and «below» can occasionally be mistaken for references to the
physical position of objects in an illustration.
introd.
introduction («by» understood in context)
1., 11. line(s) It is often advisable to indicate
clearly in the margin that the letter 1 and not Arabic 1 or 11 is intended.
Better still, spell it out or (for poetry) use «vs.»
lang., langs. language(s)

loc. cit. (not I.e.) loco citato "in the place
(passage) cited," i.e., in the same passage referred to in a recent note.
Never follow «loc. cit.» with a page number. Ger. «a.a.O.»
MS, MSS— manuscript(s) (as «the many MSS of Chaucer»)
But spell MS. with a period when referring to a specific manuscript, as
«Bodleian MS. Tanner 43.»
n., nn. note(s) (as «p. 56, n. 3») Commonly
used instead of «fn.»; occasionally spelled «p. 56n» (italicized, no period).
Ger. «Am.»
N.B. nota bene "take notice, mark
well"
n.d. no date, i.e., in a book's imprint
Ger. «o.J.»; Fr. «s.d.» and Sp. «s.f.»
no., nos. number(s) Cf. «numb.»
n.p. no place, i.e., of publication Ger.
«o.O.»; Fr. and Sp. «s.l.»
N.S. (or NS) New
Series, New Style numb. numbered
op. cit. (not o.c.) opere citato "in the work
cited" This is the most abused of scholarly abbreviations and many editors
have expressed a wish to see it abandoned. Some journals and presses never use
it. It is properly used in citing a passage on a different page (cf. «loc.
cit.») of a work recently noted, but in such cases the author's name alone may
suffice or his name and a short title may be clearer. Sp. «obra cit.»
O.S. (or OS) Old Series, Original Series,
Old Style
p., pp. page(s) Avoid capitalizing: write «Pages»
instead of «Pp.»; omit if volume numbers precedes. Ger. «S.»; Sp. «pag., pags.»
par., pars. paragraph(s)
passim "throughout the work, here and there"
(as pp. 78, 113, et passim»)

per cent (no period)
philol. philological
philos. philosophical
pi., pis.
plate(s)
post "after" Cf. «infra.»
pref. preface
pseud, pseudonym
pt.,pts. part(s) Note that this abbreviation saves but
one character.

pub. (or publ.), pubs. published, -ication(s)
q.v. quod vide "which see"
r(superscribed, no period) recto "righthand
page" But some journals require that this and «verso» never be
abbreviated; a few, e.g., HLB, print B4r, instead of B4.
reg. registered
resp.
respectively (as «pp. 56, 17, 89, 6 resp.»)
rev. review, -ed
(by); revised (by), -ion
sc. scene Sp. «esc.»
scil. scilicet
"namely, to wit"
sec. (or sect.),
sees. section(s), §§
ser. series
sic "thus, so" Between square brackets when
used as an editorial interpolation (see Sec. 13c); otherwise within parentheses.
Avoid using with an exclamation mark.
sig., sigs. (or sigg.) signature(s)
st. stanza
St. (or S.), SS. Saint(s) (fern. Ste.) See note 19.
sup. supra "above" See s.v. «infra» for comment.
s.v. sub verbo or voce "under the word or heading"

Note 19. Distinguish
between abbreviations and contractions, some journals (e.g. HLB, Isis, MLR,
Speculum, YFS) also omit periods after Dr, Mr, Mrs, Mme, Mile, St, Ste.
Consider, as well, assn, bk, edn, Jr, Sr, etc.

v. vide — "see"
viz. videlicet — "namely"
vol. vols. volume(s)
vs. versus — "against"
UNIT 3: VERBS FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES
A): verbs showing relationships

Contrast

Compare
Contrast
Differ
distinguish
vary

Arrangement

arrange
balance
classify
divide
list
organize
 separate

Cause and effect

effect
cause
develop
invent
originate
produce
result
lead to

B: verbs of making statements

Information

representation

Demonstration

Announce
Communicate
Declare
Disclose
Expose
mention
refer (to)
report, state

clarify
contain, define
depict,
  describe
exhibit,
  explain
include
interpret
portray
represent

Conclude
Determine
Establish
Learn
Prove
Verify

C: verbs
  expressing opinion

belief

agreement

Disagreement

appear
assume
believe
claim
consider
imagine,
  presume
realize
recognize
speculate,
  understand

accept
acknowledge
agree
approve
concur
confirm

Argue
Challenge
Deny
Disapprove
Doubt
Question

persuasion

prediction

Recommendation

convince
force, incline
induce
influence, lead
suggest, urge

anticipate
await, expect
forecast,
  predict

Advise
ask, insist
propose,
  recommend
request,
  suggest, urge

UNIT 4: TERMS USED IN TEXT ANALYSIS

Nouns

analysis
antecedent
argument
claim
clarification
comparison
contrast
detail
fact
function
illustration
phrase
reason
result
statement

VERBS

analyze
argue
clarify
compare
contrast
contradict
contribute
define
demonstrate
describe
differentiate
  between
distinguish
  between
discuss
emphasize
enumerate
evaluate
examine
exemplify
explain
express

identify
illustrate
imply
infer
mean
mention
negate
oppose
present
prove
provide
quote
reject
review
show
state
suggest
summarize
support
trace

UNIT
5: THE UNIVERSITY WORD LIST
Language Learning and Communication

THE UNIVERSITY
  WORD LIST

A

abandon
accelerate
accurate
adequate
administer
affect
agitate
allocate
ambiguity
annual
appeal
approach
aristocrat
aspiration
asset
assure
attain
automatic
axis

abnormal
access
achieve
adhere
adolescent
affiliate
aid
allude
amorphous
anomaly
append
appropriate
arithmetic
assemble
assign
astronomy
attitude
avail

absorb
accompany
acid
adjacent
advocate
affluence
alcohol
ally
analogy
anonymous
appendix
approximate
arouse
assent
assimilate
atmosphere
attribute
averse

abstract
accomplish
acquire
adjective
adult
aggregate
align
alter
analyze
anthropology
appraise
arbitrary
ascribe
assert
assist
atom
auspices
aware

academic
accumulate
adapt
adjust
aesthetic
aggression
allege
alternative
angular
apparatus
appreciate
area
aspect
assess
assume
attach
authorize
awe

В

battery
bore

benefit
bread

biology
bubble

bishop
bulk

bomb
bureaucracy

С

calendar
carbon
cease
charter
civic
code
collide
commodity
competence
compound
conceive
condense
conflict
consent
constant
consume
context
contrary
convention
cord
credible
crucial
cycle

cancel
career
cell
chemical
clarify
coefficient
colloquial
commune
complement
comprehend
concentrate
conduct
conform
consequent
constitute
contact
contingent
contrast
converge
corporate
creditor
crystal
cylinder

capable
catalogue
challenge
circuit
classic
cogent
column
communicate
complex
comprise
concentric
confer
confront
conserve
construct
contaminate
continent
contribute
converse
correlate
crisis
culture

capillary
category
channel
circulate
client
coincide
comment
compel
comply
compulsion
concept
configuration
congress
consist
construe
contemplate
contract
controversy
cooperate
correspond
criterion
cumbersome

capture
cater
chapter
circumstance
clinic
collapse
commit
compensate
component
compute
conclude
confine
conjunction
console
consult
contend
contradict
convene
coordinate
create
critic
currency

D

dissolve
diverge
data
defect
deflect

distinct
diverse
debate
defer
degenerate

distort
divine
decade
deficient
degrade
denote
derive
devise
diffuse
discrete
dispute
drama
dynamic

distribute
doctrine
decimal
define
deliberate
dense
design
devote
digest
dispense
dissipate
drastic

district
domestic
dedicate
definite
democracy
deny
detect
diagram
dimension
disperse

drug

demonstrate
  denominator

depress
detriment
diameter
discern
displace
dominate
duke

deprive
deviate
dictate
discourse
dispose
drain
duration

E

economy
element
emancipate
emphasize
enlighten
environment
equipment
estimate

edit
elevate
embody
empirical
enrich
episode
equivalent
ethics

efficient
elicit
embrace
enable
ensure
equate
en-
evaluate

elaborate
eliminate
emerge
energy
entity
equidistant
establish
evaporate

electron
eloquent
emotion
enhance
enumerate
equilibrium
estate
evident

eventual
exert
explicit
external

evoke
exhaust
exploit
extract

evolve
expand
exponent

Exclude
expel
export

execute
expert
expose

F

facilitate fate
final
fluent
formulate
fragment
frustrate
fund

faction
feasible
finance
fluid fort
fraternal fuel
fuse

factor
feature
finite
focus
fossil
fraud
fulfil

fallacy
federal
fleet
foetus
found
friction
function

fare
fertile
fluctuate
forego
fraction
frontier
fundamental

G

generate
goal
guarantee

genuine
grant

geography
graph

geometry
gratuity

germ
gravity

H

harbour
homogeneous

hero
horror

hemisphere
 hostile

heredity
huge

hierarchy
hypothesis

I

identical
image
imply
incentive
incompatible
 indigenous
inflation
injure
instance
integrate
interlude
intersect
intrinsic
investigate
issue

identify
 impact
import
incessant
inconsistent
individual
 ingenious
innate
instinct
intelligent
intermediate
interval
intuitive
invoke
item

ignore
imperial
impose
incident
incorporate
induce
inherent
innovation
institute
intense
internal
interview
invade
involve

Illuminate
implement
impress
incline
index
infer
inhibit
insist
instruct
interact
interpret
intervene
inverse
irrigate

illustrate
implicit
impulse
income
indicate
inferior
initial
inspect
integer
interlock
interrelate
intimacy
invest
isolate

J

job

journal

judicial
  justify

К

kindred

knight

L

label
league
leisure
litigate
luxury

laboratory
lecture
lens
locate

labour
legal
liable
locomotion

Launch
Legislate
Liberate
Logic

layer
legitimate
linguistic
lustre

M

magic
manifest
mathematics
metabolism
military
mobile
monarch
myth

magnetic
manipulate
matrix
metaphor
minimum
modify
moral

magnitude
margin
mature
method
minor
moist
morphology

Major
Material
Maximum
Microscope
Miracle
Molecule
Motive

maintain
maternal
median
migrate
mistress
momentum
muscle

N

navy
neutral
novel

negative
niche
nuclear

negotiate
norm
null

Nerve
Notate
Nutrient

network
notion

O

objective
occupy
orbit
oxygen

oblige
occur
orientate

obsolescent
odd
oscillate

Obtain
Odour
Outcome

obvious
option
overlap

P

parenthesis
peasant
perpetrate
pervade
physical
pole
portion
precede
premise
previous
proceed
project
prosper
psychology

parliament
penal
perpetual
pest
pine
policy
positive
precipitate
preposition
prime
process
propagate
protest
publish

participate
pendulum
persist
phase
planet
pollution
postulate
precise
prestige
prince
proclaim
propensity
province
pursue

partisan
period
perspective
phenomena
plead
pope
potential
predict
presume
principle
procure
proportion
provoke

passive
perpendicular
pertinent
philosophy
plot
pore
pragmatic
preliminary
prevail
priority
prohibit
proprietor
prudence

Q

quote

R

radical
rational
reform
reject
remove
require
resource
retain
revise
rigid
rudimentary

radius
reacit
refute
release
render
research
respective
retard
revive
rigour
rural

random
rebel
region
relevance
repress
reservoir
respond
reveal
revolt
role

Range
Rectectangle
Reign
Reluctant
Reproduce
Resident
Restore
Reverberate
Revolve
Rotate

ratio
recur
reinforce
rely
repudiate
residue
restrict
reverse
rhythm
route

S

saint
schedule
secure
series
sift
skeleton
source
speculate
stationary
stipulate
subdivide
subsidize
superficial
supreme
switch

sanction
scheme
seek
sex
signify
sketch
spatial
sphere
statistic
strata
subjective
subtle
superimpose
surplus
symbol

satellite
score
segment
shift
site
sociology
species
spontaneous
status
stress
subordinate
suffice
superior
survey
symptom

Saturate
Secrete
Select
Shrink
Similar
Solar
Specify
Stable
Stereotype
Structure
Subsequent
Sum
Supplement
Suspend
Synthetic

scalar
section
sequence
sibling
simultaneous
sophisticate
spectrum
starve
stimulate
style
subside
summary
suppres
sustain

Т

tangent
technique
tentative
text
theory
tone
tradition
transform
treaty
tropical

tangible
technology
terminology
texture
thermal
topic
traffic
transit
trend
tyre

tape
telescope
territory
theft
tiny
torture
trait
transmit
triangle

Task
Temperary
Terror
Theism
Tissue
Trace
Transact
Transparent
Trivial

team
tense
testify
theorem
tolerate
tractor
transfer
transport
troop

U

ultimate
uniform
utter

undergo
upsurge

underlie
urban

Undertake
Usage

unduly
utilize

V

vague
velocity
vibrate
vital

valid
verbal
violate
vocabulary

vary
verify
virtual
volt

Vast
Version
Visible
Volume

vein
vertical
visual
voluntary

W

withdraw

X

x-ray

PART II
AN APPROACH TO READING

SECTION I
INTRODUCTION TO AN APPROACH TO
READING

UNIT 1. VARIETIES OF MEANING
1. CONCEPTUAL MEANING
This is the kind of meaning that may be embodied in a
single word, or a part of a word, or in a complete text made up of many words
organized in the form of a discourse. Single words can embody simple concepts,
or notions (e.g., «water») as well as the more complex variety (e.g.,
«intelligence»). Sometimes, however, an entire book may be written just to
explain a single complex concept such as intelligence. Units even smaller than
a word can also embody a simple concept (e.g., the English suffix -s, which
expresses the concept of plurality).
2. PROPOSITIONAL MEANING
This is the kind of meaning that can be embodied in a
clause or sentence on its own (i.e., without any other context). A word on its
own has a propositional meaning, or truth value. For example, the word
«intelligence» is not in itself either true or false. But if we embody it in a
sentence such as -
Intelligence can
be measured
we can support or deny the resulting
proposition: we can assert that it is either true or false and try to prove
this.
Some sentences, however, have little or no meaning
unless embodied in a broader context. For example,
Nevertheless, he
did it again.

We have little idea of what the significance of
«Nevertheless» might be without the preceding context. Nor do we know who «he»
is, or what he «did again.» Such sentences are dependent upon the broader
context for their meaning.
3. CONTEXTUAL
MEANING
This is the meaning a sentence takes on when it is
embodied within a broader context. For example, the proposition
Intelligence
cannot be measured by a test
is a generalization which tells us nothing about the
attitude of the person who wrote it or why he bothered to write it. But within
a broader context such as -
We must not use the results of IQ tests to determine
whether or not a child should be allowed to continue his studies beyond high
school. Intelligence cannot be measured by a test.
The generalization takes on the special
function of explaining or justifying the preceding sentence.
4. PRAGMATIC MEANING
This is the meaning a sentence takes on when it is
part of an interaction between a writer and a reader. It reflects the writer's
feelings and attitudes as well as his intention that the reader should
understand what these are. It also includes an intended effect - the effect
that the writer intends his sentence to have upon the reader.
Consider, for
example, the following:
Intelligence cannot be measured by a test. And yet we
constantly use the results of I.Q. tests to determine whether or not a child
should be allowed to continue his studies beyond a certain level. How long are
we going to go on perpetrating this iniquitous practice?
The last sentence, although phrased as a question,
actually serves to emphasize the writer's outrage and to make clear his
intention to get his reader to cooperate with him in doing something about the
«iniquitous practice.»
Exercise:
For each of the following sentences provide a set of
different contexts with different pragmatic meanings.
EXAMPLE: So of course you believed him.
a. Everyone knew he was the world's biggest liar. So
of course you believed him. You obviously enjoy being made a fool of!
b. After all, he never lied before. So of course you
believed him. I would have done the same under those circumstances.
1.I never saw
anything like it.        4. I could do with some fresh air.
2.I wonder how he managed.         5.
Don't let me rush you.
3. Nothing ever came of it.
6. Don't worry about me.

UNIT 2. WHAT THE WRITER MEANS
I. WHAT THE
WRITER MEANS
(AND WHAT HE ASSUMES THE READER
ALREADY KNOWS)
Writers often assume some degree of prior knowledge of
their subject on the part of their readers. Not having to spell out every
single detail (i.e., assuming that the reader already knows certain details)
makes it possible for the writer to get his message across more quickly and
effectively.
Consider the following:
Text A:
The policeman held up his
hand and stopped the car.
We understand what the writer of this sentence means
because we know more than what the words mean.
* What does the writer assume
that we already know about traffic signals and how cars stop and go (before we
even begin to read his sentence)?
Text B:
Mary heard the ice-cream man coming down the street.
She remembered her birthday money and rushed into the house.
* How do you suppose Mary was able to hear the
ice-cream man coming? (What detail didn't the writer bother giving us because
he assumed we already knew?)
* What connection does the writer assume we will
easily make between what Mary hears and what she does? (Is there anything in
the sentences that helps us make the connection? To what extent do we have to
depend upon what we already know about the situation from our own experience?)
II.
IMPLICATION (WHAT THE WRITER ASSUMES HIS READER WILL INFER)
Writers often reveal what they have to tell us
indirectly. The information is implied, rather than directly (explicitly)
stated, so that we have to do some «work» before we can understand the message.
The «work» that we have to do is called «inferring»: we «infer» the meaning
that the writer «implies», or reveals indirectly (implicitly). Another way of
saying this is: We make inferences (by inferring) about the writer's implications
(whatever he implies).
Text C:
Business had been slow since the stock market crash.
Nobody seemed to want anything really elegant anymore. Suddenly the door
opened and a well-dressed man entered the showroom. With a sigh of relief, John
put on his friendliest smile and walked confidently towards him.
* What is John's occupation and how do we know this?

* John assumes that the well-dressed man has a
particular purpose in entering the showroom. What does he think the man has in
mind, and how do we know this?
* What has John probably inferred from the way the man
is dressed that explains why he sighed with relief and walked confidently
toward him?
* What can we infer about the sort of things that were
on display in the showroom? On what basis can we make this inference?
Text D:
(1) Jill came bouncing down the stairs.
(1') Harry rushed off to get the doctor.
Most readers would interpret this in terms of Jill
falling down the stairs and injuring herself, and as a result of this Harry
calling a doctor. Notice how different the interpretation is when (1) is
followed by a slightly different sentence:
(1)   Jill came bouncing down the stairs.
(1") Harry
rushed over to kiss her.
* Now what would
most readers infer about the meaning of the first sentence?
III. THE ROLE
OF CONTEXT IN CLARIFYING AMBIGUITIES
Often what the writer means by a given statement
depends to some extent upon the context within which the statement (or written
sentence) appears. Out of context, certain sentences become highly ambiguous
(open to various interpretations). Consider the following:

Visiting professors can be boring.
The lamb was too hot to eat.
Out of cotext, these
sentences are ambiguous and the message is unclear.
* Place each of the above
sentences in different clarifying contexts (by adding other sentences before or
after them).
example: I don't think you'll enjoy the lecture.
Visiting professors can be boring.

SECTION II
DEALING WITH SENTENCE

UNIT 1. EXERCISES ON SENTENCE PATTERNS*

* This unit is based on Let's Write English
by George E. Wishon and Julia M. Burks.

(Before doing these exercises, read carefully through
Unit 2 of Appendix [Section V of Part II] for a full presentation of the nine
simple sentence patterns).
I. SIMPLE
SENTENCES
Listed below are
the simple sentence patterns in review:
Pattern 1 (Noun + Verb): The man teaches.
Pattern 2 (Noun + Verb + Adverb or Prepositional
Phrase): My brother works in a factory.
Pattern 3 (Noun + Verb + Noun): That Professor teaches
English.
Pattern 4 (Noun + Verb + Noun + Noun): The man teaches
the boys English.
Pattern 5 (Noun + Verb + Noun + Adjective or Noun):
That man called the teacher a genius.
Pattern 6 (Noun + LV (linking verb) + Noun): The man
is a teacher.
Pattern 7 (Noun + LV + Adjective, Adverb or Prepositional
Phrase): That man is intelligent.
Pattern 8 (There + LV + Noun + Adverb or Prepositional
Phrase): There is a teacher in the classroom.
Pattern 9 (It + LV + Adjective, Adverb, Noun, or
Prepositional Phrase): It is morning.

Exercise:
Analyze each of the following sentences. Identify each
one by its sentence pattern number. List the sentence elements that make up the
pattern. Underline and identify the subjects, predicates and complements you
find in the sentences. Look out for compound subjects and compound predicates.
Example: Perhaps you wear a watch.
                      (Pattern 3. Noun + Verb + Noun)
(1) There was always a great need to tell
the time.
(2) It was important.
(3) Early man used the sun
and marked shadows of trees.
(4) Perhaps the shadow was
short. Noon was near.
(5) Such clocks were
satisfactory for a number of years.
(6) Then some clever person
gave us the sundial.
(7) A sundial works fine on
sunny days. But some days are dark and cloudy.
(8) Another inventor
developed the water clock.
(9) In it, water ran from one
vessel to another.
(10) The amount of water
indicated the time.
(11) A modern hourglass is
similar to the old water clock.
(12) Sand instead of water
flows through an hourglass. But the principle is the same.
(13) Alfred the Great of
England invented another method.
(14) Alfred's method was a
candle with markings on it.
(15) The candle burned. Its
markings indicated the time.
(16) In the fourteenth
century, a German invented a clock.
(17) It contained many of the
parts of a modern clock.
(18) Historians should
consider that Germen were one of the greatest contributors to our civilization.
(19) He made possible our
watches of today.
(20) We owe him recognition.
II. EXPANDED
SIMPLE SENTENCES
Below is a review of the Expanded Simple Sentence Patterns:*

* See Unit 2 of Appendix [Section V of Part II]
for a full presentation of the expanded simple sentence patterns.

Pattern l (Noun + Verb )
         (Subject + Verb)
Example: The man teaches.
The tall man over there usually teaches every day at
my school.
Pattern 2 (Noun + Verb + Adverb/Prepositional Phrase)
                    (Subj. + Verb + Complement)
Example: My brother works in a factory
My hopelessly lazy brother grudgingly works in a
modern, well-designed, and well-managed shoe factory.
Pattern 3 (Noun + Verb + Noun)
(Subj. + Verb + DO [Direct Object])
Example: That professor teaches English.
That famous British professor brilliantly taught
Shakespearean English last term.
Pattern 4 (Noun + Verb + Noun + Noun )
(Subj. + Verb + 10 (indirect object) + DO)
Example: That man teaches the boys English.
Year after year, a quiet, patient American man
dutifully teaches my boys very useful English.
     Pattern 5 (Noun + Verb +
Noun/Adjective)
(Subj. + Verb + Object + Object Complement)
Example: That man called the teacher a genius.
An unbelievably ignorant man just called our teacher a
true genius!
Pattern 6 (Noun + LV (linking verb) + Noun)
(Subject + LV +
Complement)
Example: The man is a teacher.
The talkative man in the corridor is a wellknown geography
teacher.

Pattern 7 (Noun + LV +
Adjective/Adverb/Prepositional Phrase)
               (Subj. + LV +
Complement)
Example: That man is intelligent.
All bald-headed
men are always very intelligent.
Pattern 8 (There + LV + Noun + Adverb/Prepositional Phrase)
           (There
+ LV + Subject + Complement)
Example: There is a teacher in the classroom.
There is an angry
teacher in the noisy classroom.
Pattern 9 (It + LV + Complement)
(It + LV + Adjective/Adverb/Prepositional Phrase)
Example: It is morning.
It is a cold, rainy morning in March.
Exercise:
Text A:
I walk to work. I take my lunch and a thermos of
coffee. I walk through the streets enjoying the air and the sights and sounds.
The city is waking up. A boy is setting up his shoe-shine stand. A man is
delivering lettuce to a grocery store. I see a friend. He is waiting for a
taxi. I stop for a chat. Then I go on. I walk to work. I do not take taxis.
Walking makes me happy. It keeps me healthy.
Below is an expanded version of the preceding paragraph.
Tense, number, and one verb have been changed, and modifiers have been added.
The subject has also been changed.
Text A’:
John walked to work. He took a thermos of hot coffee
and a delicious lunch in a paper bag. He walked slowly, enjoying the cool,
early-morning air and the sights and sounds of the streets. The big, noisy,
turbulent city was rapidly waking up. An energetic little boy was setting up
his battered shoe-shine stand in front of a hotel entrance. A delivery man
dressed in a white uniform was busily slapping down cartons of lettuce on the
sidewalk in front of a grocery store. John saw a friend waiting for a taxi. He
stopped briefly for a short chat. John usually walked to work. He almost never
took taxis. Walking made him happy. It also kept him healthy.

Text B:
It is summer. The days are long and hot. Children are
out of school. They do not go to scout meetings or to music lessons. They swim
and read. They telephone their friends. They play tennis. Whole families go on
vacation. There is fun in winter also. But there is more work. Teachers give
their students long assignments. Parents keep busy. There is little time for
play. Everyone takes a rest in summer. Summer gives the family change and
relaxation. It makes everyone happy.
Rewrite Text B. Change the verb tenses for variety.
Change the subject, if possible. Expand each subject and predicate by the use
of as many modifiers as possible without distorting natural word order. Do not
combine sentences.
III. COMPOUND
SENTENCES*
Exercises:
A.
Underline the coordinate conjunctions* in the
following paragraph. Identify the sentences or the sentence parts that are
joined by the conjunctions.

* See Unit 2 of Appendix [Section V of Part II]
for a full presentation of compound sentences.

John is sixteen years old, and he is a junior in high
school. He is interested in physics and in baseball. He is a good student, but
he finds time to go to the teen club on Friday nights and to keep up with the
latest popular songs. He has never seen many of the things his parents grew up
with. He has no idea how butter is made nor what veal is. Vegetables and fruits
are brought home from the supermarket in bags and packages; he wouldn't know
the difference between a potato plant and a plum tree. His parents are always a
little shocked to realize these facts. They know he has not lived through a
Great Depression or a World War, but they usually expect him to understand
and adopt their attitudes and values. They are sometimes surprised by his
failure to do so, and they have to try very hard to see the world through his
eyes.

В.
Underline the correlative conjunctions* (either or;
neither nor; not only, but also; both, and) in the following paragraph.
Identify the sentences or the sentence parts that are joined by the
conjuctions.

* See Unit 4 of Appendix [Section V of Pan II]
«The Conjunctions and Connectors of English».

Thirty years ago people knew about neither spaceships
nor astronauts. They were fascinated with a machine called the automobile, and
they were nervous about flying in airplanes. Gradually both automobiles and
airplanes became commonplace. The coming of jets caused a small sensation, but
soon people were used to them, too. Today, we are accustomed, not only to
satellites being launched from the earth and put into orbit, but also to having
men spend several days in space. We now expect man to go to the
moon. Parents of the past wooried about airplanes. Parents of today may either
have to accept space travel for their children or make themselves and their
children unhappy.
C.
Underline the sentence connectors* in the following
paragraph. Identify the sentences that are joined by the connectors.
Tonight we saw a light moving quickly across the sky.
It looked like a star; however it was moving much too fast for a star. It left
no trail of fire behind it; therefore, it could not be a comet or a meteor. It
was too fat and too high to be an airplane; besides, there was only one speck
of light, and it was steady and unblinking. We thought it might be an orbiting
satellite, yet there was no space flight in the news. Maybe the morning papers
would clear up the mystery; meanwhile, the light disappeared from sight in the
distance. On the opposite side of the sky, we discovered a beautiful,
brilliantly orange moon, partly hidden by the trees. It looked familiar and
reassuring; the smile on its face, however, was as inscrutable as ever.

D.
Rewrite the following paragraph. Provide the missing
words and combine each set into one sentence, watching the sense of the story
to produce a logical paragraph. You will have to change the word order to
question word-order (i.e., by putting the verb, or the helping verb, before the
subject) in some sentences (nos. 4, and 6).
(1) (but) A beekeeper brought twenty
ferocious African queen bees to South America. He made a terrible mistake.
(2) (and) He thought they would mix
with his tame bees. A better breed would be produced.
(3) (either ... or) They killed the tame
bees. The result of their interbreeding produced killer bees.
(4) (neither ... nor) The bees could (not)
be handled safely. Their honey could (not) be harvested.
(5) (for) They ran wild and increased in
number. They were dangerous to control.
(6) (not only ... but also) These bees invaded the
cities. They stung anything they could find when attempts were made to kill
them.
(7) (both... and, so, or) Animals were killed by them.
People were killed by them. They all had to be destroyed somehow. The cities
would not safe.
(8) (for, and, but) The price of honey rose 400%. It
was difficult to extract. Entomologists were faced with a serious problem. They
eventually found means of solving it.

IV. COMPLEX
SENTENCES*

* See Unit 2 of Appendix [Section V of Part II]
for a full presentation of complex sentences.

Exercises:
1. Do the
following exercises for practice in identifying noun clauses.
A.Underline the noun clauses in the following
sentences.
Tell the function of each noun clause, whether it is
used as subject, direct object, indirect object, object  of preposition, appositive,
or subject complement.
Examples:
Why a good
vocabulary is important is
obvious. (Subject) The reason is that words carry thought. (Subject
complement.)
One should learn how
words are built. (Direct Object)
Skills give
whoever masters them help. (Indirect Object)
A search for
whatever clues are given may unlock a definition. (Object of a preposition)
The fact that
strange words slow our reading is evident. (Appositive)

(1)
Books have been written about how one can become a better reader.

(2) Those businessmen are
interested in facts.
(3) Companies are requiring
that their chief officers take special courses.
(4) They give whoever needs
help free courses.
(5) The reason is that good
readers help a company.
(6) The fact that skills can
be learned rapidly encourages us.
B. Combine the sentences in each group below to form
one sentence containing a noun clause. Write the resulting ten sentences as a
paragraph.
(1) Poetry is difficult for some readers. It is a
fact.
(2) They forget this. Poetry is natural for children.
(3) Most poetry must be read
slowly. This is true.
(4) One reason is this. A few
words suggest big ideas.
(5) Words are placed in
unusual order. That is another reason.
(6) This fact is obvious.
Poets use words figuratively.
(7) Who has an imagination?
Poets give word pictures. (whoever)
(8) One must think about
this. What do the words suggest?
(9) Does poetry give rewards?
Who reads it? (whoever)
(10) We know this. It
contains many of man's noblest thoughts.
2. Combine the pairs of sentences below, using
adjective clauses.
(1) Johnny had the right idea. You have just heard
about him.
(2) An African elephant will measure over eleven feet
high. It is full grown.
(3) P.T. Barnum was a great
shownam. His circus elephant became world famous.
(4) The elephant was over ten
feet high. Barnum owned it.
(5) The weight was twelve
thousand pounds. It was normal.
(6) An elephant's trunk
weighs three hundred pounds. It is about six feet long.
(7) We have to admire little
Johnny. He answered so wisely.
(8) The elephants could not
be lost. He had seen them.
3. Practice identifying adverbial clauses. Underline
the adverbial clauses in these sentences. Tell which word in the sentence is
modified by the clause.
(1) Many pioneers struggled as many other
heroes have struggled.
(2) Danger lurked wherever
they looked.
(3) If Indians attacked,
everyone fought.
(4) When sickness came,
families cooperated.
(5) Although hardships
increased, people continued.
(6) Pioneers struggled
because dreams survived.
(7) As time passed, life
improved.
4. Rewrite the following pairs of sentences to make
one complex sentence. Use adverb clauses.

Example: John
  will attend a technical college.

He wants to be an engineer. John will attend a
  technical college so that he can be an engineer.

(1) (although)

John is only
  sixteen.
He has already
  entered a university.

(2) (because)

He studied hard
  in high school.
He wanted to be
  accepted by a good university.

(3) (as if)

He always
  conducted himself properly.
He was older
  than his years.

(4) (since)

His family
  lived a long way from an university.
He had to move
  to a strange city.

(5) (when)

He reached the
  university.
Classes had not
  yet started.

(6) (while)

He was
  searching for a place to live.
He met a
  foreign student.

(7) (after)

The two boys
  became acquainted.
They decided to
  share a room.

(8) (unless)

They planned
  their expenditures carefully.
They would not
  have enough money.

(9) (before)

They looked for
  a room.
The two friends
  consulted the Dean.

5. Complete
  each of the following sentences with a noun by one of the subordinators
  given.

Who what
Whose that

what for
where
why s kind

how
how many
when

how old
   how far whether whom
how much how
  soon

(1) John wondered
________.
(2) Mary told me
_______.
(3) Jane said
_______.
(4) The strangers
inquired about _______.
(5) The teacher
didn't explain _______.
(6) _____ is
certain.
(7) Please ask
Mr. Jones _______.
(8) We must
remember _______.
(9) We must nevet
forget _______.
(10) We argued
about _______.
(11) I cannot
agree with ______.
(12) Ted wants to
do ______.
(13) Carl's
mother wants to know _______.
(14) ______
should not be tolerated.
(15) Please give
James Lee _______.
(16) The fact is
______.
(17) We asked the
teacher _______.
(18) Believing
_______, I will vote for him.
(19) Martha
doesn't believe _____.
(20) It has been
proved _______.
(21) Knowing
______, Mrs. Kelly will arrive early.
(22) The company
will give ______ a prize.
(23) _______ was
very amusing.
(24) ______ is a
secret.
(25) Considering
____, I think I would like to know her.
6. Combine the following pairs of sentences. You may
use coordinating conjunctions to make them compound, or relative pronouns or
subordinating conjunctions to make them complex. Rewrite the sentences to form
a paragraph.
(1) Giraffes are curious creatures.
Everyone finds them fascinating.
(2) Their coloring is
interesting. Their long necks amaze us.
(3) They enjoy life. They
have interesting experiences.
(4) The giraffe's neck is a
watchtower. The animal's fine vision and sense of smell constitute additional
protection.
(5) Curiosity and poor
judgment lead the giraffe into dangerous situations. Often they result in its
death.
(6) These animals stand
beside a tree. They eat the top leaves.
(7) Their eating manners are
excellent. They drink in an awkward fashion.
(8) Their long legs and neck
present a problem. The animals have learned a good method.
(9) They stretch their legs
far apart. They lower their heads.
(10) The giraffe is
fortunate. This strange animal can go without water for several days.
(11) It must feel safe at a
water hole. Sometimes the giraffe will remain thirsty.
(12) With its head down to
drink, it cannot see. This may be very dangerous.

UNIT 2. COMPLEX. SIMPLE. COMPLEX *

* See Unit 2 of Appendix [Section V of Part II]
for a full presentation of Simple and Complex Sentence Patterns.

Exercise:
Rewrite each of the complex sentences in Text A below
as a series of simple sentences, each making a single point.
Combine the important ideas in your set of simple sentences
into a single complex sentence of no more than 30 words.
Text A:
[1] Ever since the telly(l) came to claim pride of
place in every parlour, prophets of doom have described the corruption of the
soul and emasculation(2) of the mind bound to result from exposure to the
sights and sounds churned out by the networks.
[2] Youth has been named as the prime victim of the
persuaders, although I for one, far from fearing for the mental welfare of the
modern young, envy them their painless access to vivid information about the
world in which they are growing up.
[3] I suspect that television, by preparing young
minds for the vagaries(3) of mankind, has made the business of cutting apron
strings and launching into independence far less traumatic than it was when I
was a girl.
(1) telly -television (British English:
informal).
(2) emasculation — the
process of weakening something: depriving it of its strength and effectiveness.
(3) vagaries — wild or
unexpected ideas or actions.

UNIT 3. REGISTER
By «register» we mean the words, style and grammar
used by writers (and speakers) in a particular condition. Official documents,
for example, are written in a formal register (i.e., an elevated style). So are
academic articles. A personal note to a friend is usually written in an
informal register (i.e., a colloquial style, suitable for ordinary, or familiar
communication: e.g., «You're nuts» is the colloquial equivalent of «You are
insane»).
Members of certain professional groups tend to communicate
with each other in a jargon (i.e., a language including words and expressions
known mainly or exclusively to fellow members of their profession). Other
groups of people differentiate between themselves and others by creating their
own slang or argot (a style of expressing themselves and a vocabulary peculiar
to members of a particular group: e.g., the slang of teenagers, or the argot of
criminals).
Writers of popular articles often use a mixed register
-i.e., they use both formal and informal language in order to make their
writing more lively and/or amusing.
3.1 Reread Text A in Unit 2 above. Consider especially
the underlined words and phrases.
A.
How would you describe
the register of Text A?
B.
What type of article do
you think this excerpt (Text A) was taken from? (Could it be part of: a
literary essay? a chapter of a textbook? a popular essay written by a newspaper
columnist?
        C. Read
Carr's «What is a Historical Fact?» in Part IV.
In what register was that essay written? Where was it published?
Is Carr a «popular» writer? Why do you imagine he might have chosen to write in
the style that he did?

UNIT 4. USING RELATIVE PRONOUNS TO FORM COMPLEX SENTENCE *

* See Unit 2 of
Appendix (Section V of Part II].

4.1 Combine the following sets of simple sentences to
form complex sentences, substituting the relative pronouns «who», «which»,
«that», or «whose» for the repeated nouns and noun phrases.
1. a. There are certain historians.
b. The historians have been arguing against Carr's
ideas.
c. The ideas have not been accepted by many of his
colleagues.
2. a. There are certain
historians.
b. The historians have been arguing against Carr.
c. Carr's ideas have not been accepted by many of his
colleagues.
3. a. In the past few years
we have seen the publishers of a book/ acquitted by the high court.
b. The book was considered unpublishable 30 years ago
on moral grounds.
c. The fact (of the publisher's having been acquitted)
can only be attributed to a sharp change in public opinion.
UNIT 5. STRUCTURES WITH OMISSION *

* Based on Leech and Svartvik, A
Communicative Grammar of English, 1975

A good writer will make his sentences more concise
(i.e. shorter and clearer) by using various structures of omission. These
include:
1. Coordination
a. Not only classical, but popular art is being
seriously studied these days. [Classical art is being seriously studied these
days; popular art is, (too).]
b. Either West Germany or Holland will win the World
Cup. [West Germany will win the World Cup or (else) Holland will do so.]
c. John washes
and irons his own shirts. [John washes his own shirts; he irons them (too).]
d. Peter cut himself a slice of bread and cheese.
[Peter cut himself a slice of bread; he (also) cut himself some cheese.]
e. He ate the fruit, though not the nuts. [He ate the
fruit; though he did not eat the nuts.]
2. Non-finite clauses
(to-infinitive clause: -ing clause; -ed clause)
a. to-infinitive clause
I hope to be present
[I hope that I shall be present].
b. -ing clause
Living in the country, we had few social visits.
[Since we lived in the country, we had few social
visits.]
c. -ed clause
The man injured by the bullet was taken to the
hospital. [The man who was injured by the bullet was taken to the hospital.]
3. Non-finite clauses introduced by a subordinator
a. -ing clause
He wrote his novel while working as a research
assistant.
[.... while he was working ...]

b. -ed clause
Though defeated,
he remained a popular leader.
[Though he had
been defeated, ....]
4. Verbless clauses
(having no verb, and usually no subject)
a. Whether right or wrong, he usually wins the argument.
   [Whether he is
right or wrong, ....]
b. A man of few words, George says what he has to say
in a few minutes.
[Being a man of
few words, ....]
3.1 Make the following sentences more concise by using
one of the above structures of omission. The words which can be omitted have
been underlined).
1. Tonight we are flying to Athens and next week we
are flying to London.
2. He was determined that
he would be the one that they chose.
3. Because she wanted to look well, she decided to
diet.
4. He was sickened by the thought of so much waste and
he decided that he would do something about it.
5. I came into the room and I
found him waiting for me.
UNIT 6. THE USES OF PUNCTUATION *

* see Unit 3 of
Appendix [Section V of Part II].

Check the sentence that answers the
question:
1. How do we know that Peter has unusual powers of persuasion?
a. Peter left
him, convinced he was a fool.
b. Peter left him
convinced he was a fool.

2. In which case will there
be three people in the car?
a. Julia, Barbara and I will
drive to Oxford tomorrow.
b. Julia Barbara and I will
drive to Oxford tomorrow.

3. Which speaker has a brother named John?
a. Give this letter to my brother John and wait for an
answer.
b. Give this letter to my
brother, John, and wait for an answer.
4. Which sentence
describes a monster?                                                                                a.
Jim saw the man-eating fish.                                                                                b.
Jim saw the man eating fish.
5. Which is more
flattering to Mrs. Sandford?                                                                                a.
Mrs. Sandford is a pretty generous woman.                                                                                b.
Mrs. Sandford is a pretty, generous woman.
6. Which tells us
that it pays to keep cool?
a. He remained calm, cool and
collected.
b. He remained calm and cool
— and collected.
7. Which tells us that the plan worked out in some
unexpected way?
a. The plan didn't
work out, as we had anticipated.                                                                                b.
The plan didn't work out as we had anticipated.
8. Which suggests
that I have more than one sister?                                                                                a.
I rang up my sister who lives in Boston.                                                                                b.
I rang up my sister, who lives in Boston.
9. Which would
explain my terrible singing style?                                                                                a.
I sang the song as he told me to.                                                                                b.
I sang the song, as he told me to.
10. Which suggests that we had some other reason for
doing what we did?
a. We didn't do it
because we wanted to see if he would cry.                                                                                b.
We didn't do it, because we wanted to see if he would cry.

UNIT 7. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN SIMILAR SENTENCES
Exercise: Paraphrase each of the following sentences
(i.e., state the sense of each sentence using different words).
1. He was used to
getting up early.                                                                                He
used to get up early.
2. After an exhausting search they found
the missing children.                                                                                After
an exhaustive search they found the missing children.
3. I have made few
friends, but I enjoy living here.                                                                                I
have made a few friends, so I enjoy living here.
4. I have heard nothing of him for a very
long time.                                                                                I
have heard nothing from him for a very long time.
5. I regret to say
that you'll be held responsible.                                                                                I
regret saying that you'll be held responsible.
6. Did you read his
last great novel?                                                                                Did
you read his great last novel?
7. She didn't marry
just because he was rich.                                                                                She
didn't marry just because he was rich.
<a> just — precisely, or exactly
<b> just — only, or merely
8. She saved him a
seat.                                                                                She
saved him a phone call.
<a> saved — to reserve, set apart.
<b> saved — to prevent the necessity
of something.
9. Did you
remember to look for the book?                                                                                Do
you remember looking for the book?

10. John stopped to explain about his illness.
John stopped explaining about his illness.
11. The driver
forgot to put gas in the car.                                                                                The
driver forgot putting gas in the car.
12. I regret to say
that you'll be held responsible.                                                                                I
regret saying that you'll be held responsible.
13. Did you know
that John has agreed?                                                                                Do
you know whether John has agreed?
14. Has he told you
that they passed the exam?                                                                                Has
he told you whether they passed the exam?
15. I don't doubt
that he will cooperate.                                                                                I
doubt whether he will cooperate.
16.The rebels' defeat of the army was an
exciting event.                                                                                The
rebels' defeat by the army was an exciting event.
17. The young man's discovery was never
even mentioned.                                                                                The
discovery of the young man was never even mentioned.
18.The Americans who are patriotic tend to
be conservative.                                                                                The
Americans, who are patriotic, tend to be conservative.

UNIT 8. INDIRECTION: NEGATIVE
CONSTRUCTIONS
8.1. Answer the questions below each
sentence:
1. Not infrequently
we go to Prague in the autumn.                                                                                Do
we often go there in the autumn?
2. It is not unlikely that we will go there
again this
October. Is there a good
chance that we'll be going there in October?

3. It is not
unthinkable that there should be a 3rd World War.                                                                                Is
this a completely ridiculous idea?
4. He thinks nothing
of checking his answers again and again.                                                                                Does
he mind checking his answers?
5. Nor is it only
his own answers that he checks.                                                                                What
else does he do?
6. It is not impossible that the experiment
will fail.                                                                                The
speaker is ______ ing the person he is addressing that the experiments _______
fail.

(modal verb)
7. Geology is by no means without practical
importance. The speaker is aware that some people, including the person he is
addressing, may have the idea that geology ______________________________________
.
8. Her behavior
makes her all but indistinguishable from a native Italian.                                                               How
does she behave?
9. It is not unknown for him to be less
than punctual.                                                                                Is
he ever late?
8.2 Read the following sentences and answer
the questions.
1. There could never be any circumstance which could
justifi anybody's saying anything of the kind. Nevertheless he could hardly*
keep himself from saying it.

* hardly = [1] almost not; [2] only
with difficulty

a. Can you guess what kind of remark it probably was?
b. Did he actually make the remark?
c. Was he justified in what
he did?
2. Even if she had never done anything like it before
in her life, I would not have been surprised had she done it now, so much had
she matured in the course of that year.

    a. Is «it» a good or a bad thing (and how do you know)?
b. Had she ever done anything like it before?
c. Why did the speaker expect her to do it now?
d. Did she do it now?
e. The speaker implies that, if she had done something
like it before, then ____________________ .

f. What time does «now» refer
to?
3. Nothing could have looked simpler, or
been harder to accomplish.
a. Substitute an
equivalent word for «looked».
b. The writer is contrasting the way it ____ (one
word) with ___________.
c. Indirectly, we learn the fact that something hard
to do has been ___________ (one word).
d. Why does the speaker set up the contrast? (Why
doesn't he just state the fact?)
4. It isn't because I disagree with your views that I
can't accept what you say, but because I don't see that you've managed to
substantiate them properly.
a. The speaker is justifying his own
decision. What decision has he made?
b. Does he
disagree with the views of the person he is addressing?
с. Has that person tried to substantiate his views?
d. Has he
succeeded?
5. Hardly had she begun doing something about it when
they warned her not to. Did she mind? Never had it been easier to do nothing!
a. Did she begin?
b. «Not to» — what?
c. Did she mind — what?
d. What did she find it easy to do?
8.3 Consider the following:
1. What risk is the writer taking when he uses
indirection, instead of just saying what he means as directly and clearly as
possible?
2. Under what circumstances might a writer (or
speaker) want to make it harder for his reader (or listener) to quickly grasp
exactly what he is saying?

UNIT 9. IMPLICATION
9.1 By his choice of words, his choice of
language, a writer often implies more than is actually printed on the page.
What is the meaning implied by each of the following quotations?
1. Women's intuition is the result of
millions of years of not thinking. (Rupert Hughes).
2. Whatever women do, they must do twice as well as
men to be thought half as good. Luckily that is not difficult. (Charlotte
Whitton, Mayor of Ottawa).

3. I am glad that I am not a
man as I should then be obliged to marry a woman. (Madame de Staël).
4. Women are most fascinating between the ages of 35
and 40, after they have won a few races and know how to pace themselves. Since
few women ever pass 40, maximum fascination can continue indefinitely.
(Christian Dior).
5. There must be some women who are not
liars. (W. Somerset Maugham)
6. Women are like gods. They have one face
for their worshippers and one for their rivals. (source unknown)

UNIT 10. TYPES OF AMBIGUITY
1. Joe: «My hobby is sailing ships».
   John: «Personally, I prefer flying kites». Jack:
«How about flying saucers?»
a. Can any of these speakers be sure that he knows
what the others are talking about?
b. What's the problem?
2. He dreamed of travelling constantly.
a. How often did
he have this dream?                                                                                b.
How often did he want to travel?
3. The lamb was too hot to eat.
What are the three possible
meanings of this statement?
a. The weather was _____, so the lamb
wouldn't eat.                                                                                b.
The (cooked) lamb wasn't edible because the cook used too much _______.
    d. The
(cooked) lamb had to be ______ before it could be eaten.
4. SHIP SAILS TODAY
a. Is this an order
that someone has issued?                                                                                b.
Is someone reporting an event?
5. The patriotic Americans have great
respect for their country's constitution.
a. Do all Americans respect their constitution
(because they are all patriotic)?
b. Do only some (the
patriotic ones) respect it?
6. The hungry
workers went on strike.
a. Did all the workers participate in the
strike (because they were hungry)?
b. Were some of the workers
well-fed (and therefore not among the strikers)?
7. Criminal lawyers seldom die in bed.
a. Is the profession of defending people
accused of crimes a dangerous one?
b. Is it particularly
dangerous for a lawyer to commit a crime?

UNIT 11. WHAT THE WRITER MEANS BUT
FOR SOME REASONS PREFERS NOT TO SAY DIRECTLY
Match
each phrase in Column I with the phrase in Column II that expresses what the
writer probably meant (but preferred not to say ditectly):

Column I

Column II

1. It has been
  said that...

a. I can't be
  bothered to prove this but I expect you to believe it

2. ... a fact
  of unquestion-significance

b. It suits my
  theory to able interpret these facts as ...

3. It is well
  known that ...

c. I haven't
  been able to find information on ...

4. By now it is
  clear that..

d. There are
  some idiots who belive that...

5. There are
  those who claim that...

e. ...
  something that strikes me as important, though I haven't decided why

6. Common sense
  will tell you that...

f. I believe
  that...

7. These facts
  can clearly be interpreted as expressions of...

g. I hope I've
  managed to convince you that...

8. Little is
  known about...

h. (I read this
  somewhere, but I can't remember where).

SECTION III
DEALING WITH PARAGRAPHS

UNIT 1. COHERENCE
COHERENCE means «reasonable connection» — «an orderly
relationship between parts». It's the quality that makes the difference between
a set of UNconnected phrases or clauses, on the one hand, and a simple,
compound or complex sentence, on the other hand (see Unit 2 of the Appendix
[Section V of Part II] on Compound and Complex Sentence Patterns). It also
makes the difference between a set of UNconnected sentences and a PARAGRAPH
(which is a set of CONNECTED sentences). Finally, the same quality — COHERENCE
— makes the difference between a set of UNconnected paragraphs and a TEXT.
The writer makes his sentences, paragraphs and text
coherent by using various cues and signals that establish the «orderly
relationship» between the various parts of his sentences, between the various
sentences in his paragraphs, and between the various paragraphs in his text. It
is the job of the reader to follow these cues and signals and understand the
relationships.

CUES AND SIGNALS
USED TO ESTABLISH COHERENCE
1. Grammatical Signals such as conjunctions
(Section V of Part II Unit 4; the position of a given word in the sentence
(Section V, Unit 2); and grammatically meaningful word endings (Word Power
[Part I] Section X, Unit IE).
2. Punctuation Signals
(Section V of Part II, Unit 3).
3. Visual Cues such as
paragraph indentation.
4. Verbal Cues such as
repeated words (to emphasize connections).
5. Pronouns (to refer
backwards and forwards instead of simply repeating words).
6. Various Other Verbal Cues
(Section V of part II, Unit 6).
A. Which of these two «sentences» makes some kind of
sense (and why)? (How can a sentence make «sense» without being logical?)
a. Sleep green colorless furiously ideas.
b. Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.
B. The sentences that make up a coherent paragraph
must be grammatically and logically connected. What makes the «paragraph» below
incoherent?
People love music. There are carbon granules in the
telephone receiver. Although the Japanese people are remarkable. Her dog was
killed. In the southern part of Jordan there is a place of unique historical
interest.
C. Now consider the paragraph below:
Cecil, the aardvark, was a strange pet. Because of his
exotic eating habits, he was able to rid the house of insects. What he devoured
most often were the little dark ants. He was often seen routing these out with
his long ugly snout. Granted, his snout made him an excellent exterminator.
However, it also made him an unusual household pet.
List the features that make this a coherent paragraph.

D. Below is another example of a COHERENT parapraph.
The various devices used by the writer to establish coherence have been clearly
marked, and they include the following:
1. Pronouns. The «we» in sentence 5 hooks back not
only to «higher animals» but to the readers themselves, referred to in the
first sentence with «our».
2. Summary nouns and pronouns. The «this» in sentence
6 pulls together the entire paragraph by referring to «experiment» and «play»
in sentence 5 and to the «process of learning» in sentence 1. Sometimes a
summary noun will do this job. For example, sentence 6 might have read:
«Perhaps the nature of trial run is what gives. .»
3. Repeated words. «Scientist», «learning»,
and «errors» reappear.
4. Repeated stems. Bronowski used «an
experiment» (the noun) followed by «experiments» (the verb).
5. Rewording of the same idea. A «harmless
trial run» is later redefined as a «setting in which errors are not fatal».
6. Punctuation. Colons usually tell us that an
explanation, an example or a list follows. Semicolons connect two main clauses
that generally are closely related.
7. Parallel construction. The grammatically parallel
construction of «the scientist experiments and the cub plays» (sentence 5)
emphasizes the parallel connection Bronowski wishes to make.
Cues and Signals Used to
Establish Coherence
D: A passage with many
word and phrase cues
Source: Jacob
Bronowski. The Common Sense of Science (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1953).

3.1 In the following paragraph the cues and signals
that establish coherence have been underlined. Study each one and decide what type
of coherence device it is. (Refer to the list of devices preceding the
Bronowski text above).
Rescue dogs are often specially trained to work in
areas where a bomb or earthquake has buried people in debris. Their
job is to locate where the persons are buried so that rescuers
can dig them out before they suffocate or die of other injuries. Since
the dog must guide rescuers to the spot, he must be willing to sit
and bark until help comes. As a result some dogs, including collies,
shepherds, airedales, and, in fact, most working breeds, can be
trained for rescue; others can't. Spaniels, setters, and some hounds, for
example, refuse to bark once they have found their person. Although
they would bark at home if someome came to the door, these hunting
breeds have been selectively bred not to bark while working because
it would scare the game.
3.2 Reorder the sentences below so that
they form a coherent paragraph.*
__ a. But because many new
summer workers don't know how to move large trees, the best ways to handle the
equipment, handle the trucks, or the large plants, their job is much harder.
__ b. Yet Timmerman does
little to help summer employees in these areas.
__ c. Or at least it
shouldn't be.
__ d. Timmerman Landscape Co.
Inc. is a local nursery that has recently moved into doing landscaping.
__ e. There is a waiting list
for these jobs because the pay is good and the work is outdoors but not as
heavy as construction work.
__ f. They have a year-round
staff of around ten people, but in the summer they hire a lot of summer help to
meet peak summer workloads.
__ g. Most of the summer help
are college students.

* (Key: a-6; b-7;
c-5; d-1; e-4; f-2; g-3)

2. What features
of each sentence help you determine its position in the paragraph?

UNIT 2. OLD AND NEW INFORMATION
(Another Coherence Device)
In a paragraph, the writer usually establishes
coherence between sentences by referring back, in the first part of each sentence,
to what the reader already knows (Old Information) and by adding the (New )
information that leads his argument forward in the second part of each
sentence.
Notice how this pattern of Old Information leading to
New Information works in the following:
Shopping for a Turkey

Old ... New . .
  .

The old
  information
was stated in
  the
title.

In buying a
  turkey, you get more meat your money from a whole bird than from a boned,
  rolled turkey roast.

The reference
  to "the whole bird" is old information from the preceding sentence.

Old ... New . .
  .
And the bigger
  that whole bird is, the
more meat you
  will have in
proportion to
  bone.

Old ... New . .
  .
A turkey
  weighing less than 12 pounds
is one-half
  waste.

The reference
  to a turkey's weight
is old
  information, but the fact of

one-half waste
  is new.

«As a result»
  is old information,
reffering to
  the points made previously in the paragraph.

Old ... New . .
  .
As a result, it
  is more economical to buy half of a lage, 20 pounder than to buy a small,
  10-pound turkey.

At times this pattern of moving from old information
to new information is broken. For example:
Old
...               New . .
.
And the bigger that whole bird is, the more meat

New . .
.                                                                                you
will have in proportion to bone. One-half
Old  . . .
                                       waste is what
you'll get with a turkey weighing
                                      less that 12
pounds.
Sometimes the sentence with new information at the beginning
is confusing and needs rereading. However, by violating expectations, you can
also create surprise and emphasis, as the sentence above did by surprising us
with the phrase, «One-half waste . . .» To sum up, then, you can use various
kinds of repetition, including the old information / new information pattern,
to make clear connections between sentences.
Exercise:
A. In the following paragraph, underline the part of
each sentence that presents New Information.
Behavior of
People in Groups
Often people who hold the higher positions in a given
group overestimate their performance. Although this may not always be true, it
does indicate that the actual position in the group has much to do with the
degree of confidence a person may have. Thus a group member is more likely to
feel highly confident about his own performance if he holds a high position in
the group or feels he has an important part to play.
B. Which sentence «violates» expectations by putting
the New Information first?

UNIT 3. THE ORDERING OF SENTENCES
IN A PARAGRAPH *

* Based on «Interactive Text Processing» in Interactive
Approaches to Second Language Reading, ed. Patricia Cavell and David Eskey.

                                               Some
of the Common Ordering Systems Are:
1. TIME
ORDER
                                            Time
Order — (information organized in a chronology, time sequence).

Words that are clues or signal words often used when
writing in chronological or time order:
first, next, last, in the end, days, dates, soon,
later, finally, eventually, times, later on, in the meantime, afterwards, not
long after, at the end, at last, right away, in the beginning.
2. COMPARISON/CONTRAST
Comparison/contrast — (information organizes to show
similarities, differences, advantages, disadvantages. Speaker's perspective
may be neutral or may take a position).
Words that are clues or signal words of a comparison
or contrast:
but, different, however, like, contrary to,
comparative forms (e.g., faster, slower), rather, on the contrary, as, in the
same way, instead, yet, similarly, on the other hand.

3. COLLECTION OF DESCRIPTIONS

Collection of descriptions —
(information organized by a simple listing of facts or ideas relating to the
same topic)
Words that are
clues or signal words of a collection of descriptions:
some, others, many, a few,
other, also, first, second, third, finally, in addition, lastly, all.
4. CAUSE AND EFFECT
Cause and Effect — (information organized by showing
the cause or causes of an event or situation, of the effects of some event or
situation, or both).
Words that are clues or signal words of a
cause/effect pattern:
result, cause, effect, lead
to, due to, consequently, because of, create, become, come about.
Exercise:
Below are four
paragraphs about Sir Isaac Newton.
A. Read each paragraph, and then choose one sentence
from the extra sentences below and write the letter for that sentence next to
the paragraph in which it would fit best. One of the sentences will not be
used.
B. Label each paragraph according to the system by
which the sentences are ordered (use the four labels given above «Time Order»;
«Comparison/Contrast»; «Collection of descriptions»; or «Cause and Effect»).
Paragraph 1
Sir Isaac Newton worked on many important scientific
problems. First, there was his development of the laws of motion. He also made
important discoveries about optics and the nature of color. His other work
included ideas about astronomy, chemistry, and logic. And finally, he produced
the Principia, a book which explained his law of universal gravitation.
Paragraph 2
Isaac Newton was born in England in 1642. He
went to Trinity College, Cambridge University, in 1661 at the age of 18. In
1665, the plague swept through England, and Newton left school and returned to
his family home in Woolsthorpe. It was there that he began most of his best
work. He published his famous book, the Principia, in 1682. And in 1699
he was made the director of the English Mint. Sir Isaac Newton died in 1727 and
he is buried in Westminster Abbey.
Paragraph 3
Although the two men were both geniuses, Isaac Newton
and Albert Einstein have very little else in common. True, they both did their
most important and famous work before the age of 26. But there are great
differences between them. «Proper behavior» was most important to Newton, while
Einstein liked to be different. Newton spent his later years working for the
government, while Einstein spent his entire life doing science.
Paragraph 4
Newton did most of his best work during his stay in
Woolsthorpe from 1665 to 1668. Many writers have tried to find out what caused
him to produce all of those great ideas in such a short time. Was it the peace
and quiet of the small town that caused his creative powers to increase? The
causes may never be known, but the effects of Newton's genius are still felt
today.
Extra sentences:
a. Some people think that a falling apple
caused Newton to think of the law of universal gravitation.
b. Present-day physicists
have discovered limits to the mechanical universe which Newton described.
c. In addition, he invented
differential and integral calculus.
d. They say Isaac Newton
never smiled, but Albert Einstein had a great sense of humor.
e. In fact, by age 26, he had
alredy completed most of his best work.
SECTION IV
DEALING WITH TEXTS

UNIT 1.
TYPES OF DISCOURSE

(THE FUNCTION OF A TEXT AND
HOW IT DETERMINES THE WAY WE READ IT)
According to James Kinneavy (in A Theory of
Discourse), there are two basic types of discourse (i.e., text).
A. the type (or mode) of discourse whose main function
is to EXPRESS the feelings, ideas, emotions, beliefs, wishes, intentions, etc.
of the WRITER or SPEAKER
Examples: diaries, personal journals, prayers,
manifestos, contracts, constitutions, religious credos, myths
B. the type (or mode) of discourse whose primary
function is to COMMUNICATE something TO A READER or LISTENER.

In
COMMUNICATIVE discourse, according to Kinneavy, the emphasis can be on one of
three different aspects of the communicative process:

REFERENTIAL
Emphasis on:

LITERARY
Emphasis on:

Form of
  Presentation The

PERSUASIVE
Emphasis on:

The effect on
  the
 Reader that
  the
 subject-matter
  is
 meant to have.

Subject Matter,

Information:

The information

is presented,
  described,

Defined,
  diagnosed,

Proved, or
  related in

an informative
  manner

Examples:

  Examples:                                         Examples:

  novels                                               advertisements

  poems                                               sermons

Textbooks

scientific
  articles

  dramas                                              political speeches

  Jokes

It is important to remember that texts are seldom
purely Referential, Literary, or Persuasive. Most texts have some of the
characteristics of more than one of these categories, but they belong primarily
in one of them. The determining factor is probably the writer's intention:
i.e., the primary function that he intended his text to serve. The types
overlap because, for example, the writer may have intended his text to be
primarily persuasive, but he may well have found it necessary to include a lot
of referential material, informing the reader about the subject and even
supplying scientific facts to sound more convincing. He may also have found it
effective to employ certain literary techniques in order to be especially
persuasive (e.g., he may have used jokes, rhymed verse, or figures of speech to
make the text livelier and to have a stronger effect on his readers).
However, each of these three types of discourse
(determined by the writer's primary purpose) has its own interior logic, its
own traditional organizational patterns, and its own stylistic peculiarities
(e.g., the level of the language — its formality or informality).
If the reader can recognize the determining features
of the type of text he has in front of him (e.g., if he recognizes the
traditional form of a scientific report, with its sections devoted to the
writer's hypothesis, the report on the experiment, the results of the
experiment, and the writer's conclusions) then he knows something useful about
HOW TO READ IT.
Questions:
a. Which part of a scientific report would you read
carefully (after glancing briefly through the rest of the text), if you're not
really interested in how the experiment was done or why it was done, but you
know you will be required to explain why it was important?
b. Which of the three types of discourse would you normally
read most intensively, hardly skipping a word?
c. Why does a joke stop being funny when you try to explain
it?
d. Which of the three types of discourse would it
normally be safest to glance over superficially, simply to get a general idea
of what the writer is getting at?
Exercise A:
1. Using Kinneavy's categories, how would you describe
the following piece of discourse («On Silence»)? Is it in the style of a diary
or journal? — of a textbook? — of a novel or a poem? — of a sermon? — of any
other kind of writing with which you are familiar?
2. What is the common assumption about the nature of
silence that the writer intends to qualify or modify in some way?
3. What geographic location does the writer
seem to have in mind while describing the various types of silence?
ON SILENCE
Extract from the «Wartime Writings: 1939-44» of
Antoine de Saint-Exupery (The Yew York Times Book Review, Sept. 14,1986).
One silence even diners from another. There is the
tranquil silence when tribes are at peace, when night brings coolness and one
seems to be anchored with furled sails in a quiet harbor. There is the midday
silence when the sun suspends all thought and movement. There is the deceptive
silence when the north wind bears down, bringing insects borne like pollen from
the oases of the interior and heralding the advent of a sandstorm from the
East. There is the silence of conspiracy when it is known that a distant tribe
is preparing to revolt. There is the silence of mystery when the Arabs are
gathered together for one of their secret meetings. There is the pregnant
silence when the messenger is late returning, the shrill silence when in the
night one holds one's breath in order to hear, the melancholy silence when one
remembers one's beloved.
Exercise B:
There are many different organizational or discourse
structures which may be used in creating any type of text. Some of the common
patterns are: describing, defining, comparing, contrasting, analyzing, giving
examples, classifying, presenting information chronologically, presenting
information of a cause and/or effect nature. Which type(s) of organization seem
to apply to the excerpt «On Silence»?

UNIT 2. READING STRATEGIES
DIFFERENT KINDS OF TEXTS, SERVING
DIFFERENT PURPOSES, REQUIRE DIFFERENT READING STRATEGIES
The following are the most commonly used strategies
for reading scientific texts:
A. SKIMMING -
This involves:
1. Reading through the opening section until you have
some idea of what the writer's thesis is — what he's out to reveal or prove.
Usually the first paragraph will be enough, but sometimes the writer doesn't
get down to his actual thesis until after a few introductory paragraphs. If
this seems to be the case, glance over the introductory section and only begin
reading carefully after the writer actually gets down to the issue he's
presently concerned with. Then when you feel you know what his thesis is, you
can start to «skim» rapidly through the rest of the text.
2. Glancing over the rest of the text, paragraph by
paragraph, trying to locate the key sentence within each paragraph and to
follow the writer's train of thought (to follow his argument). If you get lost
(if you find that you no longer know what he's talking about) backtrack a bit
and try to find out where you got lost and what new idea he introduced at that
point (you may have missed it because it was in the middle of a paragraph, and
not at the beginning or end, where new ideas are most commonly introduced).
3. Reading through the closing section to see if you
actually did understand the thesis in the opening section (which, presumably,
you were able to follow by glancing through the body of the text). The
conclusion usually refers back to the opening and confirms the thesis presented
there, sometimes summarizing the important material in the body of the text
which was meant to support the thesis.
B. SCANNING
This involves glancing over the individual lines of
the text, looking for specific pieces of information (names, dates, subtitles,
a key sentence introducing a specific idea you're particularly interested in,
the place in the text where one section ends and a new idea is introduced,
etc.)
C. READING INTENSIVELY
Once you know which parts of the text contain the
information you're particularly interested in, you can concentrate on reading
those parts with special care, weighing each word to make sure that you haven't
misunderstood or missed anything the writer communicated either directly
(explicitly) or indirectly (implicitly). Look up the words you don't
understand in a good dictionary. If you're not sure you understood exactly what
the writer means, go back to see if the preceding context is helpful. If that
doesn't help, read ahead to see if what follows clarifies for you.
Exercise:
The following list includes various kinds of texts.
Decide which of the three strategies — or which combination of them, and in
what order — would be suitable for each:
1. a menu
2. a page in the dictionary
3. a road map
4. a diagram in a scientific
article
5. an article in a scientific
journal reporting on the research of someone in your field whose work you
admire
6. an article in «Time» or
«Newsweek»
7. a caption under a
photograph
8. a page in the telephone
book
9. an advertisement for
something you're thinking of buying
10. a label on a food package
11. instructions for the use
of a new appliance
12. the note included in the
box of a prescription drug giving active ingredients, dosage, side effects,
storage instructions, etc.
13. a book on your course
bibliography
14. a poem
15. a short story
16. a novel
17. a set of classroom notes
borrowed from your friend before the final exam in a course you have seldom
attended
18. an article written by a
professor whose course you're taking

UNIT 3. WHAT TITLES TELL US
Below is a list of text titles followed by a set of
questions. Answer the questions by relating them to each of the text titles on
the list.
1. Why Computers Can't Be Poets
2. No Man's Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the
Twentieth Century
3. Crime and Poverty
4. Rethinking the Holocaust
5. Overcoming Unemployment
6. The Task of Modern Philosophy
7. Towards A Humanistic Medicine in A Modern Age
8. Morality and Foreign Policy
9. Learning the Hard Way: How to Help Children with
Learning Disorders.
10. What is A Historical Fact?
11. Education and the I.Q.
12.The Economic Organization of the Prisoner of War
Camp
13. A Cultural History of the French Revolution
14. Political Development and Social Change
15. A Brief History of Time
16. The Common Interest: How Our Social Welfare
Policies Don't Work, and What We Can Do About Them
17. Innumeracy: Mathematical Illiteracy and Its Consequences
18. Signs in the Wilderness
Questions:
a. Within what academic field/s does this text
probably belong?
b. (i) Does the title reveal what the specific subject
of the text is, or does it keep you guessing? (Note that sometimes the title
keeps you guessing, but the sub-title explains it), (ii) Glance at the brief
abstract under the title «Signs in the Wilderness» in Part IV. Could you have
guessed what the subject of this text is from its title? (Why not?)
с.
Does the title reveal whether the subject matter is highly specialized (and
hence suitable for professionals) or general (and hence suitable for a wider
audience of laymen)?
d. Most titles include more than one concept (e.g.,
«Why Computers Can't be Poets»; «Crime and Poverty»; «What is A Historical
Fact?» (This includes the concept of «historicity», or of being historically
authentic; and the concept of being factual). What, if anything, does the title
you are considering imply or state directly about the relationship between the
concepts it includes?
e. Does the title (or subtitle) reveal anything about
the writer's thesis, or his point of view with regard to the subject of the
article?

UNIT 4. DIFFERENT WAYS OF PRESENTING INFORMATION
The writer of a text may decide to present part of the
information graphically instead of (or as well as) verbally. He may introduce
diagrams, pictorial representations, or flowcharts to illustrate a sequence of
concepts or operations and the relationships between them. Diagrams and other
schematic forms of presentation can help to clarify complex verbal expositions.
They also tend to be easier to remember.
Note how the following flowchart simplifies and
clarifies the verbal exposition that follows it:

Figure 5 Flowchart
of «Waves» text (from Geva 1983: 387), from: «Interactive Approaches to Second
Language Reading» Cavell and Eskey

WAVES
Waves are caused, as nearly everyone knows, by the
wind.Two classes of waves may be distinguished; the long rollers at the coast,
and the far more irregular forms of the open seas, where waves of all sizes and
types are present. The size and speed of waves depends not only on the wind's
speed but on the length of time the wind has been blowing, and the unbroken
stretch of water over which it blows as well. Very strong winds tend to beat
down the waves' height and to reduce wave speed. On the other hand, less
violent but steady winds often produce wave speeds greater than that of the
wind itself. The average maximum wave length is about 36 feet, although
occasional higher waves have been measured.
Exercise:
Make a flowchart
to clarify the following text:
Thert has been a long history of interest in the
question of whether body build and personality are related. One approach to
this issue is the constitutional view, which postulates that the individual's
biological consitution gives rise to both physical and psychological
attributes and thus that these two sets of attributes are inevitably
interrelated.

UNIT 5. TYPES OF SCHOLARLY
(ACADEMIC) ARTICLES*

* Based on the Modern Language Association
Style Manual (1985), ed. Walter S. Achtert and Joseph Gibaldi

Scholarly
articles are of several types, among them:
a.
factual/critical articles
b. book reviews
c. review essays
d. reviews of research
e. research
reports.
Scholars also write articles for audiences not
restricted to specialists in their own field; such articles may discuss, for example,
the current state of understanding in a discipline or matters of public
interest from the point of view of a particular discipline.
FACTUAL/CRITICAL
ARTICLES
Current usage blurs the sharp dictinction that was
once observed between «scholarly», or factually based, articles and «critical»,
or theoretically based, articles. Either type requires the scholar to:
a. demonstrate familiarity with the
previous scholarship of the topic
b. suggest an original thesis
c. present supporting
evidence
d. point to the significance
of the proposition advanced
The best scholarly articles incorporate all four
aspects in a proportion appropriate to the subject and audience.
Exercise:
1.
Read the following
texts:

A. Education and Tolerance                                                                                B.
The Outsiders
2. For each text, decide which of the above
labels best describes the type of text it is.
3. A. Decide which of the four aspects of a
typical scholarly text it incorporates.
B. For each of the aspects that it does incorporate,
note the number of the paragraph/s in which that aspect is developed.

UNIT 6. GENERAL QUESTIONS AND ACTIVITIES THAT CAN (AND SHOULD) BE
APPLIED TO ANY TEXT
YOU READ FOR ANY
PURPOSE*

(Not necessarily
in this order)

* Adapted from Exercise by Arthur
Schneiderman, Dept. of EFL

A.
1. What is the subject area
of the article (judging by the title)?
2. What information or knowledge do you
already have about the subject (before you have read the article)?
3. What is your purpose in reading this article? Have
you been given any guidelines for reading this article? If so, what are they.
4. What are the writer's basic assumptions,
his hypothesis (or hypotheses), and his main thesis?
5. What historical or other background
material does the writer provide?
6. What is the writer's plan or method of
organization? Does any one type of text structure dominate this article? i.e.:
a. Does the writer define a word or
concept?
b. Does the writer
compare/contrast two ideas?
c. Does the writer describe a
historical event — causes leading up to the event, results of the event or
both?
d. Does the writer analyze a
situation or event, providing us at the outset with a generalization and
following this up by supporting evidence (deductive organization)?
e. Does the writer begin with
the details and end with a generalization (inductive organization)?
f. Does the writer first
present the arguments of other writers, only to refute them, and then finally,
present his own viewpoint on the subject? (e.g., consider Towards a Humanistic
Medicine and The Outsiders in Part IV.)
g. Does the writer use some
combination of the above rhetorical text structures and organizing patterns to
develop his argument?
7. What is/was the writer's
purpose in writing this article?
8. What kind of writing characterizes this
article (expressive? informational? a combination of both? Which one of them
dominating?)*

* See Types of Discourse, Unit 1 of
Section IV (Part II).

9. What questions or problems are
discussed?
10. What other
researchers who support his point of view does he mention?
11. What points
of view other than his own does the writer present?
12. What evidence
or data does the writer present to support his ideas?
13. What definitions (of special
terminology, or terms he uses in a special way) are presented by the writer?
14. What examples
does he bring in to illustrate each of his ideas?
15. What reservations or qualifications are made by
the writer? Is he making a strong or weak claim for each of the points in the
thesis?
16. Is he
convincing? Why (or why not)?
17. Determine if, and where, the writer makes use of
such rhetorical devices as: (a) irony; (b) humor; (c) appeal to the emotions;
(d) analogy; (e) figures of speech (metaphors, similes); (f) repetition for
purposes of stressing important points; rhetorical questions.
18. Summarize the
main points of this article in 2-3 paragraphs.
19. What difficulties did you have in reading this
text? (Vocabulary? Sentence structure? Following the writer's argument?
Missing background information?)

20. How closely does this article fit in with the
lectures andcourse work for which you are reading it?
Hints on Answering Objective Test Questions About a
Text
1. Always read the questions very carefully: at least
as carefully as you read the text they are based on. In a question, every word
is important.
2. Watch out for statements in true-false or
multiple-choice questions that have the little, but important, qualifying words
such as not, some, can, must, may, most, very, hardly, often, always, usually,
never, or seldom. They affect the meaning of the sentence.
Double negatives are tricky; «the idea was not
unattractive» means that the idea was attractive. (See Unit 8 of Section II
[Part II]). Also, make sure that you have read the relevant part of the text to
the very end of the idea being expressed. The writer may begin by suggesting
that one thing may be true, but then go on to decide that the opposite is true!
3. In answering multiple-choice questions, cross out
the choices you're sure are wrong for some reason (e.g., because they make no
sense; because they obviously contradict something stated in the text; etc) and
concentrate on the ones that are left.
4. In answering matching questions (where items from
one column are matched to items in a second column), lightly cross out the
items you've already used (lightly - because you may change your mind); that
way you can keep track of the one's you still have to work with.
5. You may be asked to fill in blanks in a sentence.
Be careful; after filling in the blank, reread the whole question just to be
sure the completed statement makes sense, and is in reasonably good English.
6. Always reread your answer to short answer questions
to make sure you wrote what you meant. It's probably a good idea to
translate your answer from English into your native language to make sure that
it makes sense.

UNIT 7. READING/WRITING ABSTRACTS*

* Based on a Manual-Publications of the American
Psycholigical Association Abstracts (1974)

An abstract is a brief summary of the content and
purpose of an article. In some journals, the abstract is used in place of a
concluding summary. The abstract allows readers to survey the contents of an
article quickly. It is self-contained, fully intelligible without reference to
the body of the paper. Information or conclusions that do not appear in the
paper are not supposed to appear in the abstract.
(suggested
length: 100-175 words)
I. An Abstract of a Research Article
usually includes:
1. statement of problem
2. method
3. results
4. conclusions
It should specify: subject
population (number, type, age, sex, etc.)
It should describe: research
design, test instruments (i.e. questionnaires, tests, interviews), research
apparatus of data gathering procedures
It should summarize: data or
findings
It should report: inferences
or comparisons or conclusions drawn from results
II. An Abstract
of a Review or a Theoritical Article should include:
1. Topics covered
2. Central thesis
3. The Sources used (i.e.
personal observation of author, review of published literature, or present,
current research bearing on topic and conclusions drawn)
It should be short but informative.

Exercise:
A. Read the abstracts in the following set of 9.
Categorize each abstract as one based on:
(a) a research
article
(b) a review of
research in a given field
(c) a theoretical
article.
B. Using I and II above as an inventory checklist, see
how many of the items listed for each type of article can be found in each of
the abstracts.
Abstract No. 1
Kufeldt, Kathleen & Nimmo, Margaret (Faculty
Social Welfare U Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4), Youth on the Street: «Abuse and
Neglect in the Eighties», CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT, 1987, 11, 4, 531-542.
A report on an interview study of runaways &
homeless youth (n = 489) conducted over a 1-year period in Calgary, Alberta.
Analysis reveals two distinct groups: the true «runners» tend to leave their
homes with the intention of not returning & thus their runs are extended:
«in & outers» use the run as a temporary coping mechanism & their runs
tend to be impulsive & of short duration. Findings also indicate that runaways,
in particular the runners, are at great risk of being drawn into illegal
activities; major factors affecting this risk are distance from home &
length of time on the run. A significant proportion of Rs had run from
substitute care arrangements. Results imply that adolescents in Canadian
society suffer from systemic abuse & neglect. This researh led to the
opening of a safe house for early runners in Jan. 1987. The operation of the
house includes careful compilation of data to further advance understanding of
the runaway population & its needs. 4 Tables, 6 Figures, 1 Appendix, 19
References. Modified HA (Copyright 1989, Socioligical Abstracts, Inc., all
rights reserved).
Abstract No. 2
Tinsley, Barbara J. & Parke, Ross D. (Dept Speech
Communication U Illinois, Urbana 61801), «Grandparents as Interactive and
Social Support Agents for Families with Young Infants», INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL
OF AGING AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT, 1987, 25, 4, 259-277.
The role of grandparents in infant development is
investigated in a comparative analysis of grandparent-infant grandchild &
parent-child interaction patterns in 30 Caucasian Mc families. The extent to
which grandparents serve as social support agents for their adult children
& grandchildren is also examined. Observations of dyadic play sessions
between 51 grandparents & their 30 7-month old grandchildren were compared
with those between the infants & their parents using both time-sampling
& global coding schemes; information on grandparental support relative to
other social support services was obtained via questionnaires completed by both
parents & grandparents. Results indicate that both grandmothers & grandfathers
are interactive & support agents, with a pattern of similarities &
differences in interactive style evident across generation & gender. There
is a high degree of overlap in parent and grandparent interaction style, but
parents appear more competent; both parents & grandparents report a high
degree of satisfaction with their level of intergenerational contact. Results
support an expanded view of the effects of various agents in young children's
social environments. 3 Tables, 40 References. Modified HA (Copyright, 1989,
Sociological Abstracts, Ins., all rights reserved).
Abstract No. 3
Chovanes, Andrew B. «On Vietnamese and other
Peasants», JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAT ASIAN STUDIES (Singapore) 1986 17(2): 203-235.
There are serious theoretical and methodological issues concerning
revolutionary activity. These are examined in extensive critiques of James
Scott's The Moral Economy of the Peasantry and Samuel Popkin's The Rational
Peasant, both studies of the Vietnamese peasant's role in the revolution, in
the light of other work on peasants. Proposed is a «transcultural grammar that
would view history as non-pro-gressional, not the inevitable outcome of class
conflict, the most revolutionary group as that with nothing to lose, the presence
of organizational factors which provide a new form of consciousness». 175
notes.
P.M. Gustafson
Abstract No. 4
Vasquez, John A. «Capability, types of War, Peace».
WESTERN POLITICAL QUARTERLY 1986 39(2): 313-327. Whether a balance of power or
a preponderance of power produces peace has long been a debate within the
traditional literature. The quantitative analysis of Singer, Bremer, and
Stuckey (1972) added to this puzzle the findinig that the balance of power was
associated with peace in the 19th century but with war in the 20th century. A
careful review of that study, more recent empirical work, and the logic
underlying traditional explanations suggest that neither a balance nor a
preponderance of power is associated with peace, but with different types of
war. The author utilized both behavioral and historical approaches to construct
a typology of war that will more clearly elucidate the varying role of
capability in different wars. Classifies wars along three dimensions — whether
they are fought between equals or unequals; are limited or total; or are dyadic
or complex.
Abstract No. 5
Seccombe, Ian J. «Immigrant Workers in Emigrant Economy: An
Examination of Replacement Migration in the Middle East». INTERNATIONAL
MIGRATION (Belgium) 1986 24(2): 377-396. Jordan, with its relatively skilled
labor force experienced significant unmonitored labor emigration to meet the
growing regional demand for labor that followed the 1973-74 oil price
increases. During this period, however, domestic labor demand was also increasing
dramatically. This demand was met, to a great extent, by undocumented workers.
Legal foreign workers in the mid-1970s, in accordance with Jordan's 1960 labor
law, were predominantly from other Arab countries, but Asian workers, usually
under contract to Asian
companies operating in Jordan, increased in number
rapidly in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Considerable exploitation of foreign
workers and abuse of the labor law have occurred. 27 ref., 6 tables. French and
Spanish summaries.
C.Moody
Abstract No. 6
Soffer, Amon. «Lebanon — Where Demography is the Core
of Politics and Life». MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES (Great Britain) 1986 22(2);
197-205. Government and intercommu-nal relations in Lebanon since 1943 have
been based on a solitary population census taken in 1932, which has resulted in
political relationships in the state being based on a ratio of 6:5 in favor of
the Christians. This article attempts to establish the size of Lebanon's
population, the sizes of the various groups within it, and the population
distribution. In all cases figures could only be estimated based on best
available data, but they showed that the Muslims had become a majority, that
geographical distribution had changed little, and that the demographic
strength of the Muslim community and its socioeconomic weakness were factors
that could not be ignored if Lebanon were to have a future. Based on
statistics from the Lebanese government, the UN and UNRWA and secondary
sources; 3 tables, map, 27 notes.
F.A. Clements
Abstract No. 7
Mohan, Bernard and Helmer, Sylvia. «Context and Second
Language Development: Preschoolers' Comprehension Gestures». (UNIVERSITY OF
BRITISH COLUMBIA). There is wide agreement that non-verbal information, and
contextual information generally, plays an important role in language
understanding for second language learners. This raises the question of whether
learners understand non-verbal communication. The «traditional» view of the
role of context in language learning assumes that they do. The «social semiotic»
view does not, holding that contextual understanding is developed in the
process of communicative interaction. Contextual understanding is therefore
likely to vary with age and cultural familiarity.
This paper investigates the understanding of English
speakers' gestures by preschool children, comparing native English speakers
(age four to five) with non-native speakers. Thirty -six emblems and
illustrators, two forms of commonly used gestures, were decoded by forty
children, twenty native speakers, and twenty English as a second language (ESL)
speakers. The gestures chosen were screened by a panel of ten ESL teachers who
considered them to be typical of classroom interaction.
It was found that the children, on average, understood
about half of the gestures. ESL children understood less than native speakers.
Analysis of variance results indicate that there is an effect for age as well
as a strong effect for cultural familiarity (native speakers vs. ESL). There
were significant correlations for the sequence of acquisition of gestures
across all groups.
Results therefore contradicted the «traditional» view
and were consistent with the «social semiotic» view. It is suggested that
research on the role of context in second language learning should take account
of the social semiotic and study the mutual development of language learning
and cultural learning in the process of communicative interaction.

UNIT 8.
READING/WRITING A SUMMARY
A. READING
SUMMARIES WITHIN A TEXT
When skimming a long text, a good reader can spot
those parts of the text where the writer has summarized the points of his
argument — either before he is about to present these points, or just after he
has presented them. This is basically the same reading skill involved in
spotting the sentence which seems to summarize the main ideas in each
paragraph.
In some long texts, the entire introductory section
may be a summary of the important points in the text (i.e., it may be a plan or
map of the argument that the writer is about to present). In such cases, the
introductory section serves the same function as the Preface or Foreward to a
book.
Similarly, a writer may pause to summarize what he has
already told us before going on to some new aspect of his argument. Such brief
summaries are easier to spot if the writer has included subtitles for each part
of his argument. The summary of each part would most likely be found at the
end of that part (before the next subtitle), end is often signaled by words
such as: thus, hence, in brief, on the whole, summing up, to conclude and
conclusion.
The final section of a long academic article is often
a summary of the main ideas in the article. When this is the case, by reading
the introductory and final sections — even before he has skimmed the body of the
text — the reader can get a good idea of what the paper is all about.
In general, an introductory summary should be used as
a guide to reading: it's as useful to the reader as a map is to the navigator
of some unknown territory. A concluding summary helps the reader to control for
important points he may have missed or misunderstood in the course of reading
the body of the text. The skilled reader will immediately go back to the body
of the text to find or clarify anything in the summary that is unfamiliar or
unclear.
B. WRITING A
SUMMARY (AFTER HAVING READ A TEXT)
There is a paradox involved in trying to summarize a
text. On the one hand, the summary must be general and focus on the most
important ideas, at times substituting a single generalization for an extended
segment of text, or not even mentioning other segments of the text because in
your judgement, they add nothing new. For example, you may refer to part of the
text as «the author's analysis of English economy» even though the text does
not provide that label. On the other hand, your summary must be specific and
refer to important facts, to points crucial to the development of the argument,
or even to examples that provide essential support. It should also be written
in precise and specific language that reflects your analysis of the text.
Before you can write a good summary you must
understand and analyze the text. You will probably have to read the text, or at
least parts of the text, more than once in order to answer such questions as
the following:
1. What is the controlling idea or the main idea of
the article?
2. What is the purpose of the article (regardless of
whether the purpose is stated explicitly or only implied)?
3. How does the author develop his main idea — that
is, what information is used to support the argument and how is the information
organized?
4. What is the author's attitude toward the subject?
Theoretically, a summary can be as short as a single
sentence or as long as about one fourth of the original. How long a summary should
be and what kinds of information it should include and leave out depends on the
purpose of the summary. If you are summarizing an article in order to organize
and study the information it presents for an examination, for example, you
will probably prefer a longer summary that includes essential facts and some
examples that illustrate important points. On the other hand, if your purpose
is to make a bibliographic note of the main idea of an article you have
consulted in writing a paper, a sentence or two may be enough to remind you
what the article was about.

GUIDELINES FOR SUMMARY WRITING
1. Read the original text carefully.
2. Identify the controlling idea and the relationships
among the major supporting ideas.
3. Decide which examples are necessary for a clear
understanding of the text.
4. Try to use your own words rather than merely quoting
from the text, except when you are referring to technical or professional
terms that have a special technical meaning. In that case, you might wish to
use the original term and then indicate, in a few words of your own, what it
means.

5. Write a first sentence which includes the source of
your summary and the controlling idea.
6. Indicate whether the author is certain or uncertain
of the facts he presents and whether the point of view is his personal one, or
one he identifies as belonging to a school of thought.
7. Omit trivial and redundant material. (The writer
may express the same idea more than once, and in more than one way, but in your
summary the idea should be presented only once).
8. Wherever possible, substitute a general term for
any list or items which that term would include (regardless of whether or not
the writer has used that general term). This is one way to delete more detailed
facts and ideas without ignoring them.
9. Avoid making comments about or adding information
to the text. Or, if you wish to add information, a judgement, evaluation, etc.
label it specifically as your own opinion, for example: «The author conludes
that ... but I don't think the evidence presented really supports this
conclusion».
Exercise:
1. Write a long summary of one of the texts in this
book, providing the answers to the four questions listed above, and including
all of the essential facts (i.e., those necessary to follow the argument); and
some of the examples used to illustrate these facts and to provide supporting
evidence.
2. Write a short summary of one of other texts in the
book.

SECTION V
APPENDIX

UNIT 1.
PARTS OF SPEECH
A. The 8 Parts of Speech are:
1. The Noun (n.)
A noun is a name of anything
a. A proper noun is the name of a single particular
person or place or thing.
b. A common noun is not the name of a single
particular person, place or thing.
c. A collective noun denotes a number of things that
together constitute a single group (e.g., «team»; «class»; «furniture»).
d. An abstract noun denotes an abstract idea or
quality or condition (e.g., «happiness»; «intelligence»).
2. The Pronoun (pron.)
A pronoun is used as a substitute for a noun, or another
pronoun e.g. «Bill gave his sister the box that she asked him for».
Sometimes the pronoun is used as a substitute for a
whole group of words preceding it: e.g. «To be or not to be — that is the
question».
TYPES OF PRONOUNS:
a. Personal Pronouns — («I»; «you»; «he» etc.)
b. Possessive Pronouns — «My»; «your»; «his»; etc.
c. Relative Pronouns — «Who»; «that»; etc.
d. Demonstrative Pronouns «this»; «that»; «these»;
«those»
e. Indefinite Pronouns — «one»; «none»; «all»; «few»;
etc.
3. The
Verb (v.)
A verb is a term with which one may make an assertion
with regard to (a) An Action; or (b) A State, or Condition.
(a) The girl ate the bread, (b) The man was happy.
4. The Adjective (adj.)
An adjective is a term used to describe or limit the
meaning of a noun or pronoun.
a.
Descriptive Adjectives
- e.g. «beautiful view», b. Intensifying Adjectives - e.g. «great quantity»,
«total disaster».
5. The Adverb (adv.)
An adverb is a term used to modify the meaning of (a)
a Verb; (b) an Adjective; or (c) another Adverb.
a. She sang beautifully.
b. Her hat was really unusual.
c. He studied very hard.
i.
Adverbs of Manner -
e.g. «carefully».
ii.
Adverbs of Place - e.g.
«up»; «down».
iii.
Adverbs of Time - e.g.
«yesterday».
6. Conjunction (conj.) *
The conjuction is a term that connects words, phrases,
or sentences, establishing relationship between the elements it connects.
a. Coordinate Conjunctions — e.g. «and»; «yet» etc.
b. Subordinate Conjunctions — e.g. «although»; «if»;
«whereas» etc.
7. The Preposition (prep.) **
The preposition is a term that shows relationship
between words or phrases.
a. Simple Prepositions — «at»; «by»; «for»; etc.
b. Phrasal Preposition — «because of»; «for the sake
of»;  «as well as» etc.

c. Participial Prepositions — «concerning»;
«regarding»;

«exception» etc.

*See
Unit 4 this Section on «The Conjunctions or Connectors of English».
     * See Unit 5 of this Section on
«The Prepositions of English».

    8. The Interjection (interj.)
The Interjection is a term used to denote some strong
or sudden feeling.
e.g. «hey»;
«ouch»; «ah»; etc.
B. Other Word Classes:
1. Determiners
a. Articles
i. Indefinite articles — «a»; «an»
ii. Definite Articles — «the»
iii. Ordinal Numbers — «first»; «second» etc.
iv. Counters and Measurers: Cardinal Numbers — «one»;
«two»; etc. Words such as «few»; «several»; «much»;
«many» etc.
2. Verbals
a. The Infinitive — «to eat»; «to walk» etc.
b. The Participles
i. The Present Participle — «eating»; «walking» etc.
ii. The Past Participle — «eaten»; «walked» etc.

UNIT 2. SENTENCE
PATTERNS *

* This unit is based on «Let's Write English George E. Wishon» by
and Julia M. Burks
    This section deals with three types of
sentences:
I. Simple
II. Compound
III. Complex
I. Simple sentences
There are nine basic patterns:
Sentence Pattern
1
The first pattern to be discussed is one that is
simply limited to actor-action, or to put it another way, to subject-predicate.
It has only two basic elements: Noun and Verb. (In sentence pattern 1, as in
all the sentence patterns that follow, a pronoun may substitute for a noun.) In
this pattern the actor acts, but the action stops with the verb. There are no
complements, and there are no objects. The verb in this pattern is called
intransitive for the very reason that no action is transferred to an object. Observe
the example sentences, then complete the unfinished sentences.

Sentence Pattern
2
This pattern is only a slight variation of pattern
one. In fact, it is formed simply by adding an adverb complement, which gives
some information about the verb. Observe the pattern and the example sentences.
Remember that a pronoun may substitute for a noun. Complete the unfinished
sentences.

Sentence Pattern
3
In this sentence pattern, a noun or noun-substitute
follows the verb. This new element is called a direct object. The verb is
called transitive because it transfers the action of the verb to the direct
object. The direct object receives the action of the verb. Observe the pattern
and the example sentences. Complete the unfinished sentences.

Sentence Pattern
4
The following pattern is a further extension of the
combination Noun + Verb + Noun. In this pattern, two nouns follow the verb.
The pattern looks like this: Noun + Verb + Noun + Noun. The last noun is the
direct object, and the inside noun (the one next to the verb) is the indirect
object. The two objects refer to different things. Observe the pattern and the
example sentences. Complete the unfinished sentences.

Here are some verbs that function in this pattern:
afford, allot, bring, cause, deny, do, envy, fetch, grant, guarantee, hand,
lease, leave, lend, make, offer, owe, pass, pay, play, rent, sell, send, show,
spare, tell, throw.
You will notice that certain sentences using some of
the verbs listed above behave differently from the sentences given inside the
frame. All of the sentences in the frame can be rewritten with a preposition to
produce the same meaning.
The man teaches the students English.
The man teaches English to the students.

He gives them lessons.
He gives lessons to them.

Tom wrote his mother a letter.
Tom wrote a letter to his mother.
But consider these sentences:

I envy Mary her long eyelashes.
We should spare
him that humiliation.
  Can you afford
me a little of your time?

These sentences cannot be rewritten with prepositions.
Although they have two objects they do not exactly follow the pattern of
sentences with a direct object and indirect object. Verbs that occur in
sentences like these include spare, envy, afford, cost, deny.
Can these sentences be rewritten with prepositions?
She saved him a
seat.
         She
saved him a phone call.
The first sentence can be She saved a seat for him
without a change in meaning. The second sentence, rewritten in the same way, would
lose its original meaning. In this instance, the same verb, depending on its
meaning, occurs in either variation of the pattern.
Sentence Pattern
5
This pattern appears at first to be closely related to
sentence pattern 4, but on closer examination, it proves to be quite different.
In sentence pattern 4 (Noun + Verb + Noun + Noun), the two nouns that followed
the verb each referred to different things. In sentence pattern 5, also Noun +
Verb + Noun + Noun, the verb is followed by two nouns, but the two nouns refer
to the same thing. The first noun after the verb is the direct object, and the
second, or last noun, is the object complement. There is an important
modification of this pattern, in which the object complement is an adjective
instead of a second noun. In this case, the adjective describes the direct
object, but is also related to the action of the verb. Observe the pattern and
the example sentences below. Complete the unfinished sentences.

Sentence Pattern
6
In this pattern, a linking verb (LV) connects the
subject to a complement which tells something about the subject. The complement
is a noun.
The most common linking verb is be. Notice how it is
used in the following pattern, but also notice how related linking verbs,
become and remain, are also followed by nouns as subject complements in the
pattern. Observe the pattern and the example sentences. Complete the unfinished
sentences.

Sentence Pattern
7
This pattern features the linking verbs be, remain,
become, but also includes linking verbs such as appear, continue, feel, grow,
seem, taste, turn etc. In this pattern, however, the subject complement is an
adjective, or (after be and a few other verbs of this group) an adverb of place
or adverbial prepositional phrase. Observe the pattern and complete the
unfinished sentences.

Sentence Pattern
8
Another frequently used pattern combines there as a
sort of dummy subject with a linking verb. But there is really not the subject
of the sentence at all, as will be seen in the examples. Observe the pattern
and the example sentences. Complete the unfinished sentences.

The sentences below are a simple rearrangement of the
elements of sentence pattern 2. They should not be confused with sentences in
pattern 8. When these sentences have a pronoun for a subject the order of
subject and verb is reversed.
There he
is.                                                 There it goes.
There she stood, fratically dipping water out of the
boat.
Sentence Pattern
9
Another pattern similar to sentence pattern 8 uses it
as a dummy subject, but in this case, there is no other subject. Although it
has not real meaning, it remains the subject. Observe the pattern and the
example sentences. Complete the unfinished sentences.

Exercises:
Now do the exercises related to simple sentence
patterns in Unit 1 of Section II [Part II]. Then continue with part II, III and
IV of this unit (Expanded Simple Sentences, Compound Sentences; and Complex
Sentences).
II. Expanded Simple Sentences
All simple sentence patterns may be expanded by the
addition of modifying words and phrases.
If a noun is preceded by modifiers of more than one
class, the general order is determiners, then adjectives, then participles,
and last, nouns.
A. Types of Modifiers that can precede the noun:

Notice how this unusual combination would appear in a
sentence.
Example:The city will demolish those houses.
               The city will demolish those five red
brick houses.
               Those houses are unsafe.
               Those five fine old red dilapidated
brick houses are unsafe.
B. Types of Modifiers that follow the noun:
1.
Adverbs of place — e.g.
«there»; «inside»
«I like the food in there».
«I smelled smoke inside».
2. Prepositional phrases (phrases beginning with a
preposition)
«I like the food in that restaurant».
3. Adjectives following the direct object/complement.
 «He likes his coffee hot».
«Work makes her happy».
4. Participial phrases (phrases beginning with a
participle)
«the girl smiling at her mother».
«the man hidden behind the curtain».
5. Infinitives
«a place to go».
C. Types of Modifiers that precede the Verb:
Auxiliaries («was»; «have» etc.)
Modals («may»; «should» etc.)
D. Types of Modifiers that follow the verb:
1.
adverbs and adverbial
phrases
«He will go happily».
«He will go early tomorrow».
2. Prepositional phrases
«He lives in Chicago».
3. Nouns or noun phrases
«He will come home».
E. Types of modifiers that precede the adjective:
1.
Intensifiers (e.g.
«extremely»; «unusually»; etc.)
«He is unusually gifted».
2. Nouns
«ice cold»; «sky blue»
3. Adverbs
«sadly beautiful»
F. Types of modifiers that follow the adjective
1.
Prepositional phrases
«ready for anything»
2.
Infinitives
«good to eat»
G. Types of modifiers that precede the adverb
1. Intensifiers
very slowly
H. Types of modifiers that follow the adverb
1. comparatives
(as) slowly as he could.
Exercises:
Now do the exercises related to expanded simple
sentence patterns in Unit 1 of Section II [Part II] above. Then continue with
parts III and IV of this Unit (Compound and Complex sentences).
III. Compound Sentences (two or more sentences combined
by coordination). The following are the connectors used:
A. Conjunctions — sentences may be expanded by combining
two or more simple sentences in a single compound sentence. This is done with
the use of connecting words called conjunctions (of which there are 7).
«and»; «or»; «nor»; «but»; «for»; «so»; «yet»
These conjunctions may also be used to form compound
subjects and predicates in simple sentences: e.g. «Mother and father are
away.»; «Did you look at home or in the office?»
B. Correlative Conjunctions - These are used in pairs
to join two single sentences.
e.g. «either ... or»; «neither ... nor»; «not only ...
but also» etc. (these may also be used to join two parallel sentence elements
of any kind: e.g. «Either you or I will give it to her»).
C. Connectors (or conjunctive adverbs)
The principal ones are: however; else; therefore;
otherwise; moreover; nevertheless; futhermore; hence; also; then; besides;
accordingly; consequently; likewise; meanwhile.
D. Compound Connectors
These consist of more than one word: e.g. «in fact»;
«on the contrary».
E. The semicolon (;)
This can be used without any other connector e.g. «Cowards
may die many times before their deaths; the brave men dies but once».

Exercises:
Now do the exercises related to Compound Sentence patterns
in Unit 1 of Section II [Part II] above. Then continue with Part IV of this
unit (Complex Sentences).
IV. Complex Sentences (two or more sentences combined
by subordination)
Sentences may be expanding by combining two or more
simple sentences using subordinators. The result is a complex sentence having a
main clause and one or more subordinate clauses.
TYPES OF SUBORDINATE CLAUSES:
1. Noun clauses
A. Noun clauses in a subordinate clause used as a
noun. He noticed her nervousness. He noticed that she was nervous.
Like any noun, the noun clause can occur either as the
subject of the sentence (before the verb) or in the predicate (after the verb).
Types of Noun Clauses:
«Where he is going is
a secret».
(subject of the sentence)
«That is what I think».
(as a predicate complement)
«I will give whoever wins
the prize»
(as an indirect object).
«She will name him whatever
she wants».
(as the complement of the
object «him»)
«She worried about how ill
he was».
(as the object of the
preposition «about»)
«One fact, that he is
brilliant, cannot be denied».
(as an appositive, in
apposition to «fact»)
«Remembering what he said,
I was careful to be
on time»
(as the object of the participle
«remembering»)
«He asked her to read what
he had written»
(as the object of the
infinitive «to read»)
«Knowing that
he is here is a comfort».
(as the object of
the gerund [i.e. the present participle] «knowing»).
B. Subordinators which introduce noun clauses can be
of the following types:
a. subordinate conjuction: e.g. how (I don't know how
he can do it) why (I don't know why he does it» etc.)
b. relative pronouns
When a relative pronoun is used as a subordinator, it
sometimes acts as a noun, and sometimes as a determiner (i.e., it can either
replace a noun, or come before a noun).
We know who wrote the letter, (as a noun) We know
which way they went (as a determiner)
2. Adjective clauses
These are used, like an adjective, to modify a noun or
a pronoun.
Usually they are introduced by relative pronouns
(e.g. That's the man who came to dinner). Sometimes
they are introduced by subordinating conjunctions such as «when»; «where»; and
«why»
(e.g. «There's no reason why this should happen»).
Sometimes the connective is omitted (though it is understood to be there).
This occurs only when the information in the subordinate clause is essential
in defining the noun it modifies.
(e.g. This is the place [where] we saw the accident).
3. Adverb clauses
An adverbial clause is a dependent clause used as an
adverb; it therefore can modify a verb, an adjective, a verbal, and another
adverb.
Adverb:            He studies hard.
Adverb clause: He studies as all his brothers before
him have studied.
Adverb:            He went home early.
Adverb clause: He went home as soon as he could.
Although adverbs usually follow the verb of the
sentence, adverbial clauses do not occupy any fixed position. The adverbial
clause frequently precedes the subject of the sentence. It also may be found in
the middle of the clause it is related to. e.g.  He went home as soon as he
could. As soon as he could he went home.
Subordinating Words in Adverb Clauses
A
subordinate conjunction, or connective, introduces the adverb clause and connects
it with a word in the main clause. The following are frequently used
subordinate conjunctions:

Although
As
As if
Even if
As long as

as soon as
because
before
after
in order that

provided
since
than
that
though

that until whether
unless while
when if
whenever
where

Exercises:
Now do the exercises related to Complex Sentence
pattern in Unit 1 of Section II [Part II] above.

UNIT 3.
PUNCTUATION *

*
based on MLA Handbook for Writers of Research Papers, 2nd ed , 1984
1. Apostrophes (')
Apostrophes indicate contraction (do not = don't) and
possessives (John's).
Apostrophes are also used to form the plurals (p's and
q's; A's, B's. C's).
2. Colons (:)
A colon indicates that what follows will be an
example, explanation, or elaboration of what has just been said.
He was in the midst of a dilemma about his career: he
wanted to stay, but he preferred the job in Florida.
Colons are commonly used to introduce quotations (He
said: «Where are you?») and to separate titles from subtitles (Anatomy of
Criticism: Four Essays).
3. Commas (,)
Commas are required: (a) between items in a series;
(b) between coordinate adjectives; (c) before coordinating conjucnctions
joining independent clauses; (d) around parenthetical elements; and (e) after
fairly long phrases or clauses preceding the main clauses of sentences.
(a) The experience demanded blood, sweat, and tears.
(b) We listened to an absorbing, frightening account
of the event.
(c) Congress passed the bill by a wide margin, and the
president signed it into law.
(d) The invention, the first in a series during that
decade, completely changed people's lives.
(e) After carefully studying all the available
historical documents and personal writings, scholars could come to no definitive
conclusion.
Commas are also used in dates (June 23, 1983), names
(Cal Ripken, Jr.) and addresses (Rosemary Brady of 160 Can-oil Street,
Brooklyn, New York).
3. Dashes (-)
The dash may be used: (a) around parenthetical
elements that represent a break in the flow of thought; (b) around parenthetical
elements that require a number of internal commas; and (c) before a summarizing
appositive.
(a) The rapid spread of the disease — the number of
reported cases doubled each six months — helped create the sense of panic.
(b) Many twentieth-century American writers —
Faulkner, Capote, Styron, Welty, to name only a few—come from the South.
(c) Computer chips, integrated circuits, bits, and
bytes — these new terms baffled yet intrigued.
4. Exclamation marks (!)
Exclamation marks follow the words of an exclamation
(i.e., an expression of sudden strong feeling).
«I'm hungry!» she exclaimed.
5. Hyphens (-)
Hyphens are used to connect numbers indicating a range
(1-20) and also to form some types of compound words, particularly compound
words that precede the words they modify (a well-established policy, a
first-rate study). Hyphens also join prefixes to capitalized words
(post-Renaissance) and link pairs of coequal nouns (poet-priest,
scholar-athlete).
6. Italics (and/or underlining)

Some titles are
italicized (underlined in typing), as are letters, words, or phrases cited as
linguistic examples, words referred to as words,* and foreign words in an
English text. Italics are sometimes used for emphasis (I never said
that).

*
The word Heartfelt is composed by joining heart and felt.
7. Parentheses ()
Parentheses enclose parenthetical remarks that break
too sharply with the surrounding text to be enclosed in commas. Parentheses
sometimes dictate a greater separation than dashes would, but often either set
of marks is acceptable, the choice depending on the other punctuation required
in the context.
8. Periods (.)
Periods end declarative sentences.
9. Quotation marks (« »)
Quotation marks should enclose quoted material,
certain titles and words or phrases purposely misused or used in an ironic or
other special sense (e.g., Their «benefactor» was ultimately responsible for
their downfall).
10. Semicolons (;)
Semicolons are used: (a) between items in a series
when some of the items require internal commas; (b) between closely related
independent clauses not joined by coordinating conjunctions; and (c) before
coordinating conjunctions linking independent clauses that require a number of
internal commas.
(a) In one day the indefatigable candidate campaigned
in Vail, Colorado; Columbus, Ohio; Nashville, Tennessee; and Teaneck, New
Jersey.
(b) On the one hand, demand is steadily decreasing; on
the other, production keeps inexplicably increasing.
(c) The overture begins with a brooding, mournful
passage in the strings and woodwinds, one of the composer's most passionate
statements; but the piece concludes with a burst of lively, spirited, almost
comic music in the brass and percussion.
11. Square brackets ([])
Square brackets are used: (a) for a parenthesis within
a parenthesis where necessary to avoid two pairs of parentheses;
(b) to enclose interpolations in quotations; and (c)
to indicate missing or unverified data in documentation.
(a) (The quote can be found in chapter 6 [page 5] of
the text).
(b) Johnson quotes Jones as saying that «he never
[gives] anyone a chance».

UNIT 4. THE CONJUNCTIONS OR CONNECTORS OF ENGLISH
(from «Let's write English» by Wishon and
Burks)
Like the preposition, the English conjunction or
connector is a small but highly important word - a pair of words in the case of
the correlative conjunctions - that establishes meaningful relationship
between the parts of the English sentence. These parts may be independent
clauses with which similar clauses are connected by coordinating conjunctions,
or they may be clauses that express some limiting qualification of the independent
clause that make them subordinate to it. The nature of this relationship is
expressed in the meaning of the word or words used as connectors. A number of
adverbs, called conjunctive adverbs or relative adverbs, are also used as
connectors with this same coordinating or subordinating function.
The following list of connectors is extensive, but
there are a number of words included that would not normally be used except in the
case of quite specialized writing, as, for example, in legal text, or in
writing that is imitative of an older style. Hence a standard English
dictionary will be the guide as to the various differences in meaning.
The relative pronouns who, which, what, that
and their variant forms also are used as subordinating connectors of noun
clauses.
1. COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS

and        else        or          yet
but         nor        still
2.
CONJUNCTIVE ADVERBS USED AS COORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS

also
besides consequently
for
furthermore hence

henceforth however likewise moreover nevertheless
  notwithstanding

now
otherwise
so
then
thence
thenceforth

therefore
thus
yet

    3. CORRELATIVE CONJUNCTIONS

although-nevertheless
although-still
although-yet
as-as
as-so
as-therefore
both-and
either-or
if-then

neither- nor
nor-nor
not-nor
not only-but also
not only-but even
since-therefore
so-as
so-that
such-as

such-that
though-nevertheless
though-still
though-yet
when-then
where-there
whether-or
whereas-therefore

4.
SUBORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS

althougl
ere
forasmuch
if
lest

provided
save
than though unless

whereas
whereat whereby wherein
  whereinto

whereof
wherewith
whether

        5. CONJUNCTIVE
  ADVERBS

USED AS SUBORDINATING CONJUNCTIONS

after
as
because before
how

since
till
until
when whence

whenever where wherefore
  wherever while

whither
why

UNIT
5. THE PREPOSITIONS OF ENGLISN
(from «Let's Write
English» by Wishon and Burks)
Prepositions are the connecting links between the
words and phrases of a sentence which they join together in various special
relationships.
For convenience of reference the lists that follow are
divided in four groups: (1) the simple preposition; (2) the compound
prepositions, so-called because they are combinations of two or more older
forms now no longer used; (3) the participial prepositions, so-called because
they have the form of a present participle in (-ing), but have the function and
use of the preposition; (4) the phrasal prepositions, so-called because they
are word-groups that serve as and have the function of a single preposition in
the sentence structure. This last group qualifies and often makes more precise
the meaning intended by the writer where one of the single-word prepositions
does not always clearly or fully express the relationship intended. You will
notice in most of these phrasal prepositions that one and often two simple or
compound prepositions appear in the word-group which makes up the phrasal
preposition.
Note that certain of the words listed below are used
with much less fequency than others or that they have a specialized meaning for
which reference to an English language dictionary is recommended.
1.
SIMPLE PREPOSITIONS

at
but
by
down
ere
for

Forth
From
In
Like
Near
Of

off
on
out
over
per
save

Through
Till
To
Up
Via
With

2.
COMPOUND PREPOSITIONS

abaft
aboard
about
above
across
adown
after
against
aloft
along
amid

Amidst
Among
Anent
Around
Aslant
Athwart
Before
Behind
Below
Beneath
Beside

besides
between
betwixt
beyond
despite
except
inside
into
onto
opposite
outside

since
throughout
toward(s)
under
underneath
unlike
until
unto
upon
withal
within
without

3.
PARTICIPIAL PREPOSITIONS

Barring bating concerning

considering during
excepting

Notwithstanding
past
pending

regarding
respecting
saving
touching

4.
PHRASAL PREPOSITIONS

abreast of
abreast with
according to
agreebly to
ahead of
alongside of
antecedent to
anterior to
apart from
apropos of
as against
as between
as compared with
as distinct from
as distinguished from
as far as
as far back as
as for
as opposed to
as to
as touching
aside from
as the cost of
at the hands of
at the instance of
at the peril of
at the point of
at the risk of
back of
because of
beyond the reach of
by dint of

for fear of
for lack of
for the benefit of
for the ends of
for the purpose of
for the sake of
for want of
from above
from among
from behind
from below
from beneath
from between
from beyond
from in front of
from lack of
from off
from out
from out of
from over
from under
hand in hand with

in opposition to
in order that
in place of
in point of
in preference to
in process of
in proportion to
in pursuit of
in quest of
in re (concerning)
in recognition of
in reference to
in regard to
in relation to
in respect to
in respect of
in reply to
in return for
in search of
insofar as
inspite of
in stead of

    in according with               in support of

in addition to
in advance of
in agreement with
inasmuch as
in back of
in behalf of
in the interest of
in between
in care of

in that
in the case of
in the event of
in the matter of
in the middle of
in the midst of
in the name of
in the presence of
in the room of

by (the) help of
by means of
by order of
by reason of
by the aid of
by virtue of
by way of
care of
concurrently with
conditionally on
comformably to
contraty to
counter to
differently from
down to
due to
east of
eastward from
exclusive of
face to face with
farther than
for example
on the point of
on the pretense of
on the score of
on the side of
on the strength of
on (the) top of
opposite to
out of
out of regard for
out of respect for
over against
over and above
owing to
preferably to
preliminary to
preparatory to
previous to
previously to

in case of
in common with
in company with
in comparison with
in comparison to
in compliance with
in conflict with
in conformity with
in consequence of
in consideration of
in contrast with
in contrast to
in course of
in default of
in defiance of
in disregard of
in (the) face of
in favour of
in front of
in fulfilment of
in lieu of
in obedience to
prior to
pursuant to
regardless of
relative to
short of
side by side with
so far as
so far from
south of
southward from
subject to
subsequent to
subsequently to
suitably to
thanks to
through lack of
to and fro
to the order of

in the place of
in the teeth of
in the way of
in taken if
in under (colloquial)
in view of
inclusive of
inconsistently with
independently of
inside of
irrespective of
next door to
next to
north of
northward from
on account of
on behalf of
on board (of)
on pain of
on the face of
on the occasion of
on the part of
under cover of
under pain of
up against
up and down
west of
westward from
with a view to
with an eye to
with reference to
with respect to
with regard to
with the exception of
with the intention of
with the object of
with the purpose of
with the view of
within reach of
with regard to

UNIT 6. COMMON CUES FOR THE READER
(Devices That Further Coherence)
CUES
THAT LEAD THE READER FORWARD

То show addition:

                                       To
  show time:

To show time:

Again
  Moreover                             At length                        Later
And
  Nor                                       Immediately
  Previously
An  And then                             Too
  thereafter                       Formerly
Besides
  Next                                     Soon
  First
Equally important               First
  After a few hours          second,etc.
Finally
  second,etc.                            Afterwards                     Next,
  etc.
Further                                Lastly                                    Finally
  And then
Furthermore                        What’s
  more                         Then

CUES
THAT MAKE THE READER STOP AND COMPARE

But

Notwithstanding

Although

Yet

On the other hand,

Alhtough this is true,

And yet

On the contrary,

While this is true,

However

After all,

Conversely

Still

For all that,

Simultaneously

Nevertheless,

In contrast,

Meanwhile

Nonetheless,

At the same time,

In the meantime,

 CUES
THAT DEVELOP AND SUMMARIZE

To give examples:

To emphasize:

To repeat:

For instance,

Obviously,

In brief,

For example,

In fact

In short,

To demonstrate,

As a matter of fact,

As I have said,

To illustrate,

Indeed,

As I have noted,

As a illustration,

In any case,

In other words,

In any event,

That is,

To introduce conclusions:

To summarize:

Hence,

In brief,

Therefore,

On the whole,

Accordingly,

Summing up,

Consequently,

To conclude,

Thus,

In conclusion.

As a result,

 PART III
SHORT TEXTS

ANNUAL
REPORT ON SPACESHIP EARTH
Passengers of Earth:
1. As you know, we are hurtling through space at about
107,000 km/hr on a fixed course. Although we can never return to home base to
take on new supplies, the ship has a marvelous and intricate life-support
system.The system uses
 5  solar energy to recycle the chemicals needed to provide a reasonable
number of us with adequate water,
     air and food.
2. Let me briefly summarize the state of
our passengers and our life-support system. There are about 4         billion
of us on board, with more than 150 nations occupying various sections
10 of the craft. About 25% of you have
inherited the good-toluxurious quarters in the tourist and first-class
sections, and you have used approximately 80% of all resources available this
past year. In fact, most of the
15 North Americans have the more lavish
quarters. Even though they represent only about 5% of this year’s resources.
3. I am sad to say that things not have
really improved for the 75% of our passengers travelling in the hold. Over
one-third of you are suffering from hunger, malnutrition, or both,
20 and three-quarters of you do not have
adequate water or shelter. These numbers will certainly rise as your soaring
population wipes out any gains in food supply and economic development.
25
4. However, the
overpopulation of the hold in relation to available food is only part of the
problem. There is a second type of overpopulation that is even more serious
because it threatens our entire life-support system. This type is occurring in
the tourist and first-class sections. These sections are overpopulated in
30 relation to the level of resource
consumption and the resultant pollution of our environment. For example, the
average North American has about 25 to 50 times as much impact on our
life-support system as each
35 passenger travelling in the hold,
because the North American consumes 25 to 50 times as much of our resources and
causes 25 to 50 times as much pollution. In this sense, then, the North
American section is the most overpopulated one on the ship.
5. In addition to these matters, I am concerned at the
lack of cooperation and the continued fighting
40 among some groups, which can destroy
many, if not all, of us. Only about 10% of you are American and Russian, but
your powerful weapons and your unceasing threats to build even more destructive
ones must concern each of us.
6. Passengers of Earth: we are now entering the early
stages of our first major spaceship crisis — an
45 interlocking crisis of overpopulation,
pollution, resource depletion, and the danger of mass destruction
by               intergroup warfare. Our most thoughful experts agree that the
situation is serious, but certainly not hopeless. On the contrary, they feel
that it is well within man's ability to learn how to control our population
growth,
50 pollution and resource consumption, and
to learn how to live together in cooperation and peace. But we have only about
30 to 50 years to deal with these matters, and we must begin now.

from: Time
magazine
«WHAT REALLY MATTERED»
by Otto Friedrich
A. Any man who gets to be managing editor of The New
York Times can safely be described as a man   blessed with selfconfidence. E.
Clifton Daniel, now 75, demonstrated that quality anew last week when he

5  ventured to name the
ten most important headlines of the 20th century in connection with an
international project called Chronicle of the 20th Century, for which Daniel
served as an editor, and which undertakes to tell the history of the era in
headlines and quasi* news stories. Daniel's top ten:

*quasi
— resembling, or seeming, but not actually

10 1. MAN'S FIRST
FLIGHT IN HEAVIER-THAN-AIR MACHINE (Dec. 17, 1903)
2. THE GREAT POWERS GO TO WAR IN EUROPE (Aug. 1, 1914)
15 3. THE BOLSHEVIC
REVOLUTION IN RUSSIA  (Nov. 7, 1917)
     4. LINDBERGH
FLIES THE ATLANTIC ALONE (May 21, 1927)
5.HITLER BECOMES CHANCELLOR OF GERMANY (Jan. 30,
1933)
20 6. ROOSEVELT IS
INAUGURATED AS PRESIDENT
(March 4, 1933)
7. SCIENTISTS SPLIT THE ATOM, RELEASING
INCREDIBLE POWER
(Jan. 28, 1939)
25 8. THE NIGHTMARE
AGAIN - WAR IN EUROPE
(Sept. 1, 1939)
9. SURPRISE JAPANESE BOMBING OF PEARL HARBOR
(Dec.7,1941)
10. MEN LAND ON MOON (July 20, 1969)
30   В. It is certainly a curious list, as
perhaps any such list inevitably would be.... Even on its own terms Daniel's
list provokes challenges. How it is possible in evaluatin the political
turmoils of this century to omit the Chinese Communist revolution, which is
not only the major event in the lives of one- third of the earth's
35 inhabitants, but also the first such revolution
among the world's non-white peoples? By  contrast, how could any list of the
century's greatest events include Lindbergh's flight across the Atlantic?

40 Heroic though it was,
symbolic though it was, the flight was one of those hyped* events by which
America of the 1920s celebrated its excitement at being itself.

*hyped
— exaggerated (informal)
C. One of the most striking aspects of
Daniel's list is that five of his ten choices deal more or less with World War
II, which is understandable enough for a man who spent much of his professional
life covering that cataclysm and its consequences.
45 Yet there is something relentlessly
newspaperish about the implication that the great events of history mostly
involve war and politics. World War II involved an awful carnage — at least 35
million dead — but far  more  people  than that  have been kept alive by the
invention of penicillin  and other  antibiotics,  not to
50 mention the pesticides that eradicated
many epidemic diseases, a scientific revolution that helped double the world's
population just since 1950.
D. Which really has had more of an effect on American
lives — a major military blow like Pearl Harbor
  55 or some subtler event like the spread of television? Pearl Harbor
or the automobile? Pearl Harbor or the computer? Pearl Harbor or the building
of the welfare state? Pearl Harbor or the rise and fall of cheap energy? Pearl
Harbor or the birth of the birth control pill?
60     E. These are all slow-moving
developments, of course, and probably no single headline ever announced any one
of them. Indeed, even political news is often hard to judge all at once...
     F. As time passes all politicians (and generals)
come to seem less important; what lasts is art. «Literature», said Ezra Pound,
«is news that stays news.» Many Americans can remember that Calvin
65 Coolidge was the inconsequential President
when Scott Fitzgerald published «The Great Gatsby», but as we look back, the
political powers keep fading, while the names of artists like Fitzgerald and
his friend Hemingway become
70 familiar household
words.
    G. But in the cultural history, just as in
political history, we may know very little of what will eventually turn out to
be important.... For all we know, the greatest artists and thinkers, too,
remain almost completely
75 unknown, maybe only temporarily living
in poverty and obscurity like Bela Bartok and Vladimir Nabokov in the 1940s, or
else already long dead.
         H. It is interesting that Daniel's
list includes only one event of the past 42 years, a period in which much   has
happened but remains mysterious. Journalism (and history too) is what lives in
that all too brief gap
80 between the not
yet known and the already forgotten.
TIME magazine, October 12,
1987
Exercise:
1. List all the references to specific people,
concepts or events that the writer assumes that the reader is familiar with
(apart from those in Daniel's list).

а.
b.
с.
d.
е.
f.
g.

h.
i.
j.
k.
1.
m.

With which of the above are you actually «familiar»?
2. What is the topic of paragraph F (11.63-70)?
3. Why does the writer begin para. G with «But»?
(1.71)
4. In general, what criticisms does the writer make of
Daniel's list?
a) in para. В                     с) in
paras. D, Е, F
b) in para. С                     d) in paras. Е, С
From:
«WRITING OF WOMEN»
by Phyllis Rose
The female style I was discovering and defining for
myself seemed in many ways more attractive than the masculine style which aimed
for and so often led to achievement. Women seemed more responsive, more
expressive, more flexible, more considerate, more iconoclastic, and more
irreverent than men. But were these traits innately, inevitably, biollogically
a part of women's nature? Or were they characteristic of any group of people
privileged in some way but excluded from power? In time, I came to think that
much of
10 what I valued as female nature was not
nature at all but a style created by cultural circumstances and historical
experience. I thought this style was valuable. If it prevailed, the world might
be a better place. On the other hand, it seemed unlikely to prevail. As women
moved into positions of power on an equal basis
15 with men they would probably lose those lovable
traits which were the product of powerlessness. Did that mean that woman
should renounce power in order to retain__________?
Exercise:
1. Provide a suitable ending for the last sentence in
the light of the point the writer is trying to make in this passage.
2a. Consider the connotations of the six items in the
list of female traits (11.4-5). For each item («responsive», «expressive»,
etc.) decide whether it has a positive, negative, or ambiguous (more than one)
connotation.
b. Does the order in which the traits are listed seem
to have some significance?
3. The writer thinks that female traits are      A.
inborn
B. acquired
(Choose (A) or (В) — and support your answer. You may
paraphrase some part of the text, but do not quote directly.)
4. Under what condition might the world «be a better
place» (11.12)?
5. Does the writer believe that condition (see
question 4) can be met? Answer Yes or No — and support your answer. (You may
paraphrase the text, but do not quote directly.)

«TO BE A
WOMAN AND A SCHOLAR»
On a Saturday morning in June exactly three hundred
years ago this year, the first woman in the world to receive a doctoral degree
mounted a pulpit in the cathedral of Padua to be examined in Aristotelian
5
dialectics. Her name
was Elena Lucrezia Cornaro Piscopia. She was thirty-two years old, single,
daughter of
     one of the wealthiest families in
Venice. Precociously brilliant, she had begun to study Aristotle at the age
     of seven. Her father had backed her studies and
supplied the best of tutors; by the time she enrolled in the
10 University of Padua, she knew not only
Latin and Greek, French, English and Spanish, but also Hebrew, and   Arabic,
and Chaldaic.
What was it like to be a gifted woman, an
Elena Comaro, three hundred years ago? What happened to a
15
bright woman in the
past who wanted to study another culture, examine the roots of a language,
master the
     intricacies of higher mathematics, write a book
or prevent or cure a terrible disease?
To begin with, for a woman to acquire
anything that amounted to real learning, she needed four basics.
20
She needed to survive.
In the seventeenth century women's life expectancy had risen only to
thirty-two; not until 1750 did it begin to rise appreciably and reach, in
mid-nineteenth century, age forty-two. A woman
 ambitious for learning would do well to choose a life
of celibacy, not only to avoid the hazards of childbirth

25 but because there was no room for a scholar's life
within the confines of marriage and childbearing. Elena
     Comaro had taken a vow of chastity at the age of
eleven, turned down proposals of marriage to become an
     oblate of the Benedict Order. *)

*«an
oblate of the Benedict Order» = a person in the service of a (Benedictine)
Roman Catholic monastery.

30        Secondly,
to aspire to learning a woman needed basic literacy; she had to be one of the
fortunate few who learned at least to read and write. Although studies of
literacy in earlier centuries are still very incomplete and comparative data on
men's and women's literacy are meager, it appears from one such study
35
that before 1650 a bare
10% of women in the city of London could sign their names. What is most striking
about this particular study is that men are divided by occupation — with clergy
and the professions at the top (100% literate) and male laborers at the bottom
of scale (about 15% literate); women as a group fell
40
below even the
unskilled male laborers in their literacy rate. By about 1700 half the women in
London could sign their own names; in the provinces woman's literacy remained
much lower.
The third fundamental a woman needed if she
aspired to learning was, of course, an economic base. It
45
was best to be born,
like Elena Comaro, to a family of wealth who owned a well-stoc ked library and'
could afford private tutors. For girls of poor families the chance of learning
the bare minimum of reading and writing was small. Even such endowed charity
schools as Christ's Hospital in London were attended mostly

50  by boys; poor girls in charity schools were apt to
have their literacy skills slighted in favor of catechism,**)    needlework,
knitting, and lacemaking in preparation for a life of domestic service.

**«catechism»— a book containing a summary of the principles of the Christian
religion, on an elementary level.

55        The fourth fundamental a woman
scholar needed was simply very tough skin, for she was a deviant in a society
where the learned woman, far from being valued,was likely to hear herself
preached against in the pulpit and made fun of on the public stage. Elena
Cornaro was fortunate to have been born in Italy where
60
 an array of learned
women had flourished during the Renaissance and where the woman scholar seems
to have found a more hospitable ambiance that in the northern countries. In
eighteenth-century England the gifted writer Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, writing
in 1753 about proposed plans for a little granddaughter's
65
education, admonished
her daughter with some bitterness to «conceal whatever learning (the child)
attains, with as much solicitude as she would hide crookedness or lameness».
And yet, despite all the hurdles, some
bright women did manage to make a mark as scholars and writers.
70 Sometimes girls
listened in on their brothers lessons. A fortunate few, like Elena Cornaro, had
parents willing and able to educate daughters equally with sons. But by far
the largest number of women scholars in the past were self-educated. Through
sheer intellectual curiosity, self-discipline, often grinding hard
75 work, they taught
themselves whatever they wanted to know. Such self teaching may be the only
truly joyous form of learning. Yet it has its drawbacks: it may also be
haphazard and superficial. Without access to laboratory, lecture, and
dissecting table, it was all but impossible for women to train themselves in
80  higher
mathematics, in science, in anatomy, for instance.
So if one asks what it was like to be a
gifted woman, to aspire to learning at the time of Elena Cornaro,  the answer
must be that it was a difficult and demanding choice, requiring not merely
intellectual gifts but
85  extraordinary
physical and mental stamina, and only a rare few women succeeded in becoming
contributing scholars and writers. All the usual scholarly careers were closed
to women, so that even for women who succeeded in educating themselves to the
level of their male colleagues, the opportunities to support
90  themselves were meager.
After Elena Cornaro's death a half a
century passed before a second woman, again Italian, was awarded a doctorate at
the University of Bologna. Not until 150 years later did American universities
admit women
95 for degrees and
two centuries passed 95 before Oxford and Cambridge conferred degrees on women.
Exercise:
If this essay were read aloud before an audience that
had no copy of it in front of them, it would still be easy to follow the
writer's line of argument.
1. What features of the text make it easier to comprehend
than the average written text?
2. What sort of audience does this text seem to have
been written for? On what basis can you make this inference?
From:
«FILTERS
AGAINST FOLLY»
by Garrett Hardin
A civilization is defined by the dreams it renounces.
Whenever there is a mismatch of supply and demand there are two ways of
dealing with the situation in words: we can speak of either a shortage of
5 supply or a longage of demand. The
alternatives are, in logic, equally valid. But for a long time our civilization
has repressed the thought of longages of demand. The suppression may have been
for good practical reasons, but all acts of suppression end up by stunting the
mind. A basic insight of ecology is that
10 there are real 10 limits to the world
(though we sometimes make mistakes in defining them). The recognition of limits
makes possible the development of accurate methods of accounting, without
which no honest description of the world is possible. Historically, the belief
in infinite supplies has greatly stimulated
15 innovation. As we approach the limits
this belief becomes less fruitful. Finally, it becomes dangerous. When our
civilization renounces the dream of infinite supplies it will move into a new
and saner mode.
Exercise:
1. «A civilization is defined by the dreams it
renounces.» (1.1)
a.
What dream(s), if any,
has our civilization renounced?

________________________________________________________________
b.
What dream(s), if any,
does the writer think our civilization should renounce?
     ________________________________________________________________
2. a.»But ... demand» (11. 5-6) the implication here
is that we prefer talking about ___________, rather than considering the
problem of________________.
b. The word _____________ (in 1.6) is the equivalent
of the word «suppression» in 1.7. The renunciation of the dream of infinite
supplies (11.16— 17) is the equivalent of the recognition of___________

                                     (one word)

3. a. «though ... them» (11. 10 ). Here Hardin tells
us that we sometimes make the mistake of defining these limits too narrowly,
and then, having discovered our error, we make the further mistake of exaggerating
in the opposite direction: i. e., we assume there are ________ limits.
3. b. «As we approach the limits this belief becomes
less fruitful.» (1. 14-15).
i. The «limits» of
what?______________________________________________
ii. To become .... fruitful (1. 15) is the equivalent
of which phrase in the preceding sentence? (i e., in 1. 14)
4. It is impossible to give an «honest description of
the world»
(1. 12) without ________________________

CHIMPS
EAT CHIMPS
           1. It is hard for any naturalist to write about animals he
or she has studied in depth without falling into the trap of anthropomorphism.
It is so easy to find oneself attributing humanoid characteristics and
5
emotions to another
species that few natu-5 ralists have been able to separate themselves from this
habit. This objective observation and avoidance of pitfalls becomes even more
difficult when one is dealing with a species that physically resembles man, hat
uses vocalizations and facial expressions that seem to reflect our
10
own and that often
exhibits behaviour similar to that of its human relatives. It is for this
reason that Jane Goodall is to be highly complimented.
2. It has been 27 years since this Englishwoman,
accompanied by her intrepid mother and a cook took
15
off for the shores of
Lake Tanganyika in East Africa and set up her first station for the study of
wild chimpanzees. Here, in this compendious volume, Goodall, who earlier gave
us her exciting book In the Shadow of Man, now reports at length on the first
quarter-century of her work with the wild apes of the Gombe Nature Reserve.
20       3. For the
amateur enthusiast there is a wealth of material about feeding, socialization,
breeding habits and territorial struggles including aggressive encounters
between chimps and social dependencies within the chimpanzee hierarchy. There
are detailed lists of food showing what appears to be an order of
25
preferences and more
than 250 photographs, some in colour, showing the variety of features that set
one chimp off from another.
4.The 77 chimps known by name and studied are all presented in
individual portraits, most of them by
30
H.Van Lawick. There are
also breeding and grooming one another.
5.In her earlier work, Goodall debunked the popular myth that
chimpanzees are vegetarians, showing them to be opportunistic omnivores that
on occasion even hunt their food. Now, in this later work, the
35
longest field
observation ever undertaken  of any species, she topples other cherished
beliefs. Observing the animals of Gombe, Goodall and her co-workers show proof
of cannibalism in the chimpanzee tribe as demonstrated by Passion and Pom, a
mother and daughter, who systematically prey on the young of other
40
chimpanzees. While it
has been well established that the chimps do steal infant baboons from their
mothers and eat them, this is the first documented incident of chimps eating
chimps.
6. The sentimentalist's idyll of nature is
shattered as Goodall lists in exact detail the injuries, illnesses
45
and deaths of chimps in
the reserve over 25 years and reports just how many of these are the result of
      aggressive actions on the part of other chimps.
       7. For the professional naturalist there are
intricate graphs covering hundreds, even thousands of hours
50 of observation
showing just how much time chimps in different categories spend with one
another and in what circumstances and familiar relationships. She shows that
the strongest social bonds are between mother and daughter and between
siblings, although other, elective bondings are sometimes almost as strong.
55      8. Another documented observation
is the natural fastidiousness of chimps that clean themselves with leaves after
becoming soiled. However, just as in our own species, individual differences
exist between those who are finicky and those who are slobs. Similar
differences were observed in willingness to eat soiled food
60 or copulate with a befouled female. Some
males didn't care, some cleaned up the messy lady before copulating and some
rejected her advances.
       9. In addition to her own researches, Goodall
gives a clear account of what research laboratories and
65 adoptive humans
have learned about the chimpanzee. Since the late 1960s, when  it was realized
that even if
     chimps could not
actually talk they might be able to learn the sign language of the deaf and
mute, great
     strides have
been made in understanding the mentality of these, our relatives.
70
   10. Yerkish, the
machine language of Yerkes laboratories, has also contributed a vast amount
of   information that helps understand chimpanzee thought processes. Young
chimps, taught this manner of  communication, are quite adept at expressing
their feelings, telling stories of what happened to them and
75
even forming certain
concepts. When first seeing a swan one young chip made the signs for «water»
and «bird». Another termed watermelon «candy-drink», while still another
called a sharply-flavoured radish «hunt-cry-food».
           11. There is also evidence that
the chimpanzee can invent its own signs. Lucy, a hand-raised chimp
80 wanted to be put on  a leash and walked.
Not having the word for leash she hooked her index finger into the ring of her
collar and went to the door. Another, not knowing the word for bib traced its
outline on her chest. It later turned out that this was the official sign for a
bib and the one her teacher had shown her was incorrect.
From: Jane Goodall, Chimpanzees of Gombe:
Patterns of Behavior, 1987.

SIGNS IN
THE WILDERNESS

Once admired for her
skill with sign language, Lucy,
a laboratory-bred
chimp, must now adapt
to the jungle — or
die
by Eugene Linden
1)
Though her appearance
and behavior make her all but indistinguishable from other wild chimps,  Lucy
was born twenty years ago in the United States, which puts her roughly halfway
through the normal
5
lifespan for chimps.
Until she was eleven, she was raised as part of a human family in an affluent
neighborhood in Norman, Oklahoma. She did not meet another chimp until she was
nine. Twelve years ago Lucy achieved some celebrity for her role in experiments
exploring the use of American Sign Language by
10
chimpanzees. But since
1977 she has been weaned gradually from everything she learned about human
civilizatin during the first part of her life and has been taught the ways of
wild chimpanzees. Lucy is the only chimp bom and reared in America ever to have
been reintroduced to the wild.
15
2) Some thirty chimps
participated in the language experiments of the 1970s. In the years since,
these chimps have fulfilled various destinies. Washoe, the original
sign-languageusing chimp, is still with
20
Dr.Roger Fouts, who has
worked with her since the late 1960s, when he was a graduate student. Two other
chimps, named Nim Chimpsky and Ally, became the center of a cause celebre when
they were sold for medical research. Some veterans of these experiments were
used in batch— testing of hepatitis vaccines, and
25
the remainder live out
their days in other laboratories, game parks, and zoos. All of the chimps,
however are imperiled by a growing surplus of adult chimps in the United
States, which increases pressures to use these animals in «terminal» research.
3)Before her trip to the wild, at the age of eleven,
Lucy's experience of the jungle was confined to
30
 pictures in magazines
that she would leaf through at her house in Norman, Oklahoma. At the age of
two days Lucy was given to Maurice and Jane Temerlin to raise. Maurice Temerlin
is a psychologist, and Lucy was to be the subject of an experiment to determine
how a chimp raised in an «enriched» human
35
environment would develop.
Later, because pioneering studies showed that chimpanzees had the capacity to
learn and communicate with human beings through the sign language of the deaf,
the Temeriins hoped they might actually have two-way communication with Lucy.
It's one thing to tell an animal to get your slippers
40
 and have it respond
appropriately; it's quite another to have the animal use a human language to
tell you that it has hurt its knee or that it is feeling sad.
4)
The language
experiments with apes have provoked a great deal of controversy over the years.

45
Critics have raised doubts
about whether the chimps who used sign language were actually demonstrating an
understanding of the language or were in fact dumbly responding to cues given
by human beings in the hope of getting some reward. Proponents of this experimentation
deflect the criticisms on several grounds.
50
 Twenty years after
Washoe first made the sign more, the debate is still unresolved and most of the
participants in it are wearied, if not embittered. Moreover, science continues
to lack a serviceable definition of language against which to judge these
experiments: whether or not what the apes are doing constitutes
55
«language» still seems
to be in the eye of the beholder.
5)
Dr. Roger Pouts,
a comparative psychologist affiliated with the University of Oklahoma, was in
charge of Lucy's language training, which began when she was five years old.
Although this was a
60
 relatively late start,
Lucy acquired about 130 words in the course of the various experiments. Fouts
ran to study her language use. He was less interested in teaching Lucy
an enormous vocabulary than he was in determining the ways she used the signs
he taught her. For instance, in one landmark study
he asked Lucy to
65
describe objects for
which she had no 65 words. Presented with a radish, Lucy described the object
as a «cry hurt food.» A watermelon was a «drink fruit.»
6)
As a member of an
upper-middle-class household, Lucy had lots of toys and a rich array of games
70
and people to amuse
herself with. She would pretend to swallow objects while looking in a mirror,
and then sign swallow to herself as she did so. She loved to play
chase-and-tickle games. Indeed, one of her most frequent statements was «Roger
tickle Lucy.» One day, while visiting, I suggested that Roger say «Lucy
75
tickle Roger», to see
how she would respond. After looking at him incredulously once, and correcting
him once, Lucy grasped the difference and rushed to tickle Roger.
7)
When Lucy was nine, the
family acquired an infant chimp named Marianne as a companion for her.
80
The next year they
hired Janis Carter to help take care of both chimps. Carter was 80 then
twenty-six. The year before, she had graduated from the University of Tennessee
with a degree in psychology.
She had come to the University of Oklahoma to help
with the signlanguage studies, and to work with primates.
85
     8) By the
time Lucy was eleven, the Temerlins had decided that they could not keep either
chimp much longer. However, although the Temerlins felt that they could no
longer keep Lucy, neither could they consign her to a life in a zoo or a lab.
Through a visiting primatologist the Temerlins heard of rehabilita-
90
tion work being done in
Senegal and The Gambia by Stella Brewer, the daughter of Eddie Brewer, a white
ex-colonial who is the director of wildlife in The Gambia. The Brewers had
been trying with uncertain results to re-introduce captive chimps to the wild.
Stella Brewer was at first unreceptive to the
95
 idea of taking Lucy
on. At eleven and a half, Lucy was full grown, and Stella had no prior
experience with her that might have given her dominance over Lucy. Moreover,
Lucy had no memories of the wild which might be tapped during rehabilitation.
The idea of rehabilitation was not universally applauded in the
100United States. A number of scientists
thought that to expose a sheltered chimp like Lucy to the hazards of  the wild
was ill advised and perhaps cruel. Nevertheless, the Temerlins felt that even
if the attempt failed, Lucy would have had the chance both to be free and to
live life as a chimp, a possibility that would forever be out of reach should
she be sent to a lab or a zoo.
105      9) Stella Brewer finally agreed to
accept Lucy after Carter offered to stay on to ease the transition to life in
Africa. The Temerlins, Carter, Lucy, and Marianne left for Africa in September
of 1977.
      10) Although Janis Carter originally became
involved with chimps through Roger Fouts's sign-language
110 work, her present
attitude toward signing is shaped by what she sees as her major chore, which is
to break Lucy's ties to humans and reinforce her chimp-ness.
      11) For the first year and a half in Africa,
Carter, Lucy, and Marianne lived at the Abuko Reserve, just
115 outside Banjul.
Almost from the time of their arrival it was clear that Lucy and Marianne were
never going to be integrated into Stella Brewer's chimp group in Senegal. Lucy
was visibly out of sorts, and this, in
120 combination with
a lack of provision for Lucy's future, caused Carter to decide to stay on. At
first Carter brought the wilds to Lucy, rather than Lucy to the wilds. The
situation was not a happy one: Lucy spent her first eighteen months in Africa
in a cage. «Basically, Lucy just hung on at Abuko,» Carter told me. «The
125 changes really
happened for her once she moved to Baboon Island.» Marianne, who was less
cosmopolitan than Lucy, adapted more readily to the natural environment.
     12) Lucy spent her time in a cage because
everybody knew that if she got out of the cage, no one could
130 get her back into
it. Although she could be intimidated by other chimps, she could not be
intimidated by human beings. Once a man threatened her with a rake and Lucy
simply took the rake and broke it. No one other than Carter could venture
inside the cage to clean it, so when Carter was away Lucy would live in
135 absolute squalor.
Carter recalled that Lucy was a pretty pathetic sight back then. She got
painfully thin and lost most other hair.
     13) Lucy came to the island in May, 1979, and it
was a year before she really started interacting with   other chimps. One
casualty of this traumatic period was Lucy's functional use of sign language.
Carter
140 realized that
using sign language with Lucy set up a special bond between them that excluded
the other chimps. Carter has said, «I don't see that using sign language has
anything to do with being a wild chimp. The sign language was just too strong a
tie. It meant that I was special over the others, and that Lucy
145 thought that we
were a team. I'm not going to be with Lucy forever, and I wanted to know that
she was  prepared for the day when I was gone.»
     14) Carter reported that Lucy still regularly
uses more than twenty signs when she is around Carter. But Lucy must marvel
that sign language, which everybody made such a fuss about when she was young,
only rarely produces any response in Carter.
150
  15) Lucy retains
other legacies of her former life. Although she eats leaves and fruits as the
other chimps do, she stead fastly refuses to hunt for arboreal ants or weaver
ants. Nor does she trust herself to nests
155 built in the leafy parts of branches. Lucy prefers to
settle herself in the crook of a sturdy branch, close to  the trunk of the
tree.
     16) Carter and Eddie Brewer, the director of
wildlife, have had an uneasy relationship over the years.They appear to have
fundamentally different ideas about what type of program might best serve the
160 needs of the
chimpanzees. Brewer does not worry about a future in which the chimps are
partially dependent upon food drops. Carter, though, is perhaps unrealistic in
her determination that her chimps should have a truly wild life. In this
disagreement it is Brewer who has the power to enforce his ideas.
165
  17) For one thing,
Brewer keeps adding other formerly captive chimps to the western end of the
island.When I visited Baboon Island, it housed a total of twenty-two-far more
than the carrying capacity of the island (which is roughly estimated to be
seven chimps). In addition, a dam has been proposed for
170downstream. Its construction would spell the end of
Baboon Island. Finally, pressures to use Baboon Island for other or additional
purposes might become too powerful for the government to resist.
175   18) Janis
Carter feels these threats acutely, because any of  them would nullify the
efforts of a major part of her life. She hates the idea that the chimps might
end up in an elaborate zoo. She has long wanted to move the chimps to a more
primitive refuge. But so far she has not found one, and the possibilities
that remain become more limited with each passing year.
180
 19) Although Lucy and
eight other chimps in Carter's care live a life that is less restrained than
that of any captive chimp, the sad probability is that these and other chimps
even those now wild — will always be hostage to the whims of man. However,
Carter still retains the faint hope that someday Lucy will be able
185 to vanish into the jungle so that neither Carter nor
anyone else will know where she is.Then Lucy might be said to be free.
          Lucy has lived at the sufferance of the
people around her, and her life to a degree reflects the ethos of
190 her time. She was
initiated into the mysteries of that indefinable thing called language, which
we use to separate ourselves from the rest of creation. But then her human
guardians decided that she should be a chimp. She found herself stripped of her
privileges and discouraged from using the system of communica-
195 tion that she had spent the better part
of her youth learning. At different times in her life human beings have been
parents, mentors, friends, jailers, rulers, judges, and gods. She now waits,
perhaps wondering what she really is, and what our bizarre, moody species has
in store for her.
From: The Atlantic Monthly, March 1986

MIGHTIER THAN THE PEN

A revised, and
revised again, view of the word processor. by William Swanson

1)
Five years ago the
editors of this magazine asked me to let them set up a word processor in my
office. «Learn to work the thing», they urged me, «then write an article about
your experience.» I said no. I
5
said that I was
scarcely able to deal with, much less master, a four-slot toaster. As far as
writing devices go, I said, I had neither the desire nor the need to abandon my
beloved Hermes 3000 manual typewriter. Send your word-processing machine off to
one of your high-tech specialists, I commanded the editors, no doubt a
10
trifle disdainfully.
2)
Then, one evening at a
friend's house, I sat down at the keyboard of his brand-new Kaypro computer and
actually processed a couple dozen lines of words. I swiftly replaced a middling
verb with a muscular
15
one, effortlessly
rearranged and streamlined the structure of a clunky sentence, neatly corrected
a spelling error and tidied up my punctuation, and, finally, after all the
revisions, called forth and produced, in only a matter of seconds, a lovely,
letter-perfect «manuscript.»
           3) I have done my own work on a word
processor for almost a year now. I am only too happy, when
20 asked,usually by a word processing
colleague, to discuss this or that feature of my machine. To the more general
question of how do I write, I respond perhaps a trifle disdainfully, «With an
IBM PC, of course. Not that it should matter.»
25
      4) To a more
critical question I would have more difficulty responding. I could not tell you
with absolute certainty, that the quality of my work is the better for my great
technological leap forward. I think it is, I think it virtually has to be, but
I wouldn't want to swear to it. My editors have been non commital on the
30
quality question,
though they've been very generous in their praise of the neatness of my
word-processed manuscripts.
 5) As writing tools go, the word processor
is, quite honestly, a wonder. In the field of writing and
35 publishing, it has to be the most
important technological breakthrough since Gutenberg began moving his type
around. The magic of the word processor lies not in this or that individual
function, but in its overall enabling capability. Writers generally sit down
while they work, and there is not a lot of heavy lifting — but
40 serious writing is nonetheless a
wearying business. Simply put, the word processor reduces the drudgery of
converting the writer's thoughts to words on paper. It allows him to get down —
first on a screen, and only later, if and when he wishes, on paper — great quantities
of words, with unprecedented speed and convenience.
45
     6) This does not,
unfortunately, make him a better writer, or insure his readers an unprecedented
torrent of unforgettable prose. It may insure them only a torrent. Like any
enabling technology, the word processor can result in wretched excess. Some
skeptics go so far as to suggest that a word processor allows the words
50
to flow faster than the
thoughts those words are supposed to represent. Here, for example, is the
usually concise Russell Baker describing his personal «processing process» in
The New York Times:
7)«It is so easy, not to mention so much fun — listen
folks, I have just switched right here at the start
55
 of this very paragraph
you are reading — right there I switched from the old typewriter (talk about
goose — quill pen days!) to my word processor, which is now clicking away so
quietly and causing me so little effort
60
that I don't think I'll
ever want to stop this sentence because — well, why should you want to stop a
sentence when you're really well launched into the thing — the sentence, I mean
— and it's so easy just to keep her rolling right along and never stop since,
anyhow, once you do stop, you are going to have to start another sentence,
right? — which means coming up with another idea».
65
     8) But if the word
processor can unleash a mindless (if sometimes hilarious) prolixity, it can
also enable the writer to accomplish more in the time he is allowed, and, if he
is so inclined, to be infinitely more
70
particular about his
languge. It enables him, with an almost supernatural physical ease, to revise,
revise, and revise the work in front of him — revision being, today as in
Goethe's day, both the essence and the bane of the serious writer's trade.
8)
There are other claims
made for the word processor that may or may not be borne out by fact. The
75
word processor, some of
its boosters argue, actually enhances by virtue of its much discussed
«user-friendliness,» the writer's motivation. The word processor, some of its
champions insist, reduces the «terror» of writing, since a blank CRT screen
is, to some, less terrorizing than a blank sheet of foolscap I'm not.
80
convinced of all that.
Regardless how friendly the tool, writing exacts no small amount of terror from
a lot of us: And besides, the point is that the word processor gives the writer
the chance not to make his work easier, but to make it better.
From: TWA Ambassador, February 1986
From: The New
York Review of Books

GETTING
TO KNOW YOUR SYNCHRONIZED INPUT SHAFT

by Noel Perrin
(A Review of The
1990 Chevrolet S-10 Owner's Manual and The 1990 Buick LeSabre Owner's Manual)
Two new books from the General Motors Corporation suggest
that the tradition of owner's manuals supplied by car manufacturers is
undergoing profound change. One book is confusing, hard to read, cheaply
5
produced on
poor-quality paper — just what a manual ought to be. But the other looks good
and reads better.  It often — no, usually — gives directions that can be
followed by an ordinary untrained person. At a time when literacy is plunging
and many college freshmen are having to be taught to write a simple
10
declarative sentence,
any evidence of clarity in writing is cause for celebration. Furthermore, both
G.M. manuals show a rudimentary sense of social responsibility, which is
almost as revolutionary a change as the use of clear prose. Considering that
both would also easily make bestseller lists if bookstores handled them
15
(each has more than 100,000
copies in print), they deserve a review.
«1990 Chevrolet S-10 Owner's Manual» mostly
upholds the old tradition. Its confusingly numbered pages (typical page number:
2D-6) attempt to cover not one but three different Chevrolet models: the Blazer
20 and two varieties of light truck.This
makes for difficulties. Suppose you get a flat tire in your Blazer or your
regular pickup or your extended-cab pickup. In each the jack is stored in a
different place, so that it can require a thorough study of pages 3-9 through
3-12 just to find out where to look for it (and how to extract
25 it when found). By a piece of inspired
bad planning, these four pages of instructions for finding your jack come
after the directions for changing a tire. The owner, already sullen because of
the flat, may be tempted to hurl the jack, when it finally is found, through
the optional sliding rear window. That, of course, would
30 be a mistake. Windows are complicated
enough in the manual already. If you own a Blazer, you waste your time when you
read the instructions for swingout windows — they are to be found only in the
extended-cab truck. Roughly a third of the manual will be mere distraction for
any given owner. That leaves two-thirds
35
that still applies. By
no means will all of this be of much help to the average person, however.
Suppose you have bought a Blazer and are intent on discovering how the
four-wheel
40
drive system works.
Here is part of what you will learn: «The system has a transfer case with
synchronized input shaft, and a differential unit with central locking cluch
and connect/disconnect control.»
Or what if you glance at the section on
operating the defroster?'Your appalled eye will come on this:
45 «The windshield defrosting and defogging
system provides visibility through designated areas of the windshield during
inclement weather conditions.»
«The 1990 Buick Le Sabre Owner's Manual» is
strikingly different. None of it applies only to light
50 trucks or only to some other kind of
Buick. All of it is about the LeSabre. Better yet, virtually all of it is
readable. Have to change a flat? «The equipment you'll need is in the trunk.»
Ah, but suppose you've never touched a jack in your life, aren't even sure what
one looks like. The manual is prepared. It expected that. It
55 contains 26 color photographs that
sequentially picture the changing of a tire. (The first two are cameo shots of
the jack and of the wheel wrench.) Each action shot is accompanied by simple
directions. Typical direction: «Take off the nuts. Keep them near you.» A
visiting Martian, if taught English and given the manual, could probably change
a LeSabre tire.
60
The most surprising
thing in either manual, though, is the acknowledgement that Buicks and Blazers
do  not exist in a vacuum — that they move through the air of this planet and
are quite capable of polluting it.
65
 Both contain a piece
of formal advice from General Motors: mix 10 percent ethanol with your
gasoline, if you possibly can, because this will «contribute to cleaner air.»
But here, too, LeSabre is ahead. Both
manuals also urge you not to pour your used motor oil down a
70 drain or dump it on the ground. The S-10
manual doesn't say why; it just says don't do it. But the brave, though
anonymous, author of LeSabre gives a reason. «Used oil can be a real threat to
the environment», the manual forthrightly says.
When Buick manuals begin to express concern for the
environment, can spring be far behind?
Exercise:
1. What makes the Buick manual better than the
Chevrolet?
2. In what way/s are both better than previous
manuals?

WHAT IS A JOURNALIST'S «FACT»?
by Claud Cockburn
To hear people talking about the facts you would think
that they lay about like pieces of gold ore in the Yukon days waiting to be
picked up — arduously, it is true, but still definitely and visibly — by
strenuous
5  prospectors whose subsequent problem was
only to get them to market.
Such a view is evidently and dangerously
naive. There are no such facts.Or if there are.they are meaningless and
entirely ineffective; they might, in fact, just as well not be lying about at
all until the
10 prospector — (the journalist) — puts
them into relation with other facts: presents them, in other words. Then they
become as much a part of a pattern created by him as if he were writing a
novel. In that sense all stories are written backwards — they are supposed to
begin with the facts and develop from there, but in reality
15 they begin with a journalist's point of
view, a conception, and it is the point of view from which the facts are
subsequently written.
All this is difficult and even rather
unwholesome to explain to the layman, because he gets the
20 impression that you are saying that
truth does not matter and that you are publicly admitting what he long ago
suspected, that journalism is a way of "cooking" the facts. Really
cunning journalists, realizing this, and anxious to raise the status of
journalism in the esteem of the general public, positively encourage the layman
25 in his mistaken views. They like him to
have the picture of these nuggety facts lying about on maybe frozen ground, and
a lot of noble and utterly unprejudiced journalists with no idea whatever of
what they are looking for scrabbling in the ironbound earth and presently
bringing home the pure gold of Truth.
Exercise:
The above passage was written by a well-known
journalist about the nature of a Journalist's work.
I (A) Cockburn tells us that people commonly believe
that the facts that become part of a Journalist's article are like the pieces
of _______that ______________(s) once found «lying about on maybe frozen
ground» (1. 25) in the Yukon.
(B) This commonly held view is mistaken, according to
Cockburn, because the Journalist's facts have no value in themselves: they
only become valuable when and if a good journalist ________________
(C) In what sense are «all stories... written
backwards»?? (12-13)
(D) What might give the layman the impression that
Cockburn is «saying that truth does not matter and that [he is] publicly
admitting . . . that journalism is a way of "cooking" the facts»?
(E) How do «really cunning journalists» (1.21) try to
«raise the status of journalism in the esteem of the general public»?
(11.22-23)
(F) According to Cockburn, what is the relationship between
«the pure gold of truth» (1.28) and the facts in a journalist's article?
II (A) Read Carr's «What is a Historical Fact?» in
Part IV below. Compare Carr's view of the nature of a historical fact with
Cockbum's view of the nature of a Journalist's fact. What do the two views have
in common?
(B) Consider the various means by which each of these
writers manages to convey his message. Consider the following:
a. Does either writer use a serious scholary tone? How
would you describe the tone that each uses?
b. Does either writer use orderly, reasoned arguments
with logical proofs?
c. What figures of speech does Carr use to suggest
that history «is written backwards» (in the same sense that Cockburn applies
this idea to the stories of journalists)?
d. Does either writer manage to convince you of the
truth of what he says? If your answer is "yes" try to decide why, if
it is "no", try to explain why not.

From:
AN
INTERVIEW WITH JOHN NAISBITT,

IN «THE FUTURIST», AUGUST 1985
Question: Do you think young people are moving
toward an individualistic lifestyle? If so, how do you account for the growing
conservatism on college campuses and the large numbers of students entering
business schools?
5
Answer: The trend is
absolutely toward individualism. But going to business school is not
conforming. It's where the action is. Last year we created 700,000 companies.
We've never done that before. It is
10
fantastic. It's true
that large numbers of students are studying business, but not a single one I
talked to when I recently visited Harvard wanted to work for a large
corporation.They all wanted to start in smaller companies or start their own
business. Business is by far the most exciting sector. When we hear «students
studying business» we have this thing in our head about all these big lumbering
bureaucratic corporations.
15
Students aren't
thinking about them at all. Those corporations are the old economy.
(Naisbitt is the author of a book called Megatrends. )
Exercise:
1. What does «individualism» mean to you?
2. What does «trend» mean?
3. In what sense does the first sentence in Naisbitt's
reply seem paradoxical?
4. Do you think Naisbitt himself is aware of the
paradox?
5. What do you think «It's where the action is»
(11.6-7) means?
6. How is the above expression (see question 5)
related to the idea of «conforming»?
7. If all students want to start in smaller companies,
what might an individualist be tempted to do?
8. What does Naisbitt seem to mean by «individualism»?
9. If you look up the word «individualism» in a good
English-English dictionary, you will discover many different meanings,
including:
i. the habit of independent thought or action
ii. the pursuit of individual rather than common or
collective interests.
A. In which sepse is the Questioner using the word
«individualistic»?
a. In which sense/s is Naisbitt using the word
«individualism»?

CRIME AND POVERTY
by Edward I. Koch
EVER since Cain slew Abel, explanations for the dark
side of human nature have been put forward. They have varied with the era,
usually reflecting the philosophical bent of the time, and different eras will
5
sometimes have
differing facets of the same explanation to explain away the evil in men's
hearts. The 17th-century belief that people were said to be possessed by demons
who forced them to deviate from socially acceptable behavior is a claim not unlike
the psychiatric canons of our time that excuse liability for crime
10
 by attributing deeds
to uncontrollable «sociopathic» factors buried inside the personality. A
current belief has its roots from the end of the 18th century, when
justification for criminal behavior was found in the economic relationships
that existed then-and have always existed — among the classes in social and
political
15
 organization. The
impact of Marxism in the 19th century, which held that the central force in
human history is economic determinism, gave tremendous weight to the argument
that much crime is committed and justified because of the inequality in the
distribution of wealth.
20
I believe those who
assert that individuals commit crime because of poverty have essentially a
sentimental view of human nature. To me, this is another way of saying that
the criminal is the victim and
25
not an enemy of
society. It resembles the argument that those who commit crime suffer from
pathology that eliminates freedom of choice and free will from the makeup of
such persons. In other words, responsibility and accountability for one's acts
are not to be required. Poverty or sickness is the criminal agent, and the
malefactor is merely the passive surrogate of these unfortunate conditions.
30    I think that average people read these claims
with amazement, if not astonishment. I know I do. They know, of course, with
the weary resignation of those who are being condescended to by the elitists,
that crime is traceable to the greed, cruelty, and selfishness of men and women
who are not fundamentally
35 different now than in Cain's time. They
know that, in the face of the changing claims for the wrong men have done
throughout history, the only thing that hasn't changed is man himself and that
the explanations for wrongdoing merely reflect the current problems of a
particular society.
40   They also know that civilization has, through its
social and, more importantly, moral institutions, shaped and refined behavior
so that social life is, on the whole, considerably less barbarous than it was
in eras past. However, the instinct to pillage and victimize will always be
there, in individual crimes committed by faceless man in dark places and by
awful men in public places like the Hitlers and Stalins of our own time. To
look for the causes of crime in some eternal condition, on the theory that
elimination of the condition will eliminate crime, is illusory.
50       When I recently stated at a panel
discussion of mayors of large American cities that there is no substantial
correlation between unemployment and crime, a number of the mayors insisted
that I was uninformed and flying in the face of an obvious reality. Putting
aside the overwhelming evidence from theological, ethical,
55
and philosophical
sources that locates crime in the heart of man and not in his stomach, I meant
by the term «correlation» to show that there exists no persuasive analytical
study or data that established a nexus between crime and poverty. The key point
for those who wish to fly in the face of common sense and
60
experience and insist
that such a relationship exists is that there no no viable research study that
effectively supports their position. Simply put,it can not be proven.The most
definitive study to date, a five-volume report issued by the United States
Department of Justice in 1981, analyzed juvenile crime from 1973 to1978.
65
The data came from the
National Crime Survey, conducted by the Census Bureau. Sixty thousand
households embracing 136,000 persons were interviewed periodically and asked
to describe the age, sex, and race of those who committed crime against the
households or members of the fami lies being studied.
70
The report found
virtually no relationship nationwide between economic conditions and adult or
juvenile crime, as measured by unemployment statistics, the consumer price
index, and the gross national product. In
75
fact, in some
instances, the survey demonstrated a negative, rather than positive,
relationship between unemployment and crime.
While unemployment declined in 1977 and
1978, crime rates increased dramatically. When normal seasonal fluctuations in
crime and economic indicators were taken into account, the Justice Department
80 found that «none
of the economic indices has any effect on the rate of offending.»
Little link
Similarly, the report concluded that «unemployment is
unrelated to the total rate of offending for the
85  sub-groups in question (juvenile,
youthful, and adult male offenders for both blacks and whites).» The study also
found little link between adult employment and juvenile offending. In short,
changes in unemployment forjuveniles,blacks, whites,and other sub-groups were
not sound predictors of changes in crime rates. A
90 1980 article in
the widely respected Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology also
questioned the relationship between econo mic indicators and crime rates. It
concluded that «unemployment may affect the crime rate, but even if it does,
its general effect is too slight to be measured. Therefore, the proper inference
95
is that the effect of
unemployment on crime is minimal at 95 best.» The Vera Institute of Justice, in
a review of the literature regarding employment and crime, found that, while
much of the research cited claims to establish a link between employment and
crime, «empirical work ... suggests that the relationship
100 between unemployment and income variables and crime
is not at all clear.»
Other studies have suggested that
government intervention, in the form of employment programs, has had little or
no effect on recidivism. An evaluation of the Court Employment Project in New
York City
105 found that the
program had no effect on the reciivism rate of the carefully selected felony
defendants who participated. Similar projects in Texas and Georgia discovered
no significant impact in either state on property related crimes by
participants. Looking at such programs, Vera concluded that «there is no clear
110 cut evidence about the relation ship between
employment and crime in a program context.»
In Crime and Public Policy,
published in 1983, Harvard economist Richard B. Freeman concluded that «there
is some difficulty in measuring the relationship between crime and
unemployment,» and that
115 «various job
experiments with individual crimes offer little optimism about the effect of
job creation on the behavior of persons already embarked on a career of
crime.»
This brings me, finally, back to my initial
point. With the common sense of our average citizens, we can
120 do something  about
crime. It  is idle  to ask  whether employment programs,  diversion  schemes,
counseling,rehabilitation theories, or the substitution of psychiatrists for
jailers will control crime.We, the public, know the answer. They will not, have
not, and can not. Only punishment will reduce crime. A study
125 of juvenile
offenders in Chicago cited in 1980 by Harvard criminologist James Q. Wilson
found that those who were committed to the most restrictive environment were
least likely to be arrested upon release.
130      The man in
the street will tell you, if you ask him, that character, not economic status,
is destiny. He will also tell you how to deal effectively and justly with crime
— hold people to account and, if they are guilty, punish them. The wisdom of
the ages abides in that common sense.
From: USA Today, March 1985.

BANALITY
AND TERROR
by David Gelman with Rich Thomas
A think tank
suggests that terrorism may become part of everyday life — numbing responses to
it
In a controversial book on the trial of Adolf Eichmann
more than two decades ago, the late Hannah Arendt coined the phrase «the
banality of evil» to describe the way in which a «terrifying normal» man
5
helped turn the
extermination of people into bureaucratic routine. Unthinking but obedient,
Eichmann under orders took genocide to a higher level of efficiency — and in so
doing, inured himself to all feelings of repentance or even responsibility. But
the unprecedented all too soon becomes precedent, Arendt wrote.
10
Now a study has found a
chilling analogue in the loose but global «infrastructure» that helps to
sustain terrorism worldwide. «To a certain extent,» says the report by Brian
M.Jenkins for the Rand Corp., terrorism has become «institutionalized. «Some
governments not only provide logistical backing and
15
sanctuary but designate
an agency to oversee relations with the terrorists. «Like any bureaucracy»,
says Jenkins, chief terrorism analyst for the California-based think tank,
«that agency competes for influence and budget, promises results and resists
dismantling.» Indeed, the report notes», a semipermanent subculture of
20
terrorism» is emerging with
overlapping personnel and some common sources of financing and weapons supply.
Jenkins acknowledges that his findings,
presented in early December to a seminar at Georgetown
25
University's Center for
Strategic and International Studies, offer little hope of a respite from the
current epidemic of assassinations, bombings and hijackings. Despite some
scattered successes in combating terrorist groups, incidents have been
increasing at an annual rate of about 12 to 15 percent. Even more
30
  alarming, there is an
apparent trend toward «large-scale indiscriminative violence» in everyday
locations— like the bomb that ripped through a Brighton hotel in 1984 where
British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was attending a Conservative Party
conference — or in airplanes or railroad stations resulting in
35
  multiple fatalities.
In one such incident, during a bloody splurge of terrorism last June, an
Air-India flight carrying 329 passengers plunged into the Atlantic, off
Ireland. Investigators suspect Sikh terrorists had planted a suitcase bomb
aboard the plane.
The escalation of violence may stem from the peculiar
and troubling relationship between terrorists and
40
the news media, in
Jenkin's view. That an airplane hijacking or the bombing of a crowded
marketplace will command headlines is no less axiomatic for the perpetrators
of the act than for those who report it. Yet as such events grow more
commonplace, terrorists can no longer count on instant public sensation or
45
  prominent coverage.
In fact, notes Jenkins, some kidnapping of minor U.S. government officials
abroad have not been reported by the press at all. Thus, in a curious way, the
sheer frequency of terrorist acts can be self defeating, he says. Terrorists
appear to be dealing with the problem with ever more spectacular
50
assaults. «They may
feel compelled to escalate their violence in order to keep public attention»,
his report theorizes, «or to recover coercive power lost as governments have
become more resistant to their
55
  demands.» Like most
students of the phenomenon, Jenkins seems more inclined to describe then
prescribe. «I can't think of any way you are going to eradicate international
terrorism», he confesses. «It's a condition, not a specific disease, and you
can treat the condition, but you can't cure it.» And the condition is apt to
60
 grow more
sophisticated, says Jenkins. «I know this seems like a bleak and unpromising picture.
But it's   what's there, it's what there is.»
The one consolation he seems to find is
that the mayhem may be self-limiting, since even terrorists should draw the
line at committing acts that would alienate the constituency they are trying to
reach or that
65
might provoke massive
reprisals. Yet that consideration did not deter such a ruthless venture as the
hijacking of the Achille Lauro.* In truth, the experts seem barely able even to
describe effectively any longer. As more and more splinter groups and competing
factions set out to distinguish themselves in the
70
busy arena of
international banditry, terrorist incidents seem to become more random, more
arbitrary in their targets, less connected to any identifiable cause. A year
ago, when a bomb tore through a Naples-Milan express train, killing 15
passengers and injuring more than 150, everyone from the neofascist Black

75     Order to the left-wing Red Brigades to an
Islamic guerrilla group claimed credit for the act.

*
Achille Lauro — An Italian cruise ship, hijacked by Palestinian terrorists in
1985. An American passenger in a wheelchair was murdered.
It is a disturbing thought that terrorism
has become routi nized — taking on, as historian Walter Laqueur noted in his
own 1977 study of the subject», a certain resemblance to the anonymous
character of a
80
multinational corporation.»
Even more disturbing, says Jenkins, is the prospect that it will merge into the
quotidian routine. As the media sharpens its techniques for instant coverage,
«we will see even more terrorism. The extraordinary security measures taken
against terrorism will have become a permanent part
85
of the landscape.»
That, he concludes, «may be the most insidious... development in the coming
years. Terrorism will become an accepted fact of contem porary life —
commonplace, ordinary, banal, and therefore somehow "tolerable".»
From: Newsweek, January 6, 1986

TWO
ANALOGIES FROM THE NOVELS OF CHINUA ACHEBE
An ANALOGY is a comparison that is set up between two
similar things. The usual reason for using analogies is to explain complex,
abstract ideas or unfamiliar things in terms of something concrete and
familiar: life may be compared with a journey, death with sleep, etc. The
following anecdote about Frederick the Great of Prussia uses analogy to present
an object lesson:
The king asked his guests at a state banquet to
explain why his revenues continued to shrink even though the taxes remained
heavy. An old general volunteered a demonstration. He called for a large chunk
of ice, held it up, then handed it to his neighbour. It was passed from hand to
hand around the table to the monarch. When it reached Frederick, it was the
size of a bean.*
Now consider the following analogy set up by a
character in a novel — Things Fall Apart — by the African writer Chinua Achebe.
(This novel dramatizes traditional Ibo life in its first encounter with
colonialism and Christianity at the turn of the century. It is the story of a
«strong» man whose life is dominated by fear and anger. Okonkwo is constantly
afraid that he, or his son Nwoya, will be like his father Unoka, who had been a
lazy, ineffectual man. To prove his strength he kills his adopted son at the
bidding of the priestess and the elders. His own son is grief-stricken at the
manner of his beloved brother's death and later becomes a Christian. Okonkwo
sees this as the fulfilment of his worst fears.)
Text A:
«Okonkwo was popularly called the «Roaring Flame». As
he looked into the log fire he recalled the name. He was a flaming fire.
How-then could he have begotten a son like Nwoya, degenerate and effeminate?
Perhaps he was not his son. No! He could not be. His wife had played him false.
He would teach her! But Nwoya resembled his grandfather Unoka, who was
Okonkwo's father. He pushed the thought out of his mind. He, Okonkwo, was
called a flaming fire. How could he have begotten a woman for a son? At Nwoya's
age Okonkwo had already become famous throughout Umuofia for his wrestling and
his fearlessness. He sighed heavily, and as if in sympathy the smoldering log
also sighed. And immediately Okonkwo's eyes were opened and he saw the whole
matter clearly. Living fire begets cold, impotent ash. He sighed again,
deeply.»
* From : Literary Terms: Definitions, Explanations, Examples
— by Raymond W. Barry and A.J. Wright
Exercise :
1. What is the complex phenomenon that Okonkwo is trying
to explain to himself by means of a concrete analogy?
2. What are the terms of the analogy (i.e., what are
the points of similarity that Okonkwo sees between the abstract and the
concrete phenomena?)
3. What significant differences can you think of between
the two terms of Okonkwo's analogy (differences which he overlooks)?
Text B: From: No Longer At Ease by Chinua
Achebe) (Obi, educated in Europe, wants to marry a girl from his tribe whose
family belongs to a sacred caste. Such a marriage is forbidden by their
tradition [it is taboo]. His old father Nwoya cannot let him go against their
ancestral tradition, even though he is a Christian.)
«There was a long silence. The lamp was now burning
too brightly. Obi's father turned down the wick a little and then resumed his
silence. After what seemed ages he said: I know Josiah Okeke very well». He was
looking steadily in front of him. His voice sounded tired. «I know him and I
know his wife. He is a good man and a great Christian. But he is osu {taboo}.
Naaman, Captain of the host of Syria, was a great man and honorable, he was
also a mighty man of valour, but he was a leper.» He paused so that this great
and felicitous analogy might sink in with all its heavy and dreadful weight.
Osu is like leprosy in the minds of our people. I beg of you, my son, not to
bring the mark of shame and of leprosy into your family. If you do, your
children and your children's children unto the third and fourth generations
will curse your memory. It is not for myself.
I speak: my days are few. You will bring sorrow on
your head and on the heads of your children. Who will marry your daughters?
Whose daughters will your sons marry? Think of that, my son.»
Exercise:
1. What are the terms of the comparison here (i.e.
which abstract concept is being compared with what physical phenomenon)?
2. What difference between the terms being compared
will Obi have to overlook if he is to accept the validity of the analogy that
his father sets up?
3. a. What are the advantages of using analogy instead
of rational analysis as a means of explaining and understanding a complex
abstract phenomenon?
b. What are the dangers inherent in relying upon
analogy as a method of explanation and/or understanding?
c. What is the father's purpose in using the analogy
(what effect does he hope it will have on his son's behavior)?
d. Does it matter, for the father's purpose, that
there are significant differences between the things he compares in his
analogy?
e. Should it matter to his son that there are actually
significant differences between the terms in his father's analogy?

THE ECONOMETRICS SYSTEM
by William J. Reynolds
1.Last year Lawrence R.Klein, professor of economics
at the University of Pennsylvania, became the ninth American to win the Nobel
Prize in Economics since the category's inception in 1968. Klein's prize,
5   and its $215,000 purse, was awarded for
no single endeavor, but for Klein's trailblazing efforts in the refinement and
further development of the economic device call econometrics.
2.No, econometrics doesn't seek to determine the
ramifications of converting to grams and liters.
10
 Econometrics is
perhaps best thought of as a tool by which economic theories-abstract ideas —
are empirically tested and expressed in quantitative terms (i.e., hard
numbers).
3.While the roots of econometrics can be
traced to the 1830s (in such works as Antoine Augustin
15
Coumot's «Recherches
surles principes mathematiques de la theorie des richesse», 1938), the seminal
work came about in the 1930s. With the world economy in the grip of a
monumental global depression, the need for developing a way to accurately
predict the effects of economic policy became obvious. Jan Tinberg of
20  the Netherlands established much of the
groundwork then, examining the inter dependence of separate factors — variables
such as productivity, consumption, employment, national income, retail prices
and the usual economic catch phrases — within an economic system, and even
beyond: who can dispute that the
25   policies enacted
in the other economies affect our own?
4. For his work Tinberg was awarded a Nobel Prize in 1969, but
it is Lawrence Klein who is acknowledged as having made the first practical
application of econometrics in the 1950s, by using modem
30
 computer-coded tools
of statistical analysis to verify Tinberg's idea of interrelationship and to
express those relationships quantitatively, in terms of mathematical formulae.
5.These formulae are arrived at by
painstaking recording the historical movements of goods and services
35  throughout an
economy's various sectors — government, capital formation, household goods,
etc. The historical relationships of these sectors are studied and applied to
the construction of equations that attempt to forecast, for instance, how a
given change in total after-tax income, coupled with a change in wholesale
prices, is likely to affect consumption.
40      6. Basic cause-and-effect, right?
But it takes a comprehensive set of equations to account for all of the
significant variables and what will happen to them all — simultaneously — if
something changes. This set
45
 composes an
econometric model and, since the model is only as good as the data it can
accommodate, a valid model must contain literally scores of formulae. At
Pennsylvania, Klein works with a model that strives to describe the total
global economy — and which contains over 1,000 individual variables.
50
   7. Lately the
validity of existing econometric models — specifically, their forecasting
abilities — has been questioned. The severity of recent economic occurrences
such as the 1974 recession and the significant inflation of a year ago were
not indicated in the forecasts. There is concern among some econo mists that
55
the historical
assumptions on which current econometrics is based may no longer be wholly
applicable.
8. Nonetheless, economists and those who
rely on economic information are in no hurry to disavow themselves of any association
with econometrics. Just last year, Business Week was publishing regular
60  quarterly
forecasts based on information retrieved from Klein's system-model. Econometric
predictions might not be letter-perfect, but they're the best predictions available,
at least by dint of being the only ones available.
9. And since economists, like
meteorologists, will forever be called upon to make predictions, they will
65  forever seek to
fine-tune, improve and even reinvent their going-out-on-a-limb tools. If
there's such a thing as perpetual motion, this must surely be it.
10. No wonder economics is called the dismal science.
Exercise
1. (General Question) This article can be divided into
five sections. The paragraph divisions for sections I and II and the
sub-titles for sections I and V are given below. Fill in the missing paragraph
numbers and sub-titles.
I. Term «Econometrics» Introduced               1
II.___________________________ 2
III.__________________________ __

IV.__________________________ __
Current Status of Econometrics        __
2.
Fill in the empty spaces in the table below, giving date, name, and contribution
to the history of econometrics.

Date

Name

Contribution to
  the history of Econometrics

Recherches sur
  les principes mathematiques de la theorie de richesse

Lawrence Klein

1930s

3.
What caused Jan Tinberg
to develop his theory?
a.
the research ofAugustin
Coumot
b.
the depression of the
1930"s
c.  the interdependence of economic variables
d. the effects of other economic systems on our own
4.
What word in the text
means the same as «factors»
(1.21)?________
5. Between the following phrases, insert the best
mathematical symbol to reflect the meaning of the phrase beginning on 1.37-39,
«how a given change.....consumption.»

5.
Klein's econometric
model contains over 1,000 variables because

a.
there are 1,000
significant variables in economics
b.
the validity of the
model depends upon its completeness
c.
the model attempts to
forecast the economy of the entire world.
d.  the validity of econometrics has been questioned
6.
In paragraph 6,
Reynolds gives a definition of econometrics.
In what earlier paragraph has he also given a
definition of econometrics? ____
8. The example of Business Week publishing Klein's
forecasts (11.53) is meant to show that

9. The current opinion
of econometrics held by the experts is that

a.
it contains over 1,000
variables
b.
it is valid for
forecasting economic changes
c.
it is based on
assumptions which are no longer valid
d.
although it is not
perfect, it is the only economic forecasting tool available
10. «Going-out-on-a-limb tools» (11.65-66) are tools
for
11. «This» (1.67) refers to __________________

SUBSISTENCE
ALLOWANCE
by Erich Fromm from The Sane Society, 1955
A hundred years ago it was a widely accepted belief
that no one had responsibility for his neighbour. It was assumed and
scientifically «proved» by economists that the laws of society made it
necessary to have a
5
vast army of poor and
jobless people in order to keep the economy going. Today, hardly anybody would
dare to voice this principle any longer. It is generally accepted that nobody
should be excluded from the wealth of the nation, either by the laws of nature,
or by those of society. The rationalisations which were
10
current a hundred years
ago, that the poor owed their condition to their ignoranee, lack of
responsibility — briefly to their «sins»— are outdated. In all Western
industrialized countries a system of insurance has been introduced which
guarantees everyone a minimum of subsistence in case of unemployment, sickness
and
15
old age. It is only one
step further to postulate that, even if these conditions are not present,
everyone has the right to receive the means to subsist. Practically speaking,
that would mean that every citizen can claim
20
a sum — enough for the
minimum of subsistence — even though he is not unemployed, sick or aged. He can
demand this sum if he has quit his job voluntarily, if he wants to prepare
himself for another type of work, or for any personal reason which prevents him
from earning money, without falling under one of the
25
categories of the
existing insurance benefits, in short, he can claim this subsistence minimum
without having to have any «reason». It should be limited to a definite period
of time, let us say two years, so as to avoid the fostering of a neurotic
attitude which refuses any kind of social obligations.
30
This may sound like a
fantastic proposal, but so would our insurance system have sounded to people a
hundred years ago. The main objection to such a scheme would be that if each
person were entitled to receive minimum support, people would not work. This
assumption rests on the fallacy of the inherent
35
laziness in human
nature; actually, aside from neurotically lazy people, there would be very few
who would not want to earn more than the minimum, and would prefer to do
nothing rather than work!
However, the suspicions against a system of
guaranteed subsistence minimums are not unfounded from
40
the standpoint of those
who want to use ownership of capital for the purpose of forcing others to
accept the work conditions they offer. If nobody were forced to accept work in
order not to starve, work would have to be sufficiently interesting and
attractive to induce one to accept it. Freedom of contract is possible only if
45
both parties are free
to accept and reject it; in the present capitalist system this is not the case.
But such a system would be not only the
beginning of real freedom of contract between employers and
50  employees; it
would also enhance tremendously the sphere of freedom of interpersonal
relationship between person and person in daily life.

SUBSISTENCE ALLOWANCE
Exercise
1. What aspect of the prevailing capitalist system was
Fromm complaining about?
2. In what way would his proposal, if adopted,
alleviate this problem?
3. Who does he see as the likely enemies of his
proposal?
4. What does Fromm imply is one reason for the lack of
freedom of interpersonal relationships between persons in daily life?
IT'S ALL
GREEK
What's
distinctive about the following text?
Democrat Michael Dukakis* is better at POLITICS than
economics, better at TACTICS than STRATEGY, lacks CHARISMA and has an ORTHODOX
BUREAUCRATIC PERSONA; he can SYNTHESIZE ETHNIC blocs, and is a PRAG-MATIST,
nor a DEMAGOGUE. What's distinctive is that all the key words derive from
Greek. Those who find Mr.Dukakis's origins EXOTIC may be astonished to find they
have been speaking Greek all their lives.
Some 2,500 years ago, with epic results, rocky Attica
and its city-states plunged into fissionable arguments over HISTORY, ETHICS,
PHILOSOPHY, THEOLOGY, PHISICS, CHEMISTRY, GEOGRAPHY, MATHEMATICS, ASTRONOMY,
SOCIOLOGY, and PSYCHOLOGY - every word a Greek compound.
«Cracy» is Greek for rule or government, and «demos»
are the people; similar compounds yielded ARISTOCRACY, PLUTOCRACY and
THEOCRACY. ANARCHY is Greek for absence of government, OLIGARCHY for rule by
the few. TYRANY is a Hellenic word, so is DESPOT, as is their NEMESIS the
TYRANNICIDE.
«Polis» pertains to a city-state, and «ic» to a body
ofknowledge; hence POLITICS — and by the same LOGIC (from «logos» or word)
TACTICS, PHYSICS, STATISTICS,. «Doxy» is opinion or DOCTRINE; hence, ORTHODOXY
and HETERODOXY. «Ology» is a branch of knowledge; hence, THEOLOGY , ASTROLOGY
and COSMOLOGY. PRAGMATIC is from «pragmaticos,» meaning versed in state
affairs. And «CHARISMA» stems from the word for gift, which, according to
ancient ETHNIC (from the word for nation) slander, is to be regarded warily
when the bearer is Greek. Over to you, Governor Dukakis.
* Michael Dukakis was the Democratic Party Candidate
for President of the U.S.A. who ran against President Bush (the Republican
Party Candidate) in the 1988 election. Dukakis is of Greek origin.
Exercise:
A. Using a College Level English-English dictionary,
look up the following words and write next to each the word (and its
definition) from which the English word derives. [Word derivations are usually
given in brackets at the end of the list of definitions.] 1. economics 2.
tactic 3. strategy 4. orthodox 5. synthesis 5. analysis 7. ethnic 8. cosmos 9.
legal 10. social
B. Which of the words are not Greek in origin? From
what language do they derive?

THE
MYSTERY OF LANGUAGE
-HOW DID LANGUAGE BEGIN?
by Ann Finkbeiner
Cavemen would come to need what all languages provide
ways to distinguish between cause and effect, present and past, real and
unreal, state and process. They'd need a way to show specificity, so that
«Let's
5
have lamb for supper»
could not be  confused with «Let's eat Fluffy.» We can figure what cavemen
would eventually need to say: anthropologists and physiologists who study
ancient skulls can even guess when they came to say it. But there are no fossil
clues to how language began. Perhaps something could be
10
deduced from animal
communication. Chimpanzees, for example, have been taught to converse in sign
language, and some theorists suggest that human language began as a system of
gestures or with calls of alarm. Others object, as no one can conclusively
trace a line from animallike commu nications to the subtle,
15
complex language humans
use.
THE INNATE
ELEMENT
The majority of linguists — though by no means a
consensus — believe humans’ ability to learn language is at least in part
innate, that it is somehow woven into our genetic makeup. Noam Chomsky,
20
theorist at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, proposes a specific neurological program
that enables children to learn to use grammatically correct structures instead
of nonsensical ones. Children, says Chomsky, cannot learn language solely on
the basis of what they are taught, and in any case they learn it
25
 too quickly for that
to be true. But evidence for a genetic program is hard to come by. Children
learn language in an intensely verbal environment, and linguists cannot maroon1)
babies in a desert laboratory. Oddly, a few circumstances do resemble
marooning. Some children bom deaf will invent a system of signs
30
  their parents do not
use. And more provocatively, children will use creoles2), a class of
languages that arise when speakers of mutually unintelligible languages are
thrown into persistent contact.
Derek Bickerton, linguist at the University
of Hawaii in Honolulu, believes that Creoles provide
35  evidence for an
innate language program. Creoles — more than a hundred are known — generally
appeared when the slave trade and European colonialism forced great numbers of
people who spoke different languages to work together.
40      Because no
one, for example, spoke Haitian Creole French before 1630, nor Hawaiian Creole
English before 1880, linguists have been able to look at not only the
grammatical structure of Creoles but also their development.
Notes:  [1] maroon: to abandon in a place where no one
lives with no means of getting away
[2] Creole: an American or West Indian language which
is a combination of a European language and one or more others.
Typically, a community of workers would first speak a
pidgin3). They would use the vocabulary of their
45
bosses with part of
whatever grammar, was native to them. Pidgins are makeshift, inefficient
languages with grammatical features not common to all speakers. The workers'
children, however, spoke a Creole. The children's vocabulary didn't differ from
pidgin, but they used a common grammar, which, according to
50
 Bickerton, is unlike
any they could have heard. Remarkably, all Creoles share similar grammar.
Creoles, then, appear to solve some of the
same problems tense, for example — in the same way. In
55  Hawaiian Creole
English, «walk» is past tense only; «bin walk» means «had walked»; «stay walk»
is continuing action, as in «I am walking» or «I was walking», and «I bin stay
walk» means — «I had been walking.» Very similar tense systems are used in all
other Creoles, whatever their vocabularies.
LINGUISTIC
NEWBORNS
60
— Languages from
different times, in different countries, with different vocabularies that still
have common grammatical features? How does that bear on the origin of
language? According to some linguists it doesn't. Languages spread, of course,
and Creoles may have linguistic roots in the pidgins that arose as
65
early Portuguese
traders travelled through West Africa. Bickerton, however, sees Creoles as
linguistic newborns, and he believes that Creole grammar reflects Chomsky's
innate program for ordering language.
As Bickerton explains it, all children grow
up in an environment relentlessly speaking Japanese, French,
70
English, etc. But they
draw on the same innate grammar that gives rise to Creoles. Linguists have long
known that as children learn their parents' language they make certain mistakes
systematically. Dan Slobin of the University of California at Berkeley has
studied children's mistakes across at least a dozen different
75
languages. When
comparing their errors to Creole grammar, says Slobin, «the resemblance is
striking.» For example, many children, like creole speakers, use a negative
subject with a negative verb. «Nobody don't
80
like me» a child will
say; or in Guyanese Creole, «No dog did not bite no cat.» And neither child nor
creole user asks questions by changing word order; they question by intonation
alone: «You can fix this?»
Notes:   [3] Pidgin: a mixture of two or more languages
especially as used between people who do not speak each other's language.
CULTURAL DEMANDS
In Bickerton's scenario, then, a caveman's language
would have structurally resembled a Creole. Succeeding generations of cavemen,
like the developing child, would have suited language to environment.
85
Different cultures make
different demands on language. «Biological language,» says Bickerton, «remained
right where it was, while cultural language rode off in all directions.» But
when culture is uprooted — the
90
slave trade, for
example — our biological rules for ordering language are still at home.
Reactions to Bickerton's hypothesis are
mixed. Not only might Creoles be descended from other languages, but some
linguists doubt that the child who uses a Creole qualifies as «marooned», for
he still
95  grows up hearing
language. And many  people question Bickerton's interpretation of those
grammatical similarities.
A few linguists do believe Bickerton is on
to something. «On the whole,» says John Rickford of
100 Stanford
University, whose native language is Guyanese Creole, «Bickerton might 100 have
his left sock on his right foot, but in the long run I think he's going to be
dressed.» Even if there is an innate component to language, which isn't a new
idea, it doesn't solve the mystery of how such a Chomsky-type program
105 arose. The
origins of language remain obscured in our evolutionary past.
from Current,
Sept. 1984
Exercise:
1. «linguists cannot maroon babies in a desert
laboratory.» (1.27)
(a) If they could do this — what scientific experiment
would they be able to carry out?
(b) What theory would their results either confirm or
disprove?
2. What are the two circumstances mentioned which «do
resemble marooning» (1.28) In what way?
3. What do the different Creoles have in common?
4. What theory about how children learn language does
this fact about Creoles seem to support?
5. What are some of the reservations that other
linguists have with regard to Bickerton's hypothesis concerning Creoles?

THE TASK OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY
by Bertrand
Russell
The most important effect of machine production on the
imaginative picture of the world is an immense increase in the sense of human
power. This is only an acceleration of a process which began before the
5
dawn of history, when
men diminished their fear of wild animals by the invention of weapons and
their fear of starvation by the invention of agriculture. But the acceleration
has been so great as to produce a radically new outlook in those who wield the
powers that modern technique has created. In the old days, mountains and
waterfalls were natural phenomena; now, an inconvenient mountain can be
abolished and a convenient
10
waterfall can be
created. In the old days, there were deserts and fertile regions; now, the
desert can, if people think it worthwhile, be made to blossom like the rose,
while fertile regions are turned to deserts by in
15
 sufficiently
scientific optimists. In the old days, peasants lived as their parents and
grandparents had lived and believed as their parents and grandparents had
believed; not all the power of the Church could eradicate
20
pagan ceremonies, which
had to be given a Christian dress by being connected with local saints. Now the
authorities can decree what the children of peasants shall learn in school, and
can transform the mentality of agriculturalists in a generation. One gathers
that this has been achieved in Russia.
25
There thus arises,
among those who direct affairs or are in touch with those who do so, a new
belief in power: first, the power of man in his conflicts with nature, and then
the power of rulers as against the human beings whose beliefs and aspirations
they seek to control by scientific propaganda, especially in
30
education. The result
is that fixity is diminished; no change seems impossible. Nature is raw
material; so is that part of the human race which does not effectively
participate in government. There are certain old conceptions which represent
men's belief in the limits of human power; of these the two chief are God and
53
truth. Such conceptions
tend to melt away; even if not explicitly negated, they lose importance, and
are retained only superficially. This whole outlook is new, and it is impossible
to say how mankind will adapt itself to it. It has already produced immense cataclysms,
and will, no doubt, produce others in the future. To
40
frame a philosophy
capable of coping with men intoxicated with the prospect of almost unlimited
power and also with the apathy of the powerless is the most pressing task of
our time.
From Bertrand Russell, History of Western Philosophy
(1945).

From:

«PRICING
THE PRICELESS CHILD»*

*
For an elaboration of the theme of this text, see «The Genesis of the Modem
Toy,» in Pan III.
by Viviana A.
Zelizer
I will argue that the expulsion of children from the
«cash nexus»** at the turn of the past century, although clearly shaped by
profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures, was
5    also part of a cultural process
of«sacralization»  of children's lives. The term sacralization is used in the

        sense of objects being invested with sentimental or religious meaning.
While in the nineteenth century the market value of children was culturally
acceptable, later the new normative ideal of the child as an
10    exclusively emotional and  affective asset
precluded instrumental or fiscal considerations. In an increasingly
commercialized world, children were reserved a separate, noncommercial place.
The economic and sentimental value of children were thereby declared to be
radically incompatible. Only mercenary or
15    insensitive parents violated the boundary
by accepting the wages or labor contributions of useful child. Properly loved
children, regardless of social class, belonged in a domesticated, nonproductive
world of lessons, games, and token money. It was not a simple process. At every
step working class and middle-class
20    advocates of a useful childhood battled the
social construction of the economically useless child.

**
Cash nexus — the money system

Exercise:
1.According to the American College Dictionary,
«asset» (1.9) means «a useful thing or a quality» — or — «an item of property.»
a. What definition seems to apply here?
b. The writer is being ironical when he modifies the
word «asset» with the terms «exclusively emotional» and «affective.» (Usually
we expect our «assets» to have qualities of a very different sort.) Who, or
what, do you suppose he is poking fun at here? (I.e., which social classes can
afford to hold on to «exclusively emotional» and useless property? Which one cannot?)
2. What is the implied connection between the fact
that the world was being «increasingly commercialized» (1.10) and the fact that
people who could afford to live without their children's «wages or labor
contributions» (1.15) began to insist that «chirdren...belonged in a
domesticated, nonproductive world of lessons, games, and token money»
(11.16-18)?
3. «Properly loved children» (1.16)
a. Who (or what social class) decided what the
«proper» way to love a child was? (Can there be any one «proper» way to love?)
b. Which social classes had other ideas about this?
4. How has the writer previously prepared us to
understand the last sentence as implying that a «useful childhood» is not
necessarily a bad thing, while an «economically useless child» is not
necessarily good thing?

From:
«THE FRENZY OF RENOWN»
by Leo Baudy (New
York Times Book Review (4.9.86)
The fame that is spiritually justifying purports to
compensate for the social uneasiness of being successful. By now, almost
everyone has heard the innumerable stories of the trap of fame and glory. But
5
most still strive, for
part of the promise of modern fame is that you and you alone will be able to do
it differently, surmounting the past because you have learned from or ignored
its examples. Once the spiritual fulfillment promised by modern fame is given,
goes its myth, it can never be taken away. In the face of the
10
myriad identities and
demands of a more populous world, the spiritual glow conveyed by being
recognized means finally not having to say who you are. Touched by the magic
wand of this secular religion, the aspirant moves beyond the usual social
context of achievement to a place where there is no career, no
15
progress, no advance,
no change — only the purity of being celebrated for being oneself.The
aspiration to such purity restates the close relation fame has always had to
both death and transfiguration: the desire to find a place where one may live
untarnished and uncorrupted throughout the ages.
Exercise:
1.
«purports
to compensate for the social uneasiness» (11.1-2)
a. What is the subject of
the verb purports? ________
b. «to purport» means to profess, to assert, to claim,
or to convey some idea, meaning, intention, or significance. That is its
PRIMARY MEANING. Its SECONDARY MEANING or CONNOTATION is «to lay claim,
INSINCERELY, or FALSELY, to some idea, meaning, intention or significance
(i.e., ptetense of some sort.) i. What pretense is the writer referring to
here? _____ ii. What (in the following sentence) makes it clear that the idea of
a «pretense» or false claim is what he has in maind? ______________________
2. «But the most still strive» (1.4)
The word «still» here means «nevertheless». The
statement tells us that most people continue to strive for something nevertheless
(i.e., even though one would expect them not to do so).
a. What do they continue to strive for? _____________
b. Why would one expect them not to do so? ________
3. «that you and you alone» (1.5)
a. The pronoun «you» refers to _______________
b. What special effect is achieved by introducing the
pronoun here?
4. «surmounting the past» (1.6) means____________
5. «its myth» (1.8) refers to the myth associated with
___
6. «In the face ... you are» (11.9-12)
Living as we do in a «more populous world» (1.10)
requires that we be capable of assuming «myriad identities» and responding to
many «demands» (11.9)
a. what sort of escape does fame promise from the
demands being made upon us?    ______________________
7. Consider the list of concepts in 11.14-15
(«career», «progress», «advance» and «change»):
a. Do they usually have a positive or negative CONNOTATION?
b. What does the statement in 11.12-16 («Touched by
... being oneself») suggest about the relationship between these concepts and
being famous?_____________________
c. What is surprising about this suggested
relationship?
8. «Purity» (1.15) refers to the condition of being
pure or free of anything that debases (reduces the quality or value) or
contaminates (makes impure by contact or mixture).
a. In the context of this passage, does «purity» have
a positive or a negative connotation? (i.e., is it desirable or undesirable)
9. «The aspiration ... the ages.» (1.16-end)
a. What are the usual connotations of «death»? ______

b. What are the usual connotations of «transfiguration»___

c. What are the usual connotations of «fame»?_______
d. What is surprising about the statement that «fame»
and «death» and «transfiguration» have always been in «close relation» to one
another?
10. What finally are the connotations of «fame» in the
context of this particular passage?

BOOK II
PART IV
LONGER READING

LEARNING
THE HARD WAY

How to Help
Children Triumph
Over Learning
Disabilities
by Melinda Blau

     (1) By the time she was in the twelfth
grade, Jessica Dupont* thought she was retarded. In the early years, she had
fooled teachers by memorizing the lessons her classmates read aloud. When she
was twelve and her parents separated, she  began to pull out her hair —
literally. She was labeled emotionally disturbed. Her divorced parents argued
over who had done the most harm, and Jessica continued to fail — and suffer.

*
The names of all of the parents and children in this article have been changed

10
    (2) At fifteen,
Jason Leigh had retired — from school, from his classmates, from the basketball
team. Withdrawn, angry, he turned to drugs. When his school suggested he go
elsewhere, his parents grounded him and said he'd better start working harder —
or else. They felt guilty and frustrated, not to mention
15
angry at the expensive
private schools and tutors they had paid over the years to correct Jason's
«reading problem».

(3)Michael Elliott was a sickly child who had been in and out of the hospital
more times than his mother
      could count.
When Pamela Elliott began taking him around to various kindergartens, every
interviewer told
20 her the same
thing: «He's bright, but»... At the end of first grade it still took Michael
fifteen minutes to read c-a-t, his school said that was the fault of his
parents and advised them to see a psychiatrist.
            (4)
Nicholas Sandford was a failure by the time he was in nursery school. He
couldn't draw an X or
25  pronounce words
correctly or run down the block without tripping over his feet. He was the
sandbox bully, always hitting other children or taking their toys. His mother
blamed herself and eventually sought psychological help for Nicky.
30
    (5) Jessica and
Jason and Michael and Nicky are among the millions of American children who
find themselves labeled slow learners, retarded, emotionally disturbed. Their
parents and teachers often call them difficult, frustrating, even bad. Yet all
of these children are of average or above-average intelligence,
35
they are considered
psychologically normal, and they have normal sight and hearing. But they just
aren't like their peers, and they never will be: their brains are structurally
different. Recent research utilizing brainscanning devices points to an
underlying neurophysiological basis for their problems.
40     (6) The fashionable abbreviation for
their condition is «LD», which stands for «learning disability», «learning
disorder», or «learning difficulty», depending on one's orientation. Some
therapists prefer «learning difference», which implies not so much a disorder
as a condition that needn't be stigmatized.
45
    (7) Last year,
70,000 New York City public-school students were classified as learning
disabled. But there are probably 50,000 to 290,000 more children with LDs in
this city who were not counted because they haven't been diagnosed or because
they are in private or parochial schools: There were 1.2 million
50
 students in
kindergartens through twelfth grade in the city during the 1986-1987 school
year, and most experts estimate that from 10 to 30 percent of the school population
has some form of learning disorder.
55
    (8) Parents of
children with LDs are often confused, guilty, angry, and isolated. They don't
understand why their Jane or Johnny isn't learning, especially if they have
shelled out $5,000 to $10,000 a year to make sure he or she does. The fact that
some of the greatest minds in history (Einstein and da Vinci, for instance)
60
have triumphed over
this «hidden handicap» is of little consolation to the mother who sees her
eight'year old straining to put his right shoe on his right foot.
      (9) Not even the wisest parents can eliminate a
learning disorder — their children have, simply stated, a different kind of
mind. Nor can parents alter the reality that most schools — even private
schools — are not prepared to teach these children. But parents can make a
difference: their nurturing can help their learning-disabled child function
even flourish — despite the disability, instead of growing into a fearful human
being who backs away from life.
70
(10) «When we talk about
a learning disability, we're talking about a difficulty in acquiring,
retrieving, storing, processing, using or expressing information», explains
Lynne Hacker, a speech-and-language
75
pathologist whose
private practice is devoted solely to helping children, adolescents, and adults
with LDs.
(11) The term «dyslexia», often used
interchangeably with «learning disability», refers specifically to any type of
problem with language, whether it's speaking, listening, reasoning, understanding,
reading,
80  writing,
spelling, or even arithmetic, which  is a type of language. Many children have
more than one problem. «The label is not as important as understanding where
and how the disability affects children and finding out what can be done to
help them». Hacker says.
85
     (12) Parents who
don't understand how a learning difference affects behavior may unwillingly
form an alliance with the legions of educators throughout the child's school
career who can't explain his erratic performance. Teachers may call the child
lazy or willful, or say he's bright but doesn't apply himself, or
90
commend his insightful
comments but wonder why his intellect is not reflected in the tests he takes
and the homework he turns in. («He» is used for simplicity's sake. Psychologist
Rosa Hagin, a professor in the Graduate School of Education at Fordham
University, disputes the traditional assumption that learning
95
 disorders occur for or
five times more frequently in boys than in girls. She has concluded, based on
her testing of 10,000 young children in New York City and suburban public
schools, that boys more frequently get the LD label because they tend to
express their frustrarion through disruptive behavior, while girls
100
generally respond by
becoming quiet and withdrawn).
(13) Irritated parents compound the problem
by punishing, blaming, accusing. «Why aren't you listening?» and «How many
times do I have to tell you?» are common cries. Because they know that the
105 child is bright,
they suspect him of «conning» them, of purposely testing their limits. But
these children can't read visual signals the way other people do, so when a
teacher or parent is about to explode, the child literally doesn't know when to
quit.
110    (14) Believing
their parents and teachers are against them, many children give up. Jessica
Dupont was one of them. Even though she sometimes had as many as five tutors,
she couldn't keep up in school. Neither her teachers nor the professionals who
tutored her understood that giving Jessica more of what she was getting in
school just wouldn't help her learn.
115    (15) «I felt like I was a complete
failure», Jessica says. «I was the sttipid one — my sister was smart. Every
time a report card came out, I got yelled at. My parents thought I had no
motivation. Eventually I didn't have any desire to study».
120
   (16) Carole Dupont
is still amazed that no one at any of the elite private schools she chose ever
identified her daughter's problem. «I couldn't understand why every year she
was having so much trouble just passing. She was so quick. I knew something
was wrong. In fourth grade, I asked the teacher if she
125
thought that Jessica
had some type of learning disability. Her only remark was a condescending
«Don't compare her to her older sister».
(17) How can a child know how to spell or
read a word one day and forget it the next? What makes him
130 reply «Fine» to
the question «How old are you?»? Why should a bright child of nine still have
trouble telling time?
(18) Some neurologists believe that the
dyslexic brain is «wired» differently from the non-dyslexic brain. According to
their theory, the right hemisphere of a learning-disable child's brain is
larger than the
135 left hemisphere.
These researchers suspect that during the second trimester of pregnancy, cells
that should migrate from the right side to the language centers in the left
side don't get there but rather end up in the frontal lobe, where they do not
mature.
140     (19) A child with this kind of
anomalous brain will have tremendous difficulty learning by conventional
teaching methods geared to the «normal» brain. But if given help, an LD child
can overcome the obstacles he faces: language therapy tailored to the workings
of the dyslexic brain can teach it to compensate for its deficiencies and
maximize its strengths.
145    (20) A
learning difficulty can be inherited. The child's mother
or father may have done poorly in school and may still
not be much of a reader; his grandfather's bad handwriting and terrible
spelling may be the stuff of family legend. Such problems may be indications
that the parent or grandparent had an LD.

150
    (21) Signs of a
dyslexic child's problems in processing language usually surface long before
he goes to   school. He may speak a jargon that only the family understands,
or, at 30 months, fail to speak even two
155
word sentences. (Early
motor development may also be slow or uneven.) He may be incapable of
remembering the order of words in a nursery rhyme or become bewildered when
given simple directions, especially if they involve top and bottom, first and
last, or other time and space concepts. He may confuse
160
or forget the names of
things. As one five-year-old puts it, «Me brain good, but me brain forgets».
(22) As they get older, the same children
whose charming mispronunciations — «psgetti», perhaps, or «aminal» — dotted
their early conversations, may continue to talk «baby talk» because they don't
165 understand which
sound accompanies which letter or the order in which they hear certain sounds.
They may be unable to distinguish among p,b and d, learn words by
sight-recognition, or write letters without reversing them. Although many of
these problems occur in all early readers, they usually disappear by the end of
the first grade.
170
   (23) By fourth
grade, children with LDs who have not been diagnosed may lag behind their peers
by several grade levels, especially in reading. The gaps are puzzling; the
children may be able to do tough
175
math equations in their
heads or reason through complex questions in science, but make «stupid»
mistakes on more elementary material; they may tinker with electrical
circuitry, computers, and intricate modal kits but never read directions.
(24) Poor memory and difficulties with
language affect all aspects of these children's lives. By the time
180 they are in
junior or senior high, many students are walking disasters, and they are at
their worst in departmentalized settings. They may not be able to understand a
roster, find the right classroom, keep five different notebooks, or bring in
five different assignments. If they haven't gotten help from an educational
185 therapist trained
in learning difficulties, they will find it virtually impossible to handle
higher-level reasoning, such as making inferences an associations, rapidly
retrieving facts, using sophisticated language. And when they learn facts in a
particular order or context, they're lost if they have to use the information
in
190 a different way.
(25) The traits common to most dyslexics —
forgetfulness, disorganization, and inability to discern verbal or visual cues
— affect social behavior as well as academic performance. A child may not be
able to
195 follow his
mother's directions because his short-term memory is poor. He may be a sore
loser simply because he cannot grasp (or, perhaps, remember) the rules of
baseball (any more than he can grasp or remember the rules of language), he may
talk too loudly or too long or make inappropriate remarks because
200 he does not
comprehend the unwritten rules of conversation. And though disorganized rooms
are certainly not unique to children with LDs, very often such
external chaos — as well as disheveled clothing, cluttered bookbags, or messy
notebooks — is a reflection of inner turmoil.
205    (26) Emotional problems — from
tantrums in the early years to truancy and drug use later on — are a direct
result of the learning-disabled child's living life as a «failure». Rarely do
children become depressed, give up on schoolwork, or get into trouble because
they want to.
210
(27) «We have to
remember that children want to please their parents», says Naomi Stine, the
special-education coordinator at Junior High school 143 in the Bronx, who also
has a private practice in
215 Chappaqua and Scarsdale. She acknowledges that
parents will find it hard to accept the fact that their child has a learning
difficulty — but she urges parents to pay attention. «Especially in homes where
education is valued», she says, «if a child isn't doing well in school, parents
need to find out why».
From the New York magazine, September, 1988.
* «psgetti», for «spaghetti»
* «aminal», for «animal»

MAN OF WISDOM
                     by Robert Jastrow
1.
Starting about one
million years ago, the fossil record shows an accelerating growth of the human
brain. It expanded at first at the rate of one cubic inch1) of
additional gray matter every hundred
5
thousand years; then
the growth rate doubled; it doubled again, and finally it doubled once more.
Five hundred thousand years ago the rate of growth hit its peak. At that time
the brain was expanding at a phenomenal rate of ten cubic inches every hundred
thousand years. No other organ in the history of life is known to have grown as
fast as this2).
10      2.What pressures generated the
explosive growth of the human brain? A change of climate that set in about two
million years ago may supply part of the answer. At that time the world began
its descent into a great Ice Age, the first to afflict the planet in hundreds
of millions of years. The trend toward colder
15
weather set in slowly
at first, but after a million years patches of ice began to form in the north.
The ice patches thickened into glaciers as more snow fell, and then the
glaciers merged into great sheets of ice, as
20
much as two miles
thick. When the ice streets reached their maximum extent, they covered
two-thirds of the North American continent, all of Britain and a large part of
Europe. Many mountain ranges were buried entirely. So much water was locked up
on the land in the form of ice that the level of the earth's oceans
25
dropped by three hundred
feet. These events coincided precisely with the period of most rapid expansion
of the human brain. Is the coincidence significant, or is it happenstance?
3.The story of human migrations in the last
million years provides a clue to the answer. At the beginning
30  of the Ice Age
Homo 3) lived near the equator, where the climate was mild and pleasant. Later
he moved northward. From his birthplace in Africa 4) he migrated up across the
Arabian peninsula and then turned to the north and west into Europe, as well as
eastward into Asia.
35
   4.When these early
migrations took place, the ice was still confined to the lands in the far
north; but eight hundred thousand years ago, when man was already established
in the temperate latitudes, the ice moved southward until it covered large
parts of Europe and Asia. Now, for the first time, men encountered the
40
bone-chilling blasts of
freezing winds that blew off the cakes of ice to the north. The climate in
southern Europe had a Siberian harshness then, and summers were nearly as cold
as European winters are today.
5.In those difficult times, the traits of
resourcefulness and ingenuity must have been of premium value.
45
Which individual first
thought of stripping the pelt from the slaughtered beast to wrap around his
shivering limbs? Only by such inventive flights of the imagination could the
naked animal survive a harsh climate. In every generation, the individuals
endowed with the attributes of strength, courage, and improvisation were
50
the ones more likely to
survive the rigors of the Ice Age; those who were less resourceful, and lacked
the vision of their fellows, fell victims to the climate and their numbers
were reduced.
54
     6.The Ice Age
winter was the most devastating challenge that Homo had ever faced. He
was naked and defenseless against the cold, as the little mammals had been
defenseless against the dinosaurs one hundred million years ago. Vulnerable to
the pressures of a hostile world, both animals were forced to live by their
60
wits; and both became,
in their time, the brainiest animals of the day.
7.The tool-making industry of early man
also stimulated the growth of the brain. The possession of a good brain had
been one of the factors that enabled Homo to make tools at the start. But the
use of tools
65
became, in turn, a
driving force toward the evolution of an even better brain. The characteristics
of good memory, foresight, and innovativeness that were needed for tool-making
varied in strength from one individual to another. Those who possessed them in
the greatest degree were the practical heroes of their
70
day; they were likely
to survive and prosper, while the individuals who lacked them were more likely
to succumb to the pressures of the environment. Again these circumstances
pruned the human stock, expanding the centers of the brain in which past ex
periences were recorded, future actions were contemplated,
75
and new ideas were
conceived. As a result, from generation to generation the brain grew larger.
8.The evolution of speech may have been the
most important factor of all. When early man mastered the
80
loom of language, his
progress accelerated dramatically. Through the spoken word a new invention in
tool-making, for example, could be communicated to everyone; this way the
innovativeness of the individual enhanced the survival prospects of his
fellows, and the creative strength of one became the strength of all.
85
More important, through
language the ideas of one generation could be passed on to the next, so that
each generation inherited not only the genes of its ancestors but also their
collective wisdom, transmitted through the magic of speech.
9.A million years ago, when this magic was
not yet perfected, and language was a cruder art, those
90
bands of men who
possessed the new gift in the highest degree were strongly favored in the
struggle for existence. But the fabric of speech is woven out of many threads.
The physical attributes of a voice box, lips, and tongue were among the
necessary traits; but a good brain was also essential, to frame an abstract
95
thought or represent an
object by a word.
10. Now the law of the survival of the
fittest began to work on the population of early men. Steadily, the physical
apparatus for speech improved. At the same time, the centers of the brain
devoted to speech grew
100 in size and
complexity, and in the course of many generations the whole brain grew with
them. Once more, as with the use of tools, reciprocal forces came into play in
which speech stimulated better brains, and brains improved the art of speech,
and the curve of brain growth spiraled upward.
105
11 .Which factor played
the most important role in the evolution of human intelligence? Was it the
pressure of the Ice-Age climate? Or tools? Or language? No one
can tell, all worked together, through
110
Darwin's 5) law of
natural selection, to produce the dramatic increase in the size of the brain
that has been recorded in the fossil record in the last million years. The
brain reached its present size about one hundred thousand years ago, and its
growth ceased. Man's body had been shaped into its modem form several
115
hundred thousand years
before that. Now brain and body were complete. Together they made a new and
marvelous creature, charged with power, intelligence, and creative energy. His
wits had been honed by the fight against hunger, cold, and the natural enemy;
his form had been molded in the crucible of adversity. In
120
the annals of anthropology
his arrival is celebrated by a change in name, from Homo erectus-the Man who
stands erect-to Homo sapiens-the Man of wisdom.
12.The story of man's creation nears an
end. In the beginning there was light; then a dark cloud
125 appeared, and
made the sun and earth. The earth grew warmer; its body exhaled moisture and
gases; water collected on the surface; soon the first molecules struggled
across the threshold of life. Some survived; others perished; and the law of
Darwin began its work. The pressures of the environment acted ceaselessly, and
the forms of life improved.
130     13.The changes were imperceptible
from one generation to the next. No creature was aware of its role in the
larger drama; all felt only the pleasure and pain of existence; and life and
death were devoid of a greater meaning.
135
    14.But to the human
observer, looking back on the history of life from the perspective of many
eons, a meaning becomes evident. He sees that through the struggle against the
forces of adversity, each generation molds the shapes of its descendants.
Adversity and struggle lie at the root of evolutionary progress.
140
Without adversity there
is no pressure; without pressure there is no change.
15.These circumstances, so painful to the
individual, create the great currents that carry life forward from the simple
to the complex. Finally, man stands on the earth, more perfect than any other.
Intelligent,
145 self-aware, he
alone among all creatures has the curiosity to ask: how did I come into being?
What forces have created me? And, guided by his scientific knowledge, he comes
to the realization that he was created by all who came before him, through
their struggle against adversity.
1) One cubic inch is a heaping tablespoonful.
[Author's footnote].
2) If the brain had continued to expand at the same
rate, men would be far brainier today than they actually are. But after several
hundred thousand years of very rapid growth the expansion of the brain slowed
down and in the last one hundred thousand years it has not changed in size at
all. [Author's footnote].
3) Latin for «man».
4) Until recently, the consensus among anthropologists
placed the origin of man in Africa. However, some recent evidence suggests
that Asia may have been his birthplace.
[Author's footnote].
5) British naturalist Charles Darwin ( 1809-1882 )
theorized that all species of life evolved from lower forms through «natural
selection».
From: Thomas Cooley, The Norton Sampler, 1979.

JAPANESE EDUCATION
ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES
by Thomas P. Rohlen
1.
Contemporary Japan is
about as developed and organized a society as one can find in the world today.
It is a society where educational credentials and educated skills are central
to employment, to
5
promotion,and to social
status in general. It is not a society with a privileged traditional class, nor
is it one divided between a small, educated elite and the masses. Rather, the modern
sectors of Japan's economy require the skilled participation of nearly all
Japanese. Furthermore, Japan is a «meritocracy» shaped by an
10
educational competition
that enrolls nearly everyone. And this is fitting, for Japan is a nation that,
lacking natural resources, must live by its wits, by social discipline, and by
plain hard work.
2.It is not surprising, therefore, to
discover that during the last twenty years Japan has quietly been
15
establishing a new,
higher set of educational standards for the world. On a whole raft of
international tests of achievement in science and math, Japanese students
outperform all others. Japan's newspaper readership
20
level is the world's
highest. A considerably larger percentage of Japanese (90 percent) than
Americans (75 percent) or Europeans (mostly below 50 percent) finish the
twelfth grade, and greater proportion of males complete university B.A. degrees
in Japan than in other countries. Japanese children attend school about
25
fifty more days each
year than American students, which means that, by high-school graduation, they
have been in school somewhere between three and four more years than their
American counterparts. Added to this is the fact that requirements in all basic
subjects are heavier in Japan and that elementary-level education in art and
music is universal and quite advanced. No one now denies that this is a most
30
impressive portrait of
national achievement. Japan has succeeded in holding very high standards for
virtually its entire population, standards typical of elites in Western
countries. It would not be an exaggeration to say that in many respects the
upper half of Japan's graduating high-school students possess
35
a level of knowledge
and the analytic skills equivalent to the average American graduating from
college. Until several years ago, we hardly noted these accomplishments, and
the Japanese themselves never
40
boasted of them but
rather emphasized the costs incurred in achieving such success. One simple fact
cannot be ignored: Japanese education to the college level has been made into
an extraordinarily efficient engine for economic and social advancement.
Japan's standards are becoming ours through the agency of free trade.
3.Consider
the following sobering comparisons:

TOTAL
  EDUCATION EXPENDITURE AS A PERCENTAGE OF GNP

FOUR-YEAR-OLDS
  ATTENDING SCHOOL

STUDENTS
  GRADUATING FROM TWELFTH GRADE

AVERAGE
  DAILY HOURS OF HOMEWORK DURING HIGH SCHOOL

DAILY
  ABSENTEE RATE

JAPAN
UNITED
  STATES

JAPAN
UNITED
  STATES

JAPAN
UNITED
  STATES

JAPAN
UNITED
  STATES

JAPAN
UNITED
  STATES

6%
7%

63%
32%

90%
77%

2.0
0.5

VERY
  LOW
9%

45
4.What explains this
level of accomplishment? In the background most certainly are such things as
the long-standing respect for education held by the Japanese and the
traditional view that diligence in school is a path to greatness. It is also
true that Japanese society contains fewer social problems of the kind that
50
make mass public
education difficult. The country has few immigrants and few minorities. The
divorce and unemployment rates are quite low. Drug problems are minimal, and
juvenile delinquency is not as serious a problem as in this country. Such
profound social differences raise the question of whether our schools and
55
teachers might not
produce results equal to Japan's if only they had the same kind of student
population. In my opinion, the gap in results between the Japanese and American
system would shrink considerably. Acknowledging this, however, does not change
the fact of Japan's challenge, nor does it remove from
60
serious consideration
the question of whether there is much to be learned from Japan's approach.
5.Another explanation for the success of
Japanese schools centers on the firm hand of the national
65  Ministry of
Education in setting standards and curriculum for the country. Standards serve
as foundations for the entire effort, and the standards applied are equivalent
to those used for elite education in the United States and Europe. I will
return to this topic when we consider what might be learned from Japan.
70
    6.Very important,
too, is the motivation that stems from the nation's very competitive university
entrance exams. Pick up any of Japan's national newsmagazines in early spring,
and you are certain to find the lead story to be about these examinations. For
a brief time each year the ordeal of getting into college surpasses
75
political scandals,
international economic problems, and gossip about entertainers as the matter
most interesting and important to the reading public. Imagine Time and
Newsweek each publishing thirty or so pages of statistics documenting the
secondary school origins of new entrants to hundreds of universities, along
80
with details of the
tests, competition ratios, and no table study techniques. All this attention
(and anxiety) attests to the centrality of entrance examinations to Japanese
society. Schooling is geared to it, jobs are based on it, and families are
preoccupied with it. The obsession with entrance exams' is like a dark engine
85
powering the entire
school system. High national standards and entrance exams combine with a great
popular thirst for the benefits of education.
7.Economic prosperity has greatly bolstered
the demand for education — and the level of
90
competitiveness —
beyond the imagination of Americans. Accession rates to Japanese high schools
and universities have increased rapidly over the last quarter century. In 1950,
only 43 percent of all fifteen-year-olds were going on to high school, whereas
by 1975 the figure had risen to 98 percent. In 1950, only 7
95
percent of college-age
Japanese enrolled in higher education; today more than 40 percent are going on
to universities or junior colleges. The university population has swollen from
about half a million in 1950 to nearly two million. Universities are clearly
overcrowded and the quality of education has suffered greatly.
100
Only at the levels of
higher and graduate education does our system stand out as comparatively
strong.
8.Despite such problems, the ratio of
candidates to openings at almost any Japanese university starts at 3 to I and
rises to an average of 5 to I. Many private universities attract eight or nine
candidates per opening,
105 and competition
to gain entrance to departments that lead to degrees in medicine regularly
reaches a ratio of 20 to 1. The national total of applicant, furthermore,
annually exceeds the number of university openings by approximately 200,000.
The competition has grown excessive.
110
9. Many who fail to
enter the school of their choice decide to try again. They join a particular
category of students who have graduated from high school but have not yet
entered college. The main occupation of
115
this group is cramming
for the next annual round of entrance examinations. (As with the ancient
Chinese exam system, there is no limit on how many times one may try and no age
limit on applications). Known as ronin because they are akin to the
wandering, disenfranchised warrior-heroes made familiar by samurai
120
movies, these students
are very largely male and usually academically talented. Attracted to the best
universities, they prefer to persevere even for several years rather than to
accept a place at a lesser university. Their lonely pursuit of fame and glory
is often romanticized, but, in fact, it is a dreary, expensive
125
existence. The annual
ronin population is estimated at 140,000 young people, and approximately one in
every five male high-school graduates is fated to join this particular detour
in the system. At the prestigious Tokyo University, roughly half of the
successful applicants enter on the first try, one-third on the second,
130 and 10 percent after three or more tries. Each year
someone succeeds on his sixth or seventh attempt.
10.What kinds of examinations are involved?
Composed almost entirely of multiple-choice and short-answer questions, the
exams are designed to test (1) the comprehension of mathematical (highschool
math
135 goes beyond trigonometry) and
scientific principles (physics, chemistry, biology, and earth sciences are
required), and (2) the mastery of enormous bodies of factual material.
Economics, geography, history (European, Japanese, Chinese, and United States),
and English (six years) are required subjects. Every
140 question has but one correct answer.
Interpretive skills are not tested, but skills in math and science problem
solving are important, and the degree of detailed knowledge required can be
astounding. The level of factual knowledge necessary in the history sections
of the exams for the best universities would tax
145 American graduate students. In sum, the
exams are of the kind for which a capacity to grind away for years in
preparation makes a difference. Intelligence is quite necessary, but
self-discipline and willpower are equally essential. Furthermore, only the exam
results count toward admission. Highschool grades,
150 extracurricular activities, teachers'
recommendations, and special talents play virtually no role, except in a very
small percentags of experimental cases. It is hard to estimate just what
percentage of all the energy expended is wasted on useless cramming, but it is
consequential.
155
   11. Nothing better
illustrates the pressure to begin preparations early than the popularity of
cram schools, or juku, which today enroll one in three middle-school
students and one in four upper-elementary-school students across Japan. In
Tokyo and other large cities, fully two-thirds of all seventh, eighth, and
ninth
160
graders are either
attending cram schools or being tutored at home. Juku are privately run,
after-school academies designed to supplement public education. There are
juku for slow students, juku for average students, and juku
for bright students, in part because the public system has no gifted programs,
eschews
165
tracking within
schools, and offers no individually paced learning. The typical tutoring establishment
involves instruction for a couple of hours a few days a week, but the more
aggressive and fast-paced cram schools hold classes more regularly, even on
weekends and during vacations. Juku, like tactical weapons in
170
an escalating
educational arms race, have become a booming growth industry complete with franchising
and educational conglomerates. Private entrepreneur-ship, parental anxiety, and
exam pressures combine to create an unprecedented phenomenon that critics feel
threatens to make Japanese childhood nothing but a
175
tightly scheduled existence
shuttling from home to school to juku, with no time for friends or play.
12.Is the effort to enter a top university
worth it? Clearly, the extraordinary thirst for educational
180 success is based on the knowledge that
good jobs and adult success hinge greatly on one's alma mater. What is crucial
is getting in. In fact, most humanities and social science students, upon
gaining entry to a university, take a one- or two-year holiday from serious
study as a reward for completing the entrance exam ordeal. No one flunks out.
185      13. Just how
dominant the top schools have been in supplying the country's managerial elite
can be seen from a few notable statistics. Tokyo University, which accounts for
less than 3 percent of all university graduates, alone pro duces nearly a
quarter of the presidents of Japan's leading companies. The picture of
190 elite dominance
is even more pronounced in the upper level of the national bureaucracy, where
Tokyo graduates have occupied the majority of jobs and nearly all the top
positions during the last century. Much the same picture emerges from the
nation's elected representatives. In the Lower House of the national Diet,
195 one in four is a
Tokyo graduate. The point should be clear that success on entrance exams is
associated with career success, and ultimately with power and status. Even if
it takes a few extra years as ronin to finally enter a top school, the
opportunities and ultimate rewards make the sacrifices worth the effort.
200
   14.The powerful
engine of exam preparation is fueled by this rather tight calibration between
academic and career success. Those wishing to reform Japanese education
realize that they must ease the tight relationship with employment before the
exam system's hold will be weakened. Many privately fear,
205
however, that without
future employment as the driving motive of entrance exam competition, students,
parents, and schools would slacken their efforts, and the present high standards
in basic subjects would begin to fall.
15. Competition requires equal opportunity
to be inclusive. Up to high school, the Japanese system
210 offers a greater basic equality than
American reformers have dreamed possible. This is accomplished primarily by a
system of prefectural and national financing that equalizes salaries and
facilities. Schools are not tracked by ability, and the number of private
schools is small. At the point of high-school entrance,
215 however, the separation of students by
ability begins in earnest. High schools, like universities, are entered by
examinations. This produces and perpetuates a system of school ranking that is
more thorough than anything in American public education. The question of
where the ablest students go, where the least able
220 go, and all of the fine shadings in
between can be recounted by any student or parent of the region, for each city
or prefecture has a single totem pole. In a number of areas, private schools
have risen to the top as a result of the greater latitude they enjoy in
collecting the best students and gearing singlemindedly to
225 success on the university exams, yet in
most areas public schools remain very strong. Successful applicants to Tokyo
University are now equally divided between public and private schools. After
nine years of equal
230 opportunity, the system is
differentiated and competition produces an elaborate hierarchy. The system has
the character of a true meritocracy.
16.The ranking of schools becomes a
sensitive yardstick to measure the degree to which family
235 background
factors influence educational outcomes. My own studies reveal a trend toward a
greater role for family factors in educational out-235 comes. Entrants to the
elite national Japanese universities in the early sixties came from a broad
cross section of the population with little relationship between income and
success. Private universities (more expensive and easier to enter), on the
other hand, were filled primarily
240 by students from
families in the upper half of the income scale. By the mid-1970s, a significant
shift was perceptible, with fewer and fewer students from poor families
entering the elite universities. A major reason, I think, is the rising
significance of privately purchased advantages in the preparation process
245 namely, juku
and elite private high schools.
17. I recently investigated five Kobe high
schools chosen as representative of five distinct levels in that city's
hierarchy of secondary schools. So that the reader can better appreciate the
quality represented by
250 each of the five
schools, let me add that the private elite school I studied sends more than one
hundred of its two hundred and fifty graduates to Tokyo University each year,
whereas the second and third-rank public academic high schools (each considered
quite good locally) send but a handful of their students to
255 any national university. Very few
vocational school students go on to higher education at all. Dropout rates for
the night school are about 25 percent. The results of my study indicate a
number of very strong associations between school rank (and, therefore,
academic achievement as measured by entrance exams) and a host of such family
background factors as parents' education and occupation, the number of
siblings,
260 and family income. Family qualities may
be influential from an early point in the child's schooling, but only with high
school entrance does the overt sorting take place. Japan, like the United
States, has a school
265 system that partially replicates the
status and class system of its adults, but it does this without residential
segregation.
18. Not only does the school system at the
high-school level reflect difference of family backgrounds,
270 but, by its very
organization, it undoubtedly extends and elaborates these differences through
the creation of distinct, stratified school sub-cultures. Delinquency rates,
for example, correlate closely with the academic rank of high schools.
Entrance exams thus serve something of an analogous function to residential
275 segregation in
the United States. Japanese cities remain residentially heterogeneous, but the
competitive entrance-exam system (and its parasite — the cram system)
supersedes residential location (and thus housing expenditures) as the key to
climbing the social ladder.
19.The issue of inequality between the
sexes is also very interesting. Slightly more women than men
280 now enter institutions of higher
learning, but this is explained largely by the rapid growth of junior colleges
whose enrollments are 90 percent female. The percentage of women enrolled in
four-year universities did increase from 16.2 percent in 1965 to 21.2 percent
in 1975, yet the fact remains that in higher education
285 three of every five females are atten
ding a junior college, whereas nine of every ten males in higher education are
in four-year universities. Furthermore, in Japan's top universities the percentage
of women has remained very small. Only about 6 percent of those accepted to
Tokyo University are women. None of
290 this, it must be emphasized, stems from
overt discrimination in the admission process. The simple fact is that many
fewer women apply. In 1975, only 17 percent of the women graduating from high
school applied
295 to universities, whereas 52 percent of
the men applied. Only an understanding of the cultural attitudes prevalent in
Japanese families can explain this pattern.
Let me summarize what I see to be the advantages and
disadvantages in the above portrait. What
300 distinguishes Japanese education is a
very high average level of accomplishment. This seems to stem above all from
diligence and organization, from an orderly single-mindedness, and an
exceptional education «fever» centering on exams — the very same qualities
that characterize Japanese industrial process. Initial
305 equality and well-organized and
well-supported schools are followed by a competitively determined sorting
process that, by our standards, comes early. Preparing for exams creates a
narrowness of focus in learning and emphasizes rote processes. The meritocratic
process has few exceptions and offers too few second
310 chances. It is tough to be a loser. As
we might expect, education and society share some of the same deficiencies. To
us Japan seems like an anthill, busy, well-organized, and competitive, but
unable to foster individual expression or to support idiosyncratic or uncommon
talents. Both society and education suffer
315 from very rapid growth and from an
obsessive preoccupation with success as measured by rather mechanical «output»
standards. Their very efficiencies mask problems of unattended spiritual values
and national identity.
From: The American Scholar. 1986.

GREEN BRIEFS AND TOXIC TORTS

EDUCATING
LAWYERS
WITH
ENVIRONMENTAL SAVVY
by Robert
V.Percival
Robert V. Percival is an associate professor of law
and director of the Environmental Law Program at the University of Maryland
School of Law in Baltimore, Maryland.
l.On a bitterly cold afternoon in late January,
hundreds of law students from across the United States gathered in Bloomington,
Indiana, for what has become an annual celebration. What students at the Sixth
5
Annual Conference of
the National Association of Environmental Law Societies (NAELS) were
celebrating was the phenomenal growth of student concern for the environment.
NAELS had been founded in 1988, when the University of Michigan's Environmental
Law Society invited students from other law
10
schools to a conference
on environmental law. The conference organizers were astounded when nearly 200
students from 51 law schools responded to their invitation to what became the
first NAELS conference. In the five years since that conference, student
interest in environmental law has grown into a catalyst for
15
change in legal
education. Environmental law is now capturing a prominent place in law school
curricula. In a sharp departure from legal education's traditional resistance
to specialization, many law schools are
20
creating specialized
environmental programs and offering concentrations or advanced degrees in
environmental law. These changes in legal education are likely to affect
greatly the next generation of environmental professionals.
I The Rise of
Student Interest
2.
It is not hard to find
signs of the surge in student interest in environmental law. Anyone who teaches
25
in the field can
confirm that its popularity has increased dramatically in recent years. Surveys
by the author and by the American Association of Law School's (AALS's) section
on environmental law have shown that this surge is having a huge impact on the
curricula of law schools nationwide. The basic environmental law
30
course, formerly
considered a specialty offering that may have attracted some 30 to 40 students,
is now viewed at most schools as an essential element of the mainstream
curriculum, and it frequently attracts more than 100 students. Most law
schools now offer several environmental courses, and many are expanding their
environmental offerings.
35
    3. Before examining
these changes in detail, it is important to consider what is generating the
surge in student interest in environmental law. Much of it is a product of the
rapid growth in federal environmental regulation, which has expanded the demand
for environmental lawyers. When Congress
40
established the first
national regulatory programs to protect the environment in the early
1970s-including the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) of 1970, the 1970
amendments to the Clean Air Act, the Federal Water Pollution Control Act Amendments
of 1972, the Federal Environmental Pesticide Control
45
Act of 1972, the Ocean
Dumping Act of 1972, the Endangered Species Act of 1973, and the Safe Drinking
Water Act of 1974-a new legal specialty was born for which few practicing
lawyers were well prepared. This void generated an initial burst of growth in
environmental education in law schools (see Figure 1 on
50
page 224). For example,
the AALS directories show that, between 1971 and 1975, law schools increased
their environmental course offerings by 52 percent (from 111 to 169) and the
number of fulltime faculty
56
teaching such courses
rose 47 percent (from 109 to 160). As environmental law matured and businesses
became more accustomed to regulation, the impact of the initial surge in demand
for environmental lawyers lessened. Between 1975 and 1986, the number of
environmental courses in law schools declined slightly, as many specialized
seminars became regular environmental courses.

60
   4.In the late 1980s,
law schools again responded to an extraordinary new burst of student interest
in environmental law. In the last six years, there has been a 69-percent
increase in the number of environmental courses taught by full-time faculty in
law schools and a 60-percent increase in the number
65
of faculty teaching
such courses. In just the last three academic years, the number of
environmental courses has increased by 48 percent, and the number of full-time
faculty teaching such courses has increased by 40
70
percent. As a result,
the growth of environmental courses and faculty has substantially outpaced
growth in law school enrollments (see Figures 2 and 3 on pages 225 and 226).
The number of students enrolled at law schools approved by the American Bar
Association (ABA) increased by 43 percent from 1971 to 1992, but
75
the number of
environmental courses at law schools increased by 138 percent. In the 1986
academic year, there were only 1.27 environmental courses per 1,000 students en
rolled in ABA-approved law schools, but, by 1992, there were 1.93 courses per
1,000 students. Although the number of ABA-approved law
80      schools increased by less than 20 percent
from 1971 to 1992 (from 147 to 176), the number of full-time law school faculty
teaching environmental law increased by nearly 120 percent (from 109 to 238).
In 1986, there were only 0.85 full-time environmental faculty per school, but,
by 1992, this ratio had risen to 1.35.

85
    5. Furthermore,
even these impressive data may understate the actual increase because many
schools have responded to the increased demand for environmental courses by
hiring adjuncts to teach additional environmental courses. These courses and
faculty are not included in AALS data because the AALS
90
directory includes only
full-time faculty. Moreover, information about the number of environmental
courses or teachers does not reflect the perceived increases in the sizes of
environmental classes.
6.The most recent surge of interest in
environmental law appears to be the product of several factors.
95
Environmental
regulation is not only continuing its rapid growth but also assuming
considerable importance in new contexts, such as real estate, insurance, and
international business transactions. A new generation of students reared at a
time of increased environmental consciousness feels strongly about the
100
importance of
protecting the environment. Hugh Marbury, a law student at Vanderbilt
Universiry, describes environmental protection as «a civic responsibility and
the right thing to do» Paul White, a law student at the University of South
Carolina, states that environmental law was a «logical choice» for him
105
because his parents
taught him to have a strong sense of «respect for nature and life». At a time
when employment opportunities are shrinking in several other areas of law,
many students believe that environmental law will provide not only a meaningful
job but also one with prospects for a bright future.
110
Martin LaLonde, a
University of Michigan law student, explains that he «became interested in
environmental law because I wanted to do a job that was meaningful». Mary
Raivel, a University of
115
Maryland law student
currently working at the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), says that
she was attracted to environmental law because it «seemed the best way to
combine my interest in law with my concern for the well-being of future
generations».
7. Many professors believe that the job
market, rather than increased student altruism, explains much of
120 the surge of
student interest in environmemal law. Because environmental law has been one of
the fastest growing legal specialties, it is attracting some students more
interested in jobs than in saving the world. Ronald Rosenberg of the
Marshall-Wythe School of Law at the College of William & Mary notes that
his
125 «students are
immensely sophisticated about what law firms want». Many who plan careers in
business law now realize that environmental law has become important in broad
areas of commercial practice. As a result, a broader cross-section of students
is showing up in environmental law courses. Randy Abate, a
130 professor  at
Vermont Law School, notes  that  students  there «no  longer  automatically
choose  the environmental side» in environmental moot court competitions.
8. Although students are pleased that environmental regula tion has
increased employment opportunities
135
for lawyers, they also
recognize that an increase in environmental lawyers is not the answer to
environmental problems. Fred Turner, an Indiana University law student who
served as director of the 1993 NAELS conference, observes that «the best thing
would be if we didn't have to have environmental
140
law at all-if people
were smart and compassionate enough» to prevent environmental problems from
occurring. Noting that it is «unrealistic» to think that environmental lawyers
can «save the world», Martin LaLonde observes, «I'd like to try» to at least
point the world in the right direction».
II Changes in
Teaching
145
l. In response to the
enormous increase in student interest, significant changes are occurring in the
teaching of environmental law. In 1989, Joseph Sax of the University of
Michigan, one of the pioneer teachers of environmental law, surveyed the field
and found widespread frustration that environmental
150
was law increasingly
divorced from the concerns that inspired the environmental movement. Although
most of the factors that contributed to Sax's pessimism have not fundamentally
changed, environmental law professors appear decidedly more upbeat today. They
concede that the field has become vast and
155
overwhelmingly complex,
but they are generally pleased with their subject's unprecedented popularity,
and many delight in responding to its pedagogic challenges. Frank Grad of
Columbia University finds teaching environmen tal law «enormously challenging»,
but he does not share any sense of «tired blood». He
160
believes the field «has
now reached maturity», «is thriving», and has made enormous contributions to
the development of administrative and public-interest law.
2. A source of some professors' frustration has been
the rapid growth in the breadth and complexity of
165
environmental law,
which shows no sign of abating. After mastering NEPA, the initial generation of
environmental law professors was repeatedly forced to tackle new and more
complex regulatory statutes. Denis Binder of Western New England College, who
has taught a survey course in environmental law more than two dozen times,
laments its evolution «from a wide-open, free-spirited search for innovative
170
legal answers, into a
statutory, administrative law regime». Daniel Farber of the University of Minnesota
believes that the key insight of Sax's study «was that most environmental law
teachers find the actual legal content of the course tedious and wish they
didn't have to talk about so many technical statutory issues» -a
175
factor that Farber
thinks unfortunately is «just the nature of the beast».
3.Some professors revel in the challenge of
teaching such a difficult course. «Let the folks who want to
180 get a course
"down" teach trusts and estates», advises Oliver Houck ofTulane
University, a veteran environmental law professor who remains «delighted by the
challenge of teaching environmental law». Houck states that he would «have it
no other way but very difficult and always new». Houck's sentiments
185 are echoed by
Susan Smith of Willamette University, who has found «teaching environmental
law, like
      practicing environmental law, to be
fun and a constant source of stimulation and growth».
4.There is wide agreement, to be sure, that
the breadth and complexity of the field present serious
190 pedagogic
problems, particularly for the traditional survey course in environmental law,
«Complexity   makes it more of a challenge to teachers and also more work for
us», says Frank Grad. «What has also happened is that environmental law has
begun to matter in other fields, as in bankruptcy and insurance
195 law».Another
pioneer environmental law teacher, Arnold W. Reitze, Jr., of George Washington
University's National Law Center, notes that lawyers practicing in the field
now frequently identify themselves not as «environmental lawyers» but, rather,
as specialists on «air pollution, hazardous waste, or
200 CERCLA
[Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act]». These
developments make it extremely difficult to provide comprehensive coverage of
environmental law in a survey course. As John Costonis, the dean of
Vanderbilt's law school, says, «The material is too dense, too complex, and too
massive to be contained within any single course».
205
5.Professors who
believe that a survey course remains essential have responded to this
challenge by seeking to identify cross-cutting themes that can tie together
what otherwise might seem a diverse statutory
210
jumble. An increasingly
popular approach is to emphasize theories of regulation and to use particular
statutory schemes to illustrate their application. David A. Wirth of Washington
& Lee University finds that this approach avoids the pitfall of
treating environmental law as a series of relatively trivial questions of
215
statutory
interpretation. Another approach is to emphasize problem solving. Describing
the field as «just impossibly broad», Zygmunt Plater, a professor at Boston
College, emphasizes the «craft oflawyering rather than the subject matter» of
the environmental statutes. Plater believes that it is important to use
220
environmental law to
give students a sense of how to analyze problems. But noting that «everyone has
to compromise» in their coverage, he advises that «the compromise avenue that
fits the idiosyncracies of the individual professor is what works best».
6.Some professors who believe that
environmental law is too unwieldy to fit in a single survey course
225 have split the
subject into two or more course offerings. Robert Fischman reports that Indiana
University has replaced the survey course with an environmental decisionmaking
course followed by a separate course on the law governing toxic and hazardous
substances. In similar fashion, Harrison Dunning of the
230 University of
California at Davis now reserves hazardous waste and toxics issues for a
separate course called Toxics Law. Alyson Flournoy reports that the University
of Florida has split the survey course into two: one treating water, wetlands,
and wildlife issues and a second that covers toxics, wastes, and NEPA.
235 These courses are
taught by different faculty members, whose areas of interest and experience are
now more closely tailored to the subjects covered in the courses.
7. Other factors also are cited as reasons for renewed optimism about
the teaching of environmental law.
240
Robert Abrams of Wayne
State University believes that better teaching materials are available now that
a second generation of environmental law textbooks has been published. He also
thinks that the field has acquired a «feel of stability» as new statutes build
upon principles that are already well established.
245
Richard Lazarus of the
Washington University School of Law in St. Louis attributes renewed optimism to
the appearance of a new generation of law professors who are less anxious about
the field's complexities because of their substantial experience in
environmental practice. Indeed, there has been a substantial
250
influx of new teachers
into the environmental field, particularly since 1987 (see Figure 4 on 231
page). Greater efforts also are being made to assist new teachers. The AALS
section on environmental law has established a mentor program that has
enlisted more than 30 experienced teachers of environmental law to
255
provide help to young
faculty. It is unclear, however, how much impact this program has had; the only
professor who mentioned the mentor program in the author's survey had
volunteered as a mentor but stated that he had not received any calls asking
for assistance.

260      8. The growth of specialized
environmental programs in law schools also has increased the comfort level of
many professors by making them less concerned about coverage tradeoffs. John
Dwyer of the University of California at Berkeley's law school, Boalt Hall,
states that his school's extensive environmental program
265
means that «there is
little pressure for coverage' in a basic environmental law course and greater
freedom to teach concepts and ideas». William Funk of the Northwestern School
of Law of Lewis & dark College explains that, at a school with a substantial
environmental program, «no one course (or professor) has to
270
feel responsible for
covering the whole area or deciding what substantively or methodologically to
leave out».
9.Many professors take comfort in the growing importance of the
discipline, and some express the
275
sense of mission.
Zygmunt Plater says that environmental law «is a course that must be
taught-it's critically important for the survival of our species». Here, the
«legal system is doing the work of the angels», and professors must «teach
students how to make our society work — to find solutions to truly difficult
prob
280
lems». Mare Poirer of
Seton Hall University finds existential ground for inspiration. While conceding
that the «underlying pollution and resourse management problems may well be
intractable», he notes that because, «in the long run, life is sort of hopeless
anyway,... one can appreciate the interesting details and find inspiration in
the midst of all chaos».
III The Impacts
of Specialization
285      l.The explosive growth of the market
for environmental lawyers appears to be eroding legal education's traditional
resistance to specialization. As a result, many law schools are creating what
Michael Baram
290
of Boston University
describes as «essentially mini law schools» focusing on environmental courses.
Baram believes that this is a logical response to the fact that environmental
law has become such an «unwieldy field» and that it will permit schools to
«begin to rationalize what we're doing in the field». As
295
legal education comes
under increasing fire for being too divorced from developments in the legal
profession the changes undertaken by law schools in response to environmental
concerns will be greeted by many as a refreshing step forward.
2.Not everyone, however, is convinced that increased
spe cialization in the law school curriculum is
300 desirable. While
recognizing that law school graduates who go into the environmental field
«will face an enormous early challenge», John Costonis of Vanderbilt believes
that it is possible to produce «first-rate lawyers who can deal with any
problem environmental or whatever» — with out having a specialized
305 environmental
program. Emphasizing that the role of law schools is to train «law students,
not lawyers», Susan Smith of Willamette University thinks that, specialization
at the J.D. level should be resisted because «environmental law changes too
quickly to risk making anyone into a specialist. While lawyers may
310 develop
specialties in their practice, they will also need to be able со
readily retool, which is best accomplished by a generalist J.D. without
overconcentration in any field of practice, much less any subfield
315 of practice».
Smith forecasts that «trends toward integrated pollution control, pollution
prevention, and risk assessment» may counsel against specialization because
there may arrive «a new generation of oldschool lawyers who are counselors to
businesses..... rather than legal technicians».
3.Law school have discovered that the
development of specialized programs can have a significant
320 effect on the
types of students attracted to law school. Schools, such as the University of
Maryland, that have not been considered among the top national law schools have
found that, by developing specialized programs in health law and environmental
law, they have been able to attract a significantly higher-quality
325 student body.
Increased specialization also has brought changes in faculty recruitment
practices. Many law schools that traditionally had refused to recruit for
specific subject matter «slots» except in fields like tax law are finding that
environmental law has become such a specialized field that it makes sense to
seek our
330 faculty with
experience in environmental practice. Increased specialization also may have
other, more subtle consequences on law school faculties. Ronald Rosenberg of
William & Mary notes that, as law gets more specialized, there is
increasing isolation among faculty members whose colleagues are less able to
335 critique or
understand their work. Seton Hall's Marc Poirer agrees and argues that it is
becoming more important for environmental law professors to communicate with
environmental faculty at other schools.
340
4. Specialization
requires a substantial commitment of resources, which may be difficult for
schools in times of fiscal stringency. As a result, many schools are relying
heavly on adjuncts to teach specialized environmental courses. Although some
professors express concern that practitioners will bury students in
345
minutia, Arnold Reitze
of George Washington University doubts, given the complexity of the
environmental field, that «any law school could afford to use only full-time
faculty» to offer a comprehensive environmental law program. He notes that it
is easier to find qualified adjuncts in the
350
Washington, D.C.
area because so much environmental practice takes place there.

IV
Interdisciplinary Studies
1.Many environmental law professors agree that more effort
needs to be directed to curricular reform of interdisciplinary studies. Given
the importance of science and economics in environmental policy
355 controversies, many agree that it would
be desirable for environmental law students to acquire more familiarity with
other disciplines. Richard Merrill of the University of Virginia notes that,
«in most environmental law fields, lawyers don't work only, or even chiefly,
with other lawyers; they work with
360 scientists and engineers. We ought to
expose students to this reality in a coherent way» William H. Rodgers, Jr., of
the University of Washington in Seattle says that the «issues of global change
are threatening to make a shambles of traditional disciplinary demarcations»,
and Craig Oren wonders «if our
365 students acquire any notion of how
science fits into public policy formulation». He fears that a lot of them think
of science as kind of a black box from which data emerge».
2.
Many law schools allow
their students to receive credit for a limited number of courses taken in
370
other departments.
Although professors report that a few brave students interested in
environmental law take courses in other subjects, such as epidemiology or
environmental science, the number of students doing so does not appear to be
very significant. Moreover, such courses are not truly interdisciplinary
375
because they do not
attempt to integrate insights and concepts from more than one discipline.
3.There appear to be substantial
institutional barriers to successful interdisciplinary work, including
380 incompatible
academic calendars, the geographic isolation between some law schools and the
relevant university departments, and schools' unwillingness to give professors
credit for teaching in other departments. Boston University professor Michael
Baram cites the fact that the «culture of law schools is so
385 formalized and
rule-bound» as a barrier to inrerdisciplinary work. Wishing for a «nearby
school of public health», Richard Merrill notes that Virginia's «environmental
sciences program is ecosystem focused while lawyers are human— health focused».
3.
Some efforts are under
way to increase the exposure of environmental law students.to other
390
disciplines. Professors
report an increase in the number of non-law students taking environmental law
courses. Baram, who has a joint appointment between Boston University's law
school and its School of Public Health, says that approximately 20 percent of
his environmental law students are from other
395
university departments.
The nonlaw students in his environmental courses write a term paper instead of
taking an exam and are graded under the criteria established by their
departments. Some law professors are teaching environmental courses in other
departments. Boston College has a team-taught environmental law
400
seminar offered in the
political science department that, Zygmunt Plater says, has received an
«electrifying response».
5.Some law schools have established close
connections with a particular university department, such as
405 Yale's School of
Forestry, Michigan's School of Natural Resources, and Berkeley's School of
Public Policy. Although, in theory, it is possible for students at most schools
to combine a law degree with a degree in another discipline, in practice, it is
not done very frequently except for joint law-business J.D.—
410 M.B.A. programs.
Ten University of Michigan law students are currently pursuing joint degrees
with the university's School of Natural Resources, and several Indiana
University law students are enrolled in a joint degree program with Indiana's
School of Public and Environmental Affairs. Tulane awards two or three
415 joint degrees
combining environmental specialties with a degree from the School of Business
or the School of Public Health. William Funk notes that, although Lewis &
Clark has a joint masters of public administration-J.D. program, he does not
think anyone actually has gone through it. Two law students at
420 the University of
Hawaii are enrolled in a graduate-level interdisciplinary program to receive a
certificate in ocean policy.
6. Some law professors have developed their
own interdisciplinary seminars. At the University of
425 Washington,
William Rodgers teaches a seminar on law and biology and is now organizing the
Second Annual Law and Biology Conference, to be held this summer in cooperation
with the Gruter Institute. The University of Florida Law School and Biology
Department offer a joint seminar on Florida ecosystems.
430 Maryland's Law
School and Toxicology Program offer an interdisciplinary seminar on lead
poisoning.
7. O1iver Houck believes that coteaching an
upperclass seminar with a professor from another school only works in certain
circumstances. But he emphasizes the importance of «field exercises,
industrial plant
435
visits, seining
critters in the marshes, getting the feel of it». At the University of
Colorado, Charles F. Wilkinson's Natural Resources Seminar, which enrolls 12
law students and 3 non-law students with relevant expertise, examines all of
the environmental problems affecting a particular watershed each year.
440
A critical part of the
seminar is a field trip to the watershed, where students meet with land
managers, lawyers, environmentalists, businesspeople, and others.
V First-Year
Inroads
1.Another concern for environmental law professors is
the failure of the first-year curriculum at most
445 law schools to prepare students for
the complex statutory subject matter of environmental law. In most law schools,
the first-year curriculum consists almost entirely of required courses,
including large doses of contracts, property, civil procedure, and torts. A few
schools are beginning to introduce first-year students
450 to environmental law by addressing it
as part of a course on public law. Columbia University Law School devotes one —
third of its first-year course «Justice and the Regulatory State» to coverage
of environmental law. Baylor University also has established a first — year
course in public law, and the
455 faculty is recommending that
environmental law be made a substantial part of the course. Other professors
are seeking to encourage teachers of first — year property and torts to
incorporate discussion of environmental liabilities into their courses.
2.T.C. Williams Law School has developed a
program that includes environmental law as part of the
460 required
first-year, second-semester curriculum. Michael Wolf explains that this
requirement was adopted by the faculty as a result of concern that the
traditional first-year curriculum placed too much emphasis on common law,
which now has been largely supplanted by statutes in areas such as
environmental law. To
465 free up space in
the curriculum for the one-semester, first-year course in environmental law,
T.C. Williams has changed property from a two-semester to a one-semester
course. Although a few other schools are moving to incorporate environmental
law into first-year courses, few professors expect it to make great
470 inroads there. As
one professor notes, the «high priests of first year are hard to fight».
3.Despite the entrenched traditions that
control the curricula at many law schools, environmental law has generated
tremendous interest among law students and spurred significant changes in legal
education
475 over the last 20
years. These changes include the development of specialized environmental law
programs and increased opportunities for law students to receive skills
training and to gain field experience. Legal education's response to
environmental concerns not only will help to improve the ability of the next
480 generation of
lawyers to meet the environmental challenge but also may help to improve the
quality of legal education generally. As William Rodgers notes, «There is no
reason why environmental law can't be the vehicle for making learning fun all
over again».
From: Environment, 1994, Volume 35, Number 3

THE
GENESIS OF THE MODERN TOY
by John Brewer
1.It is a commonplace that a culture can be understood by an
examination of its artifacts. Yet the history of "material culture",
as opposed to the history of a society's finest works of sculpture, art and
5
architecture, is still
an embryonic science. Costume, the tools of a man's (or woman's) trade,
household utensils, furnishings, playthings — all of these, especially those
that did not belong to the elite or leaders of
10
a society, have not
received the attention devoted to "high" culture. Yet many aspects of
everyday life exhibit the beliefs and social experience of the bulk of a
nation's people. Costume can tell us how the members of a society are ranked
and ordered, how sexes are differentiated (if at all), and what qualities are
15
least or most admired.
Toys are equally revealing for they almost always contain statements made by
adults (often though not invariably parents) either about the culture in which
they live and/or the values that they think desirable. Toys mirror a culture —
or at least, aspects of it; conversely, if we wish to understand the
significance of an individual toy or game, we must set it within a broad
context, looking at it in the light of
20
prevailing attitudes
towards work and play, the psychology of man, the nature of learning and the
place of the child in both family and society. Toys are cultural messages —
sometimes simple, occasionally complex and ambiguous, but invariably revealing.
25
     2.Yet the idea of
the "educational toys — indeed, even the concept of the toy as a plaything
peculiar to children — is a relatively recent one. Before the eighteenth
century there were virtually no toy manufacturers nor toyshops in Europe and
America, equally, there were almost no books written or
30
produced especially for
children, who shared most games and recreations with adults. The world of the
child was not precisely separated from the realm of the adult; no special
sector or segment of the culture was devoted exclusively to children·‘.”Thus Dr. Johnson defined
"toy" in his famous Dictionary as "a
35
petty commodity; a
trifle; a thing of no value; a plaything or bauble! There was absolutely no
mention of children. The term "toy" meant any small inexpensive
object or trinket sold to young and old alike. The travelling pedlar or
chapman, the town's "toyman", offered cheap jewellery, buckles,
bangles and hairpins.
40
Even "dolls"
were not intended for children but were in fact miniature mannequins, clothed
to display the latest fashion, fad or frippery, There were therefore almost no
toys in the modern sense. This did not, of course mean that the children had no
playthings; it simply meant that they had to fall back on the things
45
that they shared with
their elders. They improvised and invented toys and games. Domestic utensils,
the resources of field and forest, the debris of the urban environment: all of
these contributed towards imaginative and open-ended play.
50
3.How do we explain
this almost total absence of toys in the sixteenth and seventeenth-century
English and colonial American household? Historians have advanced several explanations,
nearly all of which attribute the lack of toys to parental attitudes towards
children and social attitudes towards play. Judged
55
by modern standards, it
is argued, parents treated their children either with an indifference that
verged on callousness or were actively brutal towards them, heating them with
monotonous frequency. The world of the Anglo-American child before the modern
era is therefore often portrayed as cruel, cold, unemotional
60
and lacking in the sort
of family affection that might encourage play. These attitudes are usually
explained as a reaction to the horrifying rates of infant and child mortality
which militated against a close parent-child bond, and by the prevailing
contemporary view that when children came into the world, they were,
65
like all human
creatures, tainted with original sin against which a constant and brutal war
had to be waged.
4.Those historians who look on the history
of childhood as the gradual emancipation of the child from
70 this callous and cruel regime have used
several types of evidence to demonstrate the harshness of seventeenth century
childhood. English infants, they point out, were swaddled, bound so tightly
that they could not move their legs and arms. This does not, however, seem to
have been the practice in the thirteen
75 colonies of America where babies wore
loose-fitting garments. Nevertheless in both cultures parental breastfeeding
was far from universal, and the infant was often packed off to a wet-nurse,
where quite commonly neglect and ill-treatment resulted in the child's death.
From the age of two corporal punishment
80
seems to have been the
staple of the child's educational diet. Schoolmasters ("my system is to
whip, and to have done with it") as well as parents and tutors rarely
spared the rod to spoil the child. Punishment, corporal or otherwise, was
generally severe. The time between infancy and gainful employment was
85
mercilessly brief;
service, apprenticeship or labour in the family began as early as seven, and
all children were put to work before they were twelve or thirteen. Children
died in such numbers that they left very little trace of their lives behind
them. Even in the communities on the colonial frontier, where infant
90
mortality rates were
lower than in the coastal towns or back in Europe, the death of a child — your
child —was a frequent occurrence.
5.This picture of the heartless and cruel
world inhabited by children needs some qualification. Nearly all
95
of the evidence that
appears to demonstrate parental indifference towards the child in fact shows
simply that his individuality was not strongly recognised. We tend to
assume that parental affection cannot flourish unless children are regarded as
individuals. But this is essentially a modern (and Western) assumption that
100
in part stems from our
elevation of the bond between the parent (or, at least, the mother) and the
individual child above almost all other forms of attachment. The chief
affective bonds of the pre-modern American and English parent were probably to
the family as a whole rather than to its individual members; this does
105
not mean that, they
never showed affection to their children, only that they cared for them as a
"brood".
6.The "no toy" culture, which
scarcely seems to have recognised the special state of childhood, was gradually
but radically transformed between the late seventeenth and early nineteenth
centuries. The most
110 significant
changes were the development of a new conception of man, and a parallel
recognition of new processes of human learning. Man came to be seen as a
malleable and manipulable creature who entered the world with a mind that was
not printed with evil but was a tabula rasa, like a blank sheet of
paper, on
115 which appropriate
sense impressions could imprint knowledge and learning. Man, in other words,
was capable of moral improvement provided that he was nurtured in the right
environment. This view was accompanied by the relatively novel theory of the
human psyche that emphasised man's innate tendency to
120 eschew pain and
pursue pleasure. From this perspective the widespread use of brutal corporal
punishment was clearly counterproductive: by associating learning and pain it
was more likely to discourage an interest in learning than to teach or
socialise. Such crude practices it was argued, should be replaced by a much
125 more subtle
psychological manipulation of the child, one that used the propensity for play
to make learning stimulating and pleasurable.
7.These educational theories are
traditionally associated with the English philosopher, John Locke,
130 whose «Some
Thoughts Concerning Education» (1693), which went through numerous editions in
several languages and on both sides of the Atlantic. Locke was not the first
philosopher to realise that play could be used didactically, nor was his
psychology unique.
135
8. We should not, of
course, assume that these ideas swept  all before them. Their acceptance varied
from place to place and class to class. They were taken up predominantly by
middle-class parents eager to "improve" their children. But the old
attitudes and practices continued: many children were still
140
whipped and flogged,
and imaginative learning rarely ousted the more traditional method of rote
memorisation. Indeed, for many childnen the situation deteriorated at the end
of the eighteenth century, when evangelicals on both sides of the Atlantic
returned to the older view of infant depravity and renewed the practice of
wholesale flogging.
145
9. Nevertheless, Lockean
theory marks the growing acceptance in North America of the idea that
education was a matter of carrot rather than stick. It also heralds the
genesis of the toy both as a plaything peculiar to children and as an educational
device. Locke and his eighteenth-century followers
150
were adamant that play
was the key to successful learning. Both play and playthings, which had
previously been regarded either as an obstruction to learning or as matters of
no didactic consequence, became crucial
155
to the educational
process. As Locke remarked about playthings (in sentiments remarkably similar
to those of Froebel over 100 years later), "nothing that may form adult's
minds, is to he overlooked and neglected, and whatsoever introduces Habits, and
settles Customs in them, deserves the Care and Attention of their
160
Governors, and is not a
small thing in its Concequences'. Toys and games were recognised as being very
important. Indeed Locke was responsible for popularising one of the earliest
"educational" toys, the so called "Locke blocks", whose
role in teaching the alphabet he lovingly describes in his «Thoughts on
Education».
165
   10. Locke's theories
seem remarkably modern, and certainly they approximate much more closely to
present-day views of learning than to the regime of flogging that he so
vehemently opposed. Nevertheless his concept of play and of the role of toys
and games was remarkably circumscribed. In his desire to
170
establish a controlled
environment for the child, he recommended education at home under a private
tutor. The idea of the home as a "sanctum, a haven in a heartless world,
developed largely through the dissociation of the dwelling-place from the
place of work and because of the transformation of the middle
175
class woman from an
important figure in the family economy to the mother and guardian of children
kept in the home. Prosperity and the desire for gentility produced a growing
leisured class of women whose chief tasks were to adorn themselves and their
homes and to superintend the moral welfare of their
180
progeny. For the middle
classes of America "work", which had once been associated both with
the home and with the entire family, became a predominantly masculine activity
conducted beyond the domestic horizon. Play, especially children's play, became
restricted to the domestic environment in which parental
185
(especially maternal)
control could be most successfully exercised.
11. This desire to control the play of
children stemmed from notions of play itself. Neither Locke nor the aspiring
middle-class parent thought of play as a means by which children could learn
from each other;
190 nor, though they
saw play as a means of teaching individuals social and moral precepts, did they
envisage play itself as a form of socialisation. Rather they regarded it as a
tool of the tutor or parent, a means by which children could be educated. Play,
therefore, was looked on as an individualistic endeavour, even
195 when it involved
other children, and as being didactic in a rather narrow sense.
From: History Today, Vol. 30, December 1980.

HUMANISTIC MEDICINE
IN A MODERN AGE
by Seymour M.
Glick, M.D.
l.One does not have to be a pessimist or an incurable
victim of nostalgia to agree that modern medicine in the Western world is
undergoing some form of crisis. One indication of the depth of the crisis is
the
5
attention with which
thoughtful people are willing to consider seriously almost any criticism of
physicians and of the medical establishment-even such absurd critiques as
those of Illich, who would have us believe that modem medicine is almost the
reincarnation of the Devil himself. Similarly, the proliferation of health
10
cults even within
educated and otherwise sophisticated circles bears witness to the crisis of
confidence besetting modern medicine. Finally, most striking are the articles,
books, and even institutes on «humanistic medicines»-a phrase that logically
should be redundant.
15
2.Medicine has
succeeded in wiping out many diseases. Last year after a crash global
eradication program that cost $300 million, the World Health Organization
announced officially that smallpox is dead.
      This achievement and hundreds of others have
brought relief and comfort to billions of people on our
20
planet, and modern
science and technology continue to break new frontiers daily. Yet the refrain
of malaise and dissatisfaction with modern medicine and its institutions
continues to reverberate, and it does not seem to subside. Invariably, the
discontent focuses on the human and compassionate aspects of medicine. It has
25
been said that as
medicine progresses, physicians regress.
3.Оnе cannot deny that problems exist, that as
the scientific benefits of medicine have been extended, the delivery of care
has become more institutionalized and depersonalized. I personally cannot vouch
for
30   the truth of the
memory of how much better things were at the turn of the century. I suspect
some degree of exaggeration in favor of the «good old days», since most of us
tend to glorify the past nostalgically — often undeservedly. However, today's
defects are clear to us all.
35       4. I should
like to examine briefly some of the reasons that have been cited for the
alleged deterioration of modern medicine, some of the remedies offered, and
some of my personal biases on the subject. The analysis will perhaps be
oversimplified, but my purpose is mainly to stimulate some thought and
reaction, not to offer a definitive analysis.
40     5.The view that is most common, and
perhaps most widely held by nonphysicians, is that there is something
inherently contradictory between science and humanity, between technology and
compassion. If this were indeed the case, it would be almost inevitable for
humanity to regress as science marched ahead.
45
I believe this view to
be a dangerous one with farreaching consequences ofanti-intellectualism and
antiscience. This view is  perhaps  a   holdover   from t  he   classic
Cartesian   mind-body   dualism,   with
50
compassion
representing the mind or soul and science the body and the two somehow
antagonistic. If one examines the evidence with an open mind, however, I
believe that one has to conclude that in the field of medicine, at least, there
is no inherent contradiction between the scientific and the compassionate.
55
Technology and science
are here to serve us. In the words of Albert Einstein, «The concern for man and
his destiny must always be the chief interest of all technical effort». The
much maligned and expensive CT scan, the example of medical technology par
excellence, has not dehumanized medicine. On the contrary, it has been a tool
of unparalleled compassion. Its use has spared patients many more difficult,
painful, and
60
dangerous procedures.
Technology is just a means to an end. In a perverse manner of speaking, compassion
too is just a means to an end. In the field of medicine, both technology and
compassion have as a goal healing the
65
patient; we can ignore
either only at the peril of producing poor medicine. We need physicians who are
both compassionate and competent. Short-sighted persons who, in their enthusiasm
for the human and the community approach, think that they can select students,
teach medicine, and produce compassionate
70
physicians by
downgrading science, as is being attempted in a number of universities in the
world, are sadly mistaken. At best they will end up with compassionate ignoramuses,
and at worst they will simply produce ignoramuses — often without even the
redeeming value of compassion.
75     6.Another
commonly held view is that lack of compassion in physicians is the result of
the ever-increasing narrowness of the physician's education. We are told that
if the students entering medical school were also versed in the humanities, in
music, art, and philosophy, we would see emerging at graduation the
80
sage and compassionate
physician. This theory sounds reasonable because of our association of
refinement and culture with civilization and because of our confusion of the
quality of humanity with the study of the humanities. Unfortunately, the
association often observed between humanity as a quality and the
85
humanities as a study
is probably not one of cause and effect; culture is not necessarily related to
compassion. Think for a moment of the highly cultured intern who leaves a
desperately ill patient to listen to his or her favorite concert violinist,
while a musically ignorant but more conscientious and compassionate
90
colleague stays with
the patient. One must not confuse ethics with esthetics, or compassion with
culture. In our own generation, the emergence of the most inhumane regime in
history from the acme of Western culture and the figure of Adolf Eichmann
watching the crematoria to the strains of Haydn should lay to rest
95
the notion that we can
look to the humanities for the humanization of medicine or society.
7.А third explanation for the failings of modern physicians,
and one widely held by physicians
100
themselves, is the
dehumanizing effect of the long and arduous training period, with its long
hours and continual physical and emotional strain. It would be foolish to deny
that overwork and emotional strain can reduce even the most humane person to
an irritable wretch, yet it is worth noting that the arduousness of
105
the physicians's
training has in fact decreased remarkably during the past 50 years—a period contemporaneous
with the alleged decline of the physician's humane qualities. If hard work were
indeed to blame for physicians' failings, we should have an improvement rather
than a deterioration during the past
110
few decades. Medical
students and physicians-in-training in the past were treated in a far more
condescending manner than are their modern counterparts, who are consulted and
included in faculty decision making almost as equals. Physicians' working hours
have declined, and conditions during the
115
postgraduate period
have also improved remarkably. Almost forgotten too is the expectation of years
gone by that the medical practitioner would be available 24 hours a day, seven
days a week. And yet the more gently treated student and resident has seemingly
developed into the less compassionate physician. A paradox indeed!
120     8. If the preceding hypotheses do
not provide an adequate explanation for our problem, where then shall we look
for solutions to this vexing situation?
9.
I contend that the
fundamental problems lie for the most part outside the medical establishment,
125
within society as a
whole. The physician is largely a reflection of society. Most schools of
psychology agree that the basic human character traits are well developed by
the time a student enters medical school. The student's basic motivations,
goals, code of ethics and concern for others are already established when
130
medical studies begin,
and the medical school must work within these major constraints. Unfortunately,
medical training can disillusion and render cynical even some quite decent
students, but rarely can it convert a basically self-centered and egoistic
person into a humanitarian. Such a goal would strain almost
135
any educational system.
10.
Let us examine what has
happened to society's overall attitudes toward life and the implication of
these changes for medicine. Most Western societies have changed from religious
societies into secular
140
ones. Most Western
religious societies put a greater value on humanitarian and societal concerns
than on personal gratification. Although a number of totalitarian secular
countries have also placed a higher value on societal needs than on individual
ones, the secular Western democracies have failed miserably in these goals and
usually have not even made the attempt.
145
11.Accompanying the
transition from a religious to a secular society changes have occurred in the
goals and behavior of its citizens. Think for a moment of a child who is reared
in a permissive environment,
150
who is accustomed to
getting what he wants when he wants it, who lives in relative affluence, and
who is taught to strive for happiness and selffuffillment as his ultimate
goals. Is it reasonable to expect that such a child will develop into a moral
and ethical adult giving his energies for the betterment of society — even if
he chooses medicine as his ultimate calling?
155    12.The crisis of humane medicine is
the result of the failure of secular democratic societies to inculcate moral
and ethical values into their educational systems.
13. Paul Goodman has said that science rose
in the 20th century because it worked better than any other
160 endeavor.
Science, he says, defeated religion in a frank and fair contest of miracles and
wonders. «Science worked better against plagues, and it has proved to be
immensely better at Hying and distant communication». There can be little
argument with these observations. The question that must be asked,
165 however, is
whether science is also better than religion in training for moral behavior. I
believe that the answer is obvious. It is no accident that some of the prime
examples of humane medicine in the West are to
170 be found in
hospitals run by religious groups, because the people working in these
institutions have been imbued from infancy with a respect for the sanctity of
life and for the dignity of human beings, and with service to humanity ranked
as a higher priority than personal gratification. If we are to train humane
175 physicians, we
must begin to address ourselves as a society to the basic general education
toward ethical and moral values from infancy onward. For those who are
comfortable with training that is rooted in traditional religious values, the
solution is relatively easy, although all too often formalistic religion
slights
180 ethics. For the
large proportion of Western society that is secular, a substitute for religion
in ethical training is an urgent societal need. Much of the ethical behavior of
even our secular societies is still rooted in the religious heritage of a generation
or two ago. As each generation moves further away from these traditional
185 habits and mores,
many of the basic axioms of societal morality are held up for critical inquiry
and often rejected. We are too frequently left adrift without an accepted
ethical consensus, and we witness in our youth what sociologists call
alienation. Our societies must come to grips with this problem because the
190 problem
transcends medicine; it threatens the very fabric of Western societal structure
and its future.
From: The New England Journal of Medicine, Vol. 304,
No. 17 (April 23, 1981).

HANDS: A
CASE STUDY
by Oliver Sacks
(1)
Madelaine J. Was
admitted to St. Benedict’s Hospital near New York City in 1980, her sixtieth
year, a congenially blind woman with cerebral palsy, who had been «looked
after» by her family at home
5
throughout her life.
Given this history and her pathetic condition — with spasticity and athetosis,
i.e. involuntary movements of both hands, to which was added a failure of the
eyes to develop — I expected to find her both retarded and regressed.
2
(2) She was neither.
Quite the contrary: she spoke freely, indeed eloquently (her speech,
mercifully, was scarcely affected by spasticity), revealing herself to be a
highspirited woman of exceptional intelligence and literacy.
2
«You’ve read a
tremendous amount», I said. «You must be really at home with Braille».
15
     (4) «No, I’m not»,
she said. «All my reading has been done for me — by talking books or other
people. I can’t read Braille, not a single word. I can'’ do anything with my
hands they are completely useless».
(5) She held them up, derisively. «Useless
Godforsaken lumps of dough — they don’t even feel a part of me».
20
(6) I found this very
startling. The hands are not usually affected by cerebral palsy; at least, not
essentially affected: they may be somewhat spastic, or weak, or deformed, but
are generally of considerable use
25
(unlike the legs, which
may be completely paralysed — in that variant called Little’s disease, or
cerebral diplegia) .
(7) Miss J.’s hands were mildly spastic and
athetotic, but her sensory capacities — as I now rapidly determined — were
completely intact; she immediately and correctly identified light touch, pain,
30
temperature, passive
movement of the fingers. There was no impairment of elementary sensation, as
such, but in dramatic contrast, there was the profoundest impairment of
perception. She could not recognize or identify anything whatever — I placed
all sorts of objects in her hands, including one of my own hands.
35
She could not identify
— and she did not explore; there were no active «interrogatory» movements of
her hands — they were, indeed, as inactive, as inert, as useless, as «lumps of
dough».
(8) This is very strange, I said to myself.
How can one make sense of all this? There is no gross sensory
40
«deficit». Her hands
would seem to have the potential of being perfectly good hands — and yet they
are not. Can it be that they are functionless — «useless» — because she had
never used them? Had being «protected», «looked after», «babied» since birth
prevented her from the normal exploratory use of the hands
45
which all infants learn
in the first months of life? Had she been carried about, had everything done
for her, in a manner that had prevented her from developing a normal pair of
hands? And if this were the case — it seemed far-fetched, but was the only
hypothesis I could think of — could she now, in her sixtieth year,
50
acquire what she should
have acquired in the first weeks and months of life?
(9) Was there any precedent? Had anything
like this ever been described — or tried? I did not know, but
55
I immediately thought
of a possible parallel — what was described by Leont’ev and Zaporozhets in
their book, «The Rehabilitation of the Hand» (Pergamon Press, 1948). The
condition they were describing was quite different in origin; they described a
similar «alienation» of the hands in some two hundred soldiers
60
following massive
injury and surgery — the injured hands felt «foreign», «lifeless», «useless»,
«stuck on», despite elementary neurological and sensory intactness. Leon’tev
and Zaporozhets spoke of how the «gnostic systems» that allow «gnosis» 1), or
perceptive 2) use of the hands, to take place, could be «disso
65
ciated» in such cases
as a consequence of injury, surgery, and the weeks— or months-long hiatus 3) in
the use of the hands that followed. In Madelaine’s case, although the
phenomenon was identical — «uselessness», «lifelessness», «alienation» — it was
lifelong. She did not need just to recover her hands,
70
but to discover them —
to acquire them, to achieve them — for the first time; not just to regain a
dissociated gnostic system, but to construct a gnostic system she had never had
in the first place. Was this possible?
(10) The injured soldiers described by
Leon’tev and Zaporozhets had normal hands before injury. All
75
they had to do was to
«remember» what had been «forgotten» or «dissociated», or «inactivated» through
severe injury. Madelaine, in contrast, had no repertoire of memory for she had
never used her hands — and she felt she had no hands — or arms either. She had
never fed herself, used the toilet by herself, or reached
80
out to help herself,
always leaving it for others to help her. She had behaved, for sixty years, as
if she were a being without hands.
(11) This then was the challenge that faced
us; a patient with perfect elementary sensations in the hands,
85
but, apparently, no
power to integrate these sensations to the level of perceptions that were
related to the world and to herself; no power to say, «I perceive, I recognize,
I will, I act», so far as her «useless» hands went. But somehow or ot her (as
Leon’tev and Zaporozhets found with their patients), we had to get her to
90
act and to use her
hands actively, and, we hoped, in so doing, to achieve integration: «The integration
is in the action», Roy Campbell wrote.
(12) Miss J. Was agreeable to all this,
indeed fascinated, but puzzled and not hopeful. «How can I do anything with my
hands», she asked, «when they are just lumps of putty?»
95
(13) «In the beginning
is the deed», Goethe wrote. This may be so when we face moral or existential
dilemmas, but not where movement and perception have their origin. Yet here too
there is always something sudden: a first step (or a first word, as when Helen
Keller said «water» 4), a first movement,
100
a first perception a
first impulse — total, «out of the blue», where there was nothing, or nothing
with sense before. «In the beginning is the impulse». 5) Not a deed, not a
reflex, but an «impulse», which is both more obvious and more mysterious than
either…. We could not say to Madelaine «Do it!» but we might hope for
105
an impulse: we might
hope, we might solicit, we might even provoke one….
(14) I thought of the infant as it reached
for the breast. «Leave Madelaine her food, as if by accident,
110 slightly out of
reach on occasion», I suggested to her nurses. «Don’t starve  her, don’t tease
her, but show less than your usual alacrity in feeding her». And one day it
happened — what had never happened before. Miss J., impatient, hungry, instead
of waiting passively and patiently, reached out an arm, groped, found a
115 bagel, and took
it to her mouth. This was the first use other hands, her first manual act, in
sixty years, and it marked her birth as a «motor individual» (Sherrington’s
term for the person who emerges through acts). It also marked her first manual
perception, and thus her birth as a complete «perceptual individual». Her
first
120 perception, her
first recognition, was of a bagel, or «bagelhood» — as Helen Keller’s first
recognition, first utterance, was of water («waterhood»).
(15) After this first act, this first
perception, progress was extremely rapid. As she had reached our to
125 explore or touch
a bagel, Miss J., in her new hunger, now reached out to explore or touch the whole
world. Eating led the way the feeling, the exploring of different foods,
containers, implements, etc. «Recognition» had somehow to be achieved by a
curiously roundabout sort of inference or guesswork, for having been
130 both blind and
«handless» since birth, she was lacking in the simplest internal images
(whereas Helen Keller at least had tactile images). Had she not been of
exceptional intelligence and literacy, with an imagination filled and
sustained, so to speak, by the images of others, images conveyed by language,
by the word, she might have remained almost as helpless as a baby.
135
(16) A bagel was
recognized as round bread, with a hole in it; fork as an elongated flat object
with several sharp tines. But then this preliminary analysis gave way to an
immediate intuition, and objects
140
were instantly
recognized as themselves, as immediately familiar in character and
«physiognomy»; were immediately recognized as unique, as «old friends». And
this sort of recognition, not analytic, but synthetic and immediate, went with
a vivid delight, and a sense that she was discovering a world full of
enchantment, mystery, and beauty.
2
(17) The commonest
objects delighted her — delighted her, and stimulated a desire to reproduce
them. She asked for clay and started to make models: her first model, her first
«sculpture» was of a shoehorn, and even this, somehow, was imbued with a
peculiar power and humor, with flowing, powerful, chunky curves reminiscent of
an early Henry Moore.
150
(18) And then — and
this was within a month of her first recognitions — her attention, her
appreciation, moved from objects to people. There were limits, after all, to
the interest and expressive possibilities of
155
things, even when
transfigured by a sort of innocent, ingenuous, and often comical genius. Now
she needed to explore the human face and figure, at rest and in motion. To be
«felt» by Miss J. Was a remarkable experience. Her hands, only such a little
while ago inert, doughy, now seemed charged with a preternatural
160
6) animation and sensibility.
One was not merely being recognized, being scrutinized, in a way more intense
and searching than any visual scrutiny, but being «tasted» and appreciated
meditatively, imaginatively and aesthetically, by a born (a newborn) artist.
They were, I felt, not just the hands of a blind woman exploring,
165
but of a blind artist,
a meditative and creative mind, just opened to the full sensuous and spiritual
reality of the world. These explorations too pressed for representation and
reproduction as an external reality.
(19) Miss J. Started to model heads and
figures, and within a year was locally famous as the Blind
170 Sculptress of
Saint Benedict’s. Her sculptures tended to be half or three-quarters life size,
with simple but recognizeable features, and with a remarkably expressive
energy. For me, for her, for all of us, this was a deeply moving, an amazing,
almost a miraculous, experience. Who would have dreamed that basic powers
175 of perception
normally acquired in the first months of life, but failing to be acquired at
this time, could be acquired in one’s sixtieth year? 7) What wonderful
possibilities of late learning, and learning for the handi
180 capped, this
opened up. And who could have dreamed that in this blind, palsied woman, hidden
away, inactivated, over-protected all her life, there lay the germ of an
astonishing artistic sensibility (unsuspected by her, as by others) that would
germinate and blossom into a rare and beautiful reality, after remaining
dormant, blighted for sixty years?
Notes:
2
gnosis — recognition
2
perceptive — for
purposes of gaining knowledge of something through the senses.
2
hiatus — a break or
interruption
(4) Helen Keller was born blind and deaf
and became a lecturer, author and educator. Her teacher, Anne Sullivan, devised
a method of teaching her to identify (and name) her sensory perceptions (e.g.
the feel of water on her hand).
(5) impulse — a sudden urge to do something
(6) preternatural — supernatural
(7) But the case of Madelaine J., as I was
to find, was by no means unique. Within a year I had encountered another patient
(Simon K.) who also had cerebral palsy combined with profound impairment of
vision. While Mr. K. Had normal strength and sensation in his hands, he
scarcely ever used them — and was extraordinarily inept in handling, exploring
or recognizing anything. Now that we had been alerted by Madelaine J., we
wondered whether he too might not have a similar «developmental agnosia» —
and, as such, be «treatable» in the same way. And, indeed, we soon found that
what had been achieved with Madelaine could be achieved with Simon as well.
Within a year he had become very «handy» in all ways, and particularly enjoyed
simple carpentry, shaping plywood and wooden blocks, and assembling them into
simple wooden toys. He had no impulse to sculpt, to make reproductions he was
not a natural artist like Madelaine. But still, after a half-century spent
virtually without hands, he enjoyed their use in all sorts of ways.
This is more remarkable, perhaps, because
he is mildly retarded, an amiable simpleton, in contrast to the passionate and
highly gifted Madelaine J. It might be said that she is extraordinary, a Helen
Keller, a woman in a million — but nothing like this could possibly be said of
simple Simon. And yet the essential achievement — the achievement of hands —
proved wholly as possible for him as for her. It seems clear that intelligence,
as such, plays no part in the matter — that the sole and essential thing is
use.
From.: «The New York Review of Books», Nov. 1984 .

ECOLOGICAL
ARMAGEDDON
By Robert Heilbroner
The desirability of economic growth in an affluent
industrial society such as the United States has in recent years come under
attack from many quarters. Some of the strongest and most pervasive critics
have been the ecologists. In a review of an important book, POPULATION,
RESOURCES, ENVIRONMENTS, by Paul and Ann Ehrlich, Robert Heilbroner summarizes
and analyzes the major ecological problems posed by unlimited growth.
l. The ecological issue has assumed the dimensions of
a vast popular fad, for which one can predict with reasonable assurance the
trajectory of all fads — a period of intense general involvement, followed by
2
growing boredom and
gradual extinction, save for a die-hard remnant of the faithful.
    2. I have slowly become convinced during the last
twelve months that the ecological issue is not only of primary and lasting
importance, but that it may indeed constitute the most dangerous and difficult
10
challenge that humanity
has ever faced. Since these are very large statements, let me attempt to substantiate
them by drawing freely on the best single descriptive and analytic treatment of
the subject that I have yet seen, Population, Resources, Environment by Paul
and Ann Ehrlich of Stanford University. Rather than
15
resort to the
bothersome procedure of endlessly citing their arguments in quotation marks, I
shall take the liberty of reproducing their case in a rather free paraphrase,
as if it were my own, until we reach the end of the basic argument after which
I shall make clear some conclusions that I believe lie implicit in their work.
20
3. Ultimately, the
ecological crisis represents our belated awakening to the fact that we live on
what Kenneth Boulding has called, in the perfect phrase, our Spaceship Earth.
As in all spaceships, sustained life requires that a meticulous balance be
maintained between the capability of the vehicle to support life
25
and the demands made by
the inhabitants of the craft. Until recently, those demands have been well
within the capability of the ship, in its ability both to supply the physical
and chemical requirements for continued existence and to absorb the waste
products of the voyagers. This is not to say that the earth has been
30
generous — short
rations have been the lot of mankind for most of its history — nor is it to
deny the recurrent advent of local ecological crises — witness the destruction
of whole areas like the erstwhile granaries of North Africa. But famines have
passed and there have always been new areas to move to.The
35
 idea that the earth as
a whole was overtaxed is one that is new to our time.
3.
For it is only in our
time that we are reaching the limit of earthly carrying capacity, not on a
local
40
but on a global basis.
Indeed, as will soon become clear, we are well past that capacity, provided
that the level of resource intake and waste output represented by the average
American or European is taken as a standard to be achieved by all humanity. To
put it bluntly, if we take as the price of a first-class ticket the
45
resource
requirements-of those passengers who travel in the Northern Hemisphere of the
Spaceship, we have now reached a point at which the steerage is condemned to
live forever — or at least within the horizon of the technology presently
visible — at a second-class level: 5 or a point at which a considerable
50
change in living habits
just be imposed on first class if the ship is ever to be converted to a
one-class cruise.
4.
This strain on the
carrying capacity of the vessel results from the contemporary confluence of
three distinct developments, each of which places tremendous or even unmanageable
strains on the life-carrying
55
capability of the
planet and all of which together simply overload it. The first of these is the
enormous strain imposed by the sheer burgeoning of population. The statistics
of population growth are by now very well known: the earth's passenger list is
growing at a rate that will give us some four billion humans by
60
1975,and that threatens
to give us eight billion by 2010. I say «threatens», since it is likely that
the inability of the earth to carry so large a group will result in an actual
population somewhat smaller than this, especially in the steerage, where the
growth is most rapid and the available resources last plentiful.
65
     6. We shall return
to the population problem later. But meanwhile a second strain is placed on
the earth by the simple cumulative effect of existing technology (combustion
engines, the main industrial processes,
70
present-day
agricultural techniques, etc.). This strain is localized mainly in the
first-class portions of the vessel where each new arrival on board is rapidly
given a standard complement of capital equipment and where the rate of physical
and chemical resource transformation per capita steadily mounts. The strain
75
consists of the limited
ability of the soil, the water, and the atmosphere of these favored regions to
absorb the outpourings of these fast-growing industrial processes.
7.The most dramatic instance of this
limited absorptive power is the rise in the carbon dioxide content of
80
the air due to the
steady growth of (largely industrial) combustion. By the year 2000, it seems
beyond dispute that the CO2 content of the air will have doubled, raising the
heat-trapping properties of the atmosphere. This so-called «greenhouse» effect
has been predicted to raise mean global temperatures
85
sufficiently to bring
catastrophic potential consequences. One possibility is a sequence of climatic
changes resulting from a melting of the Arctic ice floes that would result in
the advent of a new ice Age; another is the slumping of the Antarctic ice cap
into the sea with a consequent tidal wave that could wipe out a sub
90
stantial portion of
mankind and raise the sea level by 60 to 100 feet.
8.These are all «iffy» scenarios whose
present significance may be limited to alerting us to the immensity of the
ecological problem; happily they are of sufficient uncertainty not to cause us
immediate
95
worry (it is lucky they
are, because it is extremely unlikely that all the massed technological and human
energy on earth could arrest such changes once they began). Much closer to
home is the burden placed on the earth's carrying capacity by the sheer
requirements of a spreading industrial activity for the fuel and
100
mineral resources
needed to maintain the going rate of output per person in the first-class
cabins. To raise the existing (not the anticipated) population of the earth to
American standards would require the annual extraction of 75 times as much
iron, 100 times as much copper, 200 times as much lead, and 250 times as
105
much tin as we now take
from the earth.
9.Only the known reserves of iron allow us to entertain such fantastic
rates of mineral exploitation (and the capital investment needed to bring about
such mining operations is in itself staggering to contemplate).
110
All the other
requirements exceed by far all known or reasonably anticipated ore reserves.
And, to repeat, we have taken into account only today's level of population: to
equip the prospective passengers of the year 2010 with this amount of basic raw
material would require a doubling of all the above figures.
115
   10. I  will revert
later to the consequences of this prospect. First, however, let us pay
attention to the third source of overload, this one traceable to the special
environment-destroying potential of newly developed
120
technologies. Of these
the most important — and if it should ever come to full-scale war, of course
the most lethal — is the threat posed by nuclear radiation. I shall not elaborate
on this well-known (although not wellbelieved) danger, pausing to point out
only that a nuclear holocaust would in all likelihood exert its
125
principal effect in the
Northern Hemisphere. The survivors in the South would be severely hampered in
their efforts at reconstruction not only because most of the easily available
resources of the world have already been used up, but because most of the
technological know-how would have perished along with the populations up North.
130
1l.But the threats of
new technology are by no means limited to the specter of nuclear devastation.
There is, immediately at hand, the known devastation of the new chemical pesticides
that have now entered more
135
or less irreversibly
into the living tissue of the world's population. Most mothers' milk in the
United States today — I now quote the Ehrlichs verbatim — «contains so much DDT
that it would be declared illegal in interstate commerce if it were sold as
cow's milk»; and the DDT intake of infants around the world is twice
140
the daily allowable
maximum set by the World Health Organization. We are already, in other words,
being exposed to heavy dosages of chemicals whose effects we know to be
dangerous, with what ultimate results we shall have to wait nervously to
discover. (There is something to think about in the archaeological
145
evidence that one
factor in the decline of Rome was the systematic poisoning of upper-class
Romans from the lead with which they lined their wine containers).
12.But the threat is not limited to pesticides. Barry Commoner
predicts an agricultural crisis in the
150
United States within
fifty years from the action of our fertilizers, which will either ultimately
destroy soil fertility or lead to pollution of the national water supply. At
another comer of the new technology, the SST* threatens not only to shake us
with its boom, but to affect the amount of cloud cover (and climate) by
155
its contrails**. And I
have not even mentioned the standard pollution problems of smoke, industrial
effluents into lakes and rivers, or solid wastes. Suffice it to report that a
1968 UNESCO Conference concluded that man has only about twenty years to go
before the planet starts to become uninhabitable because of air pollution
alone. Of course «starts to» is imprecise; I am reminded of a cartoon of an

industrialist looking at his
billowing smoke-stacks, in front of which a forlorn figure is holding up a
placard that says: «We have only 35 years to go», The caption reads, «Boy, that
shook me up for a minute. I thought it said 3 to 5 years».

*SST
— supersonic transport plane
**contrail
— the visible condensation of water droplets or ice crystals from the
atmosphere, occurring in the wake of an aircraft or missile under certain
conditions.
160

165
13. I have left until
last the grimmest and gravest threats of all, speaking now on behalf of the
steerage. This is the looming inability of the great green earth to bring forth
sufficient food to maintain life, even at the miserable threshhold of subsistence
at which it is now endured by perhaps a third of the world's
170
population. The problem
here is the very strong likelihood that population growth will inexorably
outpace whatever improvements in fertility and productivity we will be able to
apply to the earth's mantle (including the watery fringes of the ocean where
sea «farming» is at least technically imaginable).
175     14. Here the
race is basically between two forces: on the one hand, those that give promise
that the rate of population increase can be curbed (if not totally halted);
and on the other, those that give promise of increasing the amount of
sustenance we can wring from the soil.
180   15. Ultimately
the problem posed by Malthus must be faced — that population tends to increase
geometrically, by doubling; and that agriculture does not; so that eventually
population must face the limit of a food barrier.
16.The Malthusian prophecy has been so
often «refuted», as economists have pointed to the astonishing
185 rates of growth
of food output in the advanced nations, that there is a danger of dismissing
the warnings of the Ehrlichs as merely another premature alarm. To do so would
be a fearful mistake. For unlike Malthus, who assumed that technology would
remain constant, the Ehrlichs have made ample allowance for the
190 growth of
technological capability, and their approach to the impending catastrophe is
not shrill. They merely point out that a mild version of the Malthusian
solution is already upon us, for at least half a billion
195 people are
chronically hungry or outright starving, and another 1 1/2 billion under or
malnourished. Thus we do not have to wait for «gigantic inevitable famine»; it
has already come.
17.What is more important is that the
Ehrlichs see the matter in a fundamentally different perspective
200 from Malthus, not
as a problem involving supply and demand, but as one involving a total
ecological equilibrium. The crisis, as the Ehrlichs see it, is thus both deeper
and more complex than merely a shortage of food, although the latter is one of
its more horrendous evidences. What threatens the Spaceship Earth is a
205 profound
imbalance between the totality of systems by which human life is maintained,
and the totality of demands, industrial as well as agricultural, technological
as well as demographic, to which that capacity to support life is subjected.
18. I have no doubt that one can fault bits
and pieces of the Ehrlichs' analysis, and there is a note of
210 determined
pessimism in their work that leads me to suspect (or at least hope) that there
is somewhat more time for adaptation than they suggest. Yet I do not see how
their basic conclusion can be denied. Beginning within our lifetimes and rising
rapidly to crisis proportions in our children's, a challenge faces humankind
215 comparable to
none in its history, with the possible exception of the forced migrations of
the Ice Age. It is with the responses to this crisis that I wish to end this
essay, for telling and courageous as the Ehrlichs' analysis is, I do not
believe that even they have fully faced up to the implications that their own
findings
220 present.
19. The first of these I have already
stated: it is the clear conclusion that the underdeveloped countries can never
hope to achieve parity with the developed countries. Given our present and
prospective
225 technology, there
are simply not enough resources to permit a «Western» rate of industrial
exploitation to be expanded to a population of four billion — much less eight
billion — persons. It may well be that most of the population in the
underdeveloped world has no ambition to reach Western standards — indeed, does
230 not even know
that such a thing as «development» is on the agenda. But the elites of these nations,
for all their rhetorical rejection of Western (and especially American) styles
of life, do tend to picture a Western standard as the ultimate end of their
activities. As it becomes clear that such an objective is impossible, a
235 profound
reorientation of views must take place within the underdeveloped nations.
20.The implications of the ecological
crisis for the advanced nations are not any less severe, although they are of a
different kind. For it is clear that free industrial growth is just as
disastrous for the Western
240 nations as a free
population growth for those of the East and South. The worship in the West of a
growing Gross National Product must be recognized as not only a deceptive but a
very dangerous avatar; Kenneth
245 Boulding has
begun a campaign, in which I shall join him, to label this statistical monster
Gross National Cost.
21.The necessity to bring our economic
activities into a sustainable relationship with the resource
250 capabilities and
waste absorption properties of the world will pose two problems for the West,
On the simpler level, a whole series of technological problems must be met.
Fume-free transportation must be developed on land and air. The cult of
disposability must be replaced by that of reusability. Population stability
must be attained through tax and other inducements, both to conserve resources
and to preserve
255 reasonable population densities. Many
of these problems will tax our ingenuity, technical and sociopolitical, but
the main problem they pose is not whether, but how soon they can be solved.
22. But there is another, deeper question
that the developed nations face — at least those that have
260 capitalist
economies. This problem can be stated as a crucial test as to who was right —
John Stuart Mill or Karl Marx. Mill maintained, in his famous Principles, that
the terminus of capitalist evolution would be a stationary state, in which the
return to capital had fallen to insignifficance, and a redistributive tax
system
265 would be able to
capture any flows of income to the holders of scarce resources such as land. In
effect, he prophesied the transformation of capitalism, in an environment of
abundance, into a balanced economy, in
270 which the
capitalist both as the generator of change and as the main claimant on the
surplus generated by change, would in effect undergo a painless euthanasia.
23.The Marxian view is of course quite the
opposite. The very essence of capitalism, according to Marx, is expansion—
which is to say, the capitalist, as a historical «type», finds his raison
d'etre in the insatiable
275 search for
additional moneywealth gained through the constant growth of the economic
system. The idea of a «stationary» capitalism is, in Marxian eyes, a
contradiction in terms, on a logical par with a democratic aristocracy or an
industrial feudalism.
280
24.Is the Millian or
the Marxian view correct? I do not think that we can yet say. Some economic
growth is certainly compatible with a stabilized rate of resource use and
disposal, for growth could take the form of the expenditure of additional labor
on the improvement (aesthetic or technical) of the national
285
environment. Indeed,
insofar as education or cultural activity are forms of national output that
require little use or resources and result in little waste product, national
output could be indefinitely expanded through
290
these and similar activities.
But there is no doubt that the main avenue of traditional capitalist
accumulation would have to be considerably constrained; that net investment in
mining and manufacturing would effectively cease; that the rate and kind of
technological change would need to be supervised and probably
295
greatly reduced; and
that as a consequence the flow of profits would almost certainly fall.
25.Is this imaginable within a capitalist
setting — that is, in a nation in which the business ideology permeates the
views of nearly all groups and classes and establishes the bounds of what is
possible and
300 natural, and what
is not? Ordinarily I do not see how such a question could he answered in any
way but negatively, for it is tantamount to asking a dominant class to acquiesce
in the elimination of the very activities that sustain it. But this is an
extraordinary challenge that may evoke an extraordinary response.
305 Like the
challenge posed by war, the ecological crisis affects all classes, and
therefore may be sufficient to induce sociological changes that would be
unthinkable in ordinary circumstances.

WATER,
WAR & PEACE
IN THE MIDDLE EAST

by Peter H. Gleick
Peter H. Gleick is director of the Global
Environmental Program of the Pacific Institute for Studies in Development,
Environment, and Security, based in Oakland, California. Partial support for
the Middle East Water project of the institute has been provided by the
Ploughshares Fund.
1.As the 21st century approaches, population
pressures, irrigation demands, and growing resource needs throughout the world
are increasing the competition for freshwater. Nowhere is this more evident
than in
5
the arid Middle East,
where the scarcity of water has played a central role in defining the political
relationships of the region for thousands of years. In the Middle East,
ideological, religious, and geographical disputes go hand in hand with
water-related tensions, and even those parts of the Middle East
10
with relatively
extensive water resources, such as the Nile, Tigris, and Euphrates river
valleys, are coming under pressure. Competition for the limited water resources
of the area is not new; people have been fighting over, and with, water since
ancient times. The problem has become especially urgent in recent
15
years, however, because
of increasing demands for water, the limited options for improving overall
supply and management, and the intense political conflicts in the region. At
the same time, the need to manage jointly the shared water resources of the
region may provide an unprecedented opportunity to move toward
20
an era of cooperation
and peace.
2.
During the last two
years, water conflicts have become sufficiently important to merit separate
explicit discussion in both the multilateral and bilateral Middle East peace
talks now under way (see box 1
25
on page 271-272). Among
the issues that must be resolved are the allocation and control of water in,
and the water rights to, the Jordan River and the three aquifers underlying the
West Bank; a dispute between Syria and Jordan over the construction and
operation of a number of Syrian dams on the Yarmuk River; the
30
joint management of the
Euphrates River between Turkey, Syria, and Iraq; and how to protect water
quality for all those dependent on these resources.
3.Conflicts among nations are caused by
many factors, including religious differences, ideological
35  disputes,
arguments over borders, and economic competition. Although it is difficult to
disentangle the many intertwined causes of conflict, competition over natural
resources and disputes over environmental factors are playing an increasing
role in international relations.
40
4. These conflicts  can
take several forms, including the use of resources or the environment as
instruments of war or as goals of military conquest. History reveals that water
has frequently provided a justification for going to war: it has been an
object of military conquest, a source of economic or
45
political strength, and
both a tool and target of conflict. Also, on occasion, shortages of water have
constrained a country's economic or political options. No region has seen more
water-related conflicts than the Middle East, and some of these go back more
than 5,000 years to the earliest civilizations in Mesopotamia  (see box 2 on
pages 272-277)
50
5.Water can become a
source of strategic rivalry because of its scarcity, the extent to which the
supply is shared by more than one region or state, the relative power of the
basin states, and the ease of access to alternative freshwater sources. In the
Middle East, water is scarce and widely shared by countries with
55
enormous economic,
military, and political differences. Also, there are few economically or
politically acceptable alternative sources of supply. Thus, the temptation to
use water for political or military purposes
60
has often proved
irresistible. As water supplies and delivery systems become increasingly
valuable in water-scarce regions, their value as military targets increases.
5.
In modem times, the
most pressing water conflicts in the Middle East have centered on control of
65
the Jordan River basin,
apportionment of the waters of the Euphrates and Nile Rivers, and management of
the groundwater aquifers of the occupied territories.
II The Water
Resources
1.The water resources of the Middle East are unevenly
distributed and used, and every major river in the
70
region crosses
international borders. The extent to which major rivers and groundwater basins
are shared by two or more nations makes the allocation and sharing of water a
striking political problem and greatly complicates the collection and
dissemination of even the most basic data on water availability and use. In
75
northeast Africa and
the Middle East, more than percent of the total population relies upon river
water that flows across a political border. Two-thirds of all Arabic speaking
people in the region depend upon water
80
that originates in
non-Arabic-speaking areas; two-thirds of Israel's freshwater comes from the
occupied territories or the Jordan River basin; and one-quarter of the Arab
people live in areas entirely dependent on nonrenewable groundwater or on
expensive, desalinized sea-water.
85        2.The major
shared surface water supplies in the Middle East are the Jordan, Tigres,
Euphrates and Nile Rivers. Although the watershed of the Litani River lies
entirely within Lebanon, control and allocation of its waters remain controversial.
Several major groundwater aquifers are also heavily used and, in the occupied
territories, strongly controlled.
90      3.The Middle East, actual water availability
fluctuates dramatically both seasonally and from year to year. For many of the
major rivers of the region, flows in dry years may be as low as one-half to
one-third the volume of the average yearly flows, and there is a long history
of persistent and severe droughts.
95
4.Water quality
problems also affect the region. Heavy use of water for irrigation contaminates
water with agricultural chemicals and salts and reduces the quality of water
for downstream users. Overpumping from many underground aquifers is leading to
the intrusion of saltwater and the contamination of
100
remaining supplies — a
problem especially evident in the coastal aquifers of the Gaza Strip.

CLIMATE CHANGE
1.
All debates about
regional water supplies assume that natural water availability in the future
will not
105
change and that flows will
be subject only to natural variations. In fact, this assumption may no longer
be true because of possible changes in the global climate. Global climate
change could affect water availability in many ways, though the precise nature
of such changes is still obscure. Climate change could
110
either increase or
decrease overall water availability in different times and in different places.
Estimates of changes in temperature and precipitation patterns in the Middle
East are mixed: average temperatures may rise between 3 and 6 С if
the atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide doubles, but precipitation
115
projections show little
consistency across different climate models, reflecting the difficulty of
accurately modeling precipitation and the uncertainty about regional model results.
Hydrologists expect higher temperatures to lead to substantial increases in
evaporation in the region, which would decrease overall
120
water supply and
increase demand. Despite the limited ability of the current models to project
future conditions accurately, even slight decreases in longterm water
availability would place severe political strains on the region, as was seen
from 1979 to 1988, when a drought reduced the average runoffin the Nile
125
by only 10 percent.
Although the nature of future climate changes in the region cannot be predicted
with confidence, there are indications that long-term decreases in flow
exceeding 10 percent are possible. Some preliminary modeling of the Nile basin
suggests that Nile runoff would decrease by as much as 25 percent
130
under some plausible
conditions, and seasonal flows may experience even more significant changes.
Ironically, the possibility of increases in runoff during the snowmelt season
raises the specter of increased frequency of severe flooding, as was experienced
in Sudan in 1988.
135
Future climate changes
effectively make obsolete all old assumptions about the behavior of water
supply. Perhaps the greatest certainty about future climate change is that the
future will not look like the recent past. Changes are certainly coming, and,
by the turn of the century, many of these changes may
140
already be apparent.
The challenge is to identify those cases in which conflicts are likely to be
exacerbated and to reduce the probability and consequences of those conflicts.

  Reducing Conflicts over Water
1.
There is no single
solution to the Middle East's water problems, and, ultimately, a combination of
145
efforts and in novative
ideas must be applied. Formal political agreements will have to be negotiated
to apportion and manage the shared surface — and groundwater in the region,
particularly in the Jordan and Euphrates river basins and the occupied
territories. Unless all of the people who depend on the resources
150
concerned are included
in these agreements, conflicts will remain. In particular, definitions of
equitable utilization of the existing water resources must be negotiated and
applied. Difficult decisions must also be
155
made to prioritize
water use within each country. Israel, like California and many other parts of
the world, is wrestling with the conflicts between urban and rural water
demands and between the agricultural and domestic sectors. Jordan is trying to
improve its water-use efficiency so that it, like Israel, can make better
160
use of its limited
supplies. And all parties are exploring ways of increasing supply within
serious economic and environmental constraints. Sharing of expertise, opening
access to hydrologic data, and exploring joint water conservation and supply
projects offer the best opportunities for reducing the risk of future tensions
over-water in the Middle East.
165      NEW SUPPLIES
l.The traditional reaction to resourse pressures is to
focus on how to increase supplies, and this is true in the Middle East as well.
There are two principal ways to increase supplies: bring in outside sources of
170 water and capture unused portions of
the current supply to building reservoirs to store flows during wet periods for
use during dry periods. Many ideas for developing new sources in the Middle
East have been proposed, including building desalination plants to make
freshwater out of seawater or brackish water;
175 constructing enormous pipelines to
divert underused rivers in Turkey or Pakistan to the parched regions of the
Middle East and the Persian Gulf; tankering or towing enormous bags of
freshwater to coastal areas; laying aqueducts from the Mediterranean Sea or the
Red Sea to the Dead Sea to generate electricity and
180 desalinate saltwater; and building new
reservoirs on major rivers to increase storage for dry periods.
3.
All of these proposals
are controversial, and all have uncertain economic and environmental costs. In
addition, political disputes over who would control the sources of some of
these options make the
185 construction of new facilities extremely unlikely in
the absence of a lasting political settlement. On the other hand, some new
sources of supply may eventually be developed as the economic value of water
rises and as demands grow:
190
— Desalination — Ninety-seven
percent of the water on the planet is too salty to drink or to grow crops. This
had led to great interest in devising ways of removing salt from water in the
hope of providing unlimited supplies of freshwater. Indeed, by the beginning
of 1990, there were more than 7,500 facilities
195
worldwide producing
more than 13,2 million cubic meters of freshwater per day. More than half of
this desalination capacity is in the Persian Gulf region, where inexpensive
fossil fuels provide the energy necessary to run the plants. For other regions,
however, the high energy cost of desalination continues to
200
make unlimited
freshwater supplies an elusive goal. In the long run, the use of desalination
will be limited by the amount and cost of the energy required to purify
saltwater. Unless unanticipated major technical advances reduce overall energy
requirements or the price of energy drops substantially, large-scale
205
desalination will
always be limited to extremely water-poor and energy-rich regions.
—
Peace Pipelines —
Various proposals have been presented for pipelines to transfer water from
Turkey to the Middle East and the countries around the Persian Gulf. Nicknamed
the «Peace Pipeline»,
210
such a project would
take water from the Seyhan and Ceyhan Rivers in southern Turkey as far south as
Jidda and Mecca in Saudi Arabia and as far east as Sharjah in the United Arab
Emirates. Along the way, water could be delivered to Damascus, Amman, Kuwait,
and Israel. One version of the Peace Pipeline
215
 would deliver more
than 1,000 million cubic meters of water per year, but little real progress has
come of the various proposals. In part, the Arabs, particularly the Saudis, and
the Israelis fear the political dominance of Turkey or the possible
interference of other states across which the pipeline would pass.
220
Other Out-Of-Basin
Transfers — There have been many other proposals to transfer water to the
Middle East from basins where surplus water may be available. Such transfers
could be accomplished via pipelines, aqueducts, tankers, floating bags, and
even towing icebergs. Among the projects proposed have
225 been pipelines from Baluchistan across the gulf to
the United Arab Emirates, from the Euphrates in Iraq to Jordan, and from the
Nile through El Arish to the Gaza and Negev to alleviate the severe water
crisis in the
230
Gaza Strip. Each of
these projects depends on the long-term availability of surplus water and the
political, economic, and environmental feasibility of transferring that water.
Similarly, it has been proposed that Israel and Jordan purchase water from the
Litani River in Lebanon, build a short pipeline and set of
235
pumping plants, and
move water to northern Israel, the West Bank, and Jordan. While Litani River
water is used for hydroelectricity, some surplus is currently thought to be
available if the economic and political price is right.
3. Moving water by tankers or by towing «trains» of
bags filled with freshwater is also being explored
240
for supplying coastal
areas. For the Gaza Strip, where overpumping of limited groundwater supplies is
leading to saltwater intrusion, such alternatives may prove feasible, though
technical and political obstacles still must be removed.
245
— Med-Dead or Red-Dead
Canal — Another alternative that has been suggested in various forms is to
bring large quantities of seawater from the Mediterranean Sea or the Red Sea
to the Dead Sea, which lies well below sea level. The large elevation drop
would permit the generation of hydroelectricity, which in
250
 turn could be used to
satisfy the energy requirements of a desalination plant. The freshwater
provided by such a system could be allocated to Israel, the occupied
territories, or western Jordan, where it would reduce pressures on the limited
water supplies in those regions. Brine from the desalination process or
255
additional seawater
could be diverted into the Dead Sea to help raise its level, which has dropped
nearly 20 meters over the last several decades because of the use of the Jordan
River — its only inflow. Many different schemes and locations have been
presented for such canals, and more work is needed to explore
260
the best routes, the
best allocation of water, and the many complicated environmental and economic
uncertainties posed by such projects.

VI. Politics and International Law
1.
International water law
and institutions have important roles to play despite the fact that no
265
satisfactory water law
has been developed that is acceptable to all nations. Developing such
agreements is difficult because of the many intricacies of international
politics, national practices, and other complicating political and social
factors. For nations sharing river basins, factors affecting the successful
negotiation and
270
implementation or
international agreements include wheter a nation is upstream, downstream, or
sharing a river as a border; the relative military and economic strength of
the nation; and the availability of other sources of water supply.
275
2. In the last few
decades, however, international organizations have attempted to derive more
general principles and new concepts governing shared freshwater resources. The
International Law Association's Helsinki Rules of 1966 (since modified) and
the work of the international Law Commission of the United
280
Nations are among the
most important examples. In 1991, the International Law Commission completed the
drafting and provisional adoption of 32 articles on the law of the
Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourses. Among the general
principles set forth are those of equitable utilization, the
285
obligation not to cause
harm to otherriparian nations, and the obligation to exchange hydrologic and
other relevant data and information on a regular basis. Questions remain,
however, about the principles' relative importance and means of enforcement. In
particular, defining equitable utilization of a shared water supply
290 remains one of the most important and difficult
problems facing many nations.
    3. Until now, individual water treaties covering
river basins have been more effective, albeit on a far more limited regional
basis, than the broader principles described by the International Law
Commission.
295
International treaties
concerning shared freshwater resources extend back centuries, and there are hundreds
of international river treaties covering everything from navigation to water
quality to water rights allocations. For example, freedom of navigation was
granted to a monastery in Europe in the year 805, and
300
a bilateral treaty on
the Weser River, which today flows through Germany into the North Sea, was
signed in 1221. Such treaties have helped reduce the risk of water conflicts in
many areas, but some of them are beginning to fail as changing levels of
development alter the water needs of regions and nations. The 1959
305
treaty on the Nile
River and some limited bilateral agreements on the Euphrates between Iraq and
Syria and between Iraq and Turkey, for example, are now under pressure because
of changes in the political and resource situations in the regions.
310
4.To make both regional
treaties and broader international agreements over water more flexible,
detailed mechanisms for conflict resolution and negotiations must be developed,
basic hydrologic data must be acquired and shared with all parties, flexible
rather than fixed water allocations are needed, and strategies
315
for sharing shortages
and apportioning responsibilities for floods must be developed before shortages
become an important factor. For example, both the 1944 Colorado River treaty
between the United States and Mexico and the 1959 treaty on the Nile River
between Egypt and Sudan allocate fixed quantities of
320
water, which are based
on assumptions about the total average flows of each river. However, mistaken
estimates of average flows or future climate changes that could alter flows
prove this type of allocation to be too rigid and prone to disputes.
Proportional sharing agreements, if they include agreements for openly
325
sharing all hydrologic
data, can help to reduce the risk of conflicts over water, and modifications
to these treaties should be undertaken by their signatories now, before such
flow changes become evident.
5.Existing institutions appear sufficient
to design and implement the kinds of conflict resolution
330 mechanisms
designed above, but some major improvements in them are needed. The United
Nations has played an important role, through the International Law
Commission, in developing guidelines and principles for internationally shared
watercourses, but it should continue to press for the adoption and
335 application of the principles in
water-tense regions, such as the Jordan and Euphrates river basins. Similarly,
bilateral or multilateral river treaties have been effective in the past, but
they should consistently include all affected parties; establish joint
management committees empowered to negotiate disputes; and
340 be flexible
enough to adapt to long-term changes in hydrologic conditions, such as those
that may result from global climate change. Finally, disputes over shared
groundwater resources are particularly important in the Middle East. However,
international groundwater law and principles are poorly developed. Some
345 recent progress
has been made, but more attention should be given to this matter in the context
of the Middle East.
Toward Peace
and Cooperation.
1.
For all of the
countries of the Middle East, long-term sustainable economic development will
350
depend in large part
upon access to clean and dependable supplies of freshwater. Access to water, in
turn, will depend upon regionwide comprehensive management of the shared major
river and ground-water basins. Although new sources of water may eventually be
developed, cooperation over the existing water
355
resources is essential:
unless current water supplies are equitably and efficiently allocated and
used, agreements to enlarge the overall pie will he stymied.
2.
Enormous differences
remain among the parties. Jordan still has a serious dispute with Syria over
360
the damming of and
withdrawals from the Yarmuk River; no formal agreements on water rights have
been worked out between the Palestinians and Israelis; Turkey, Syria, and Iraq
have no formal treaty allocating the waters of the Euphrates; and rapidly
growing populations throughout the region are competing for an
365
inadequate overall
water supply, raising unanswered questions about the costs of alternative water
sources.
3.
At the broadest level,
the Middle East needs a comprehensive framework for planning and managing
370
shared water resources.
If necessary, such a framework could be convened by third-party nations and
institutions and include regional and national studies on water supply and
demand, the development of standards for the collection and dissemination of
data, the establishment of Jordan and Euphrates river
375
basin authorities with
representation from all of the people dependent on those water resources, and
the identification of mechanisms for implementing joint projects. Some of the
goals of a framework water convention would include identifying minimum water
requirements and the equitable allocation of water;
380
water-use efficiency
capabilities and goals; means for shifting water use within and among sectors,
such as through water «banks» or marketing; and objectives for providing new
supplies. The opportunity for conflict over water in the Middle East is high,
but peaceful, effective cooperation remains a goal worth striving for.

box 1. WATER AND THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE TALKS
by Peter Yolles and Peter H.Gleick
Peter Yolles is a research assistant at the Pacific
Institute for Studies in Development, Environment and Security, based in
Oakland, California. Peter H. Gleick is the director of the Pacific Institute's
Global Environment Program.
Water is such an important aspect of the international
relationships in the Middle East that it has been made an explicit part of the
ongoing peace talks. There are two tracks to these talks, the bilateral talks
and
5
the multilateral talks.
The official goal of the bilateral negotiations is a «just, lasting, and
cornprehensive peace». These talks are where the major political  questions are
being worked out in meetings between Israel and each of the other interests in
the area. The major water issues in the bilateral talks are defining
10
and securing
appropriate shares of water rights. Discussion of the prime question of control
of water and water rights was originally part of the multilateral talks but was
recently moved to the bilateral talks. In the
15
Israeli-Jordanian
bilateral talks, a subcommittee on «Water, Energy, and Environment» was formed,
and a subcommittee on «Land and Water» has been formed for the Israeli-Palestinian
talks.
There are five separate working groups in
the multilateral talks: Refugees, Anns Control and Regional
20
Security, Economic
Development, Environment, and Water. A steering committee oversees the work of
these groups and provides links with the ongoing bilateral talks. In the water
talks of the multilaterals, practical questions of regional cooperation are
under discussion with all interested governmental parties.
25
These questions include
how to alleviate short-term and long-term water shortages, how to increase
overall water supplies, and what institutions could enhance data sharing,
conflict resolution, and river basin management. Four sets of multilateral
water negotiations have already been held in Vienna (May 1992),
30
Washington, D.C.
(September 1992), Geneva (April 1993), and Beijing (October 1993). The next set
is being held this month in Oman. The water track of the multilaterals is the
only one to have successfully produced a signed agreement: to cooperate on a
series of formal and informal «activities» around supply
35
 questions, data
sharing, and institution building. These activities began in summer 1993 and
are continuing.
In addition to the formal peace talks now
under way, there is an informal track of separate independent, unofficial discussions.
These are often academic meetings, workshops, and conferences. Among the
recent
40
meetings have been an
Israeli-Palestinian conference in Zurich in December 1992; an academic workshop
on the multilaterals held at the University of California at Los Angeles in
April 1993, which included dellegates from Jordan, Israel, and the
Palestinians; a meeting in Champagne/Urbana, Illinois, sponsored by
45
the International Water
Resources Association in October 1993; and a Pugwash Conference on Middle East
issues held outside of Stockholm in December 1993.
These meetings provide an unofficial forum
for broaching ideas and exchanging information, and they
50
are considered extremly
fruitful both for the ideas that are raised and for the relationships that are
formed. Several of the ideas that have made their way into the recent formal
agreements between Israel and the Palestinians and Israel and Jordan orignated
at these unofficial meetings. These ideas include the goal
55
ofequetable utilization, the supply of
minimum water requirements to existing inhabitants, and the need to examine
certain new supply options.
box
2. CONFLICTS OVER WATER IN THE MYTHS, LEGENDS, AND ANCIENT HISTORY OF
THE MIDDLE EAST
by Haleh Hatami
and Peter H. Gleick
The history of water-related disputes in the Middle
East goes back to antiquity and is described in the many myths, legends, and
historical accounts that have survived from earlier times. These disputes range
5   from conflicts  over access to adequate
water supplies to intentional attacks on water delivery systems during wars. A
chronology of such water-related conflicts in the Tigris and Euphrates river
valleys during the last 5,000 years appears on the facing page.
10
One of the earliest examples
of the use of water as a weapon is the ancient Sumerian myth — which parallels
the Biblical account of Noah and the deluge-recounting the deeds of the diety
Ea, who punishes humanity's sins by inflicting the. Earth with a great flood.
According to the Sumerians, the pa
15
triarch Utu speaks with
Ea, who warns him of the impending flood and orders him to build a large vessel
filled with «all the seeds of life».
 A dispute between the city-states of Umma
and Lagash over the fertile soils of Mesopotamia between
20
the modern-day Tigris
and Euphrates Rivers continued from 2500 to 2400 B.C. and included
conflicts over irrigation systems and the intentional diversion of water
supplies. Continuing disputes over water in the region later led Hammurabi of
Babylon (around 11790 B.C.) to include several laws in the famous «Code
25
of Hammurabi»
pertaining to the negligence of irrigation systems and to water theft.
Many Biblical accounts include descriptions
of the use of water as an instrument of conflict, including the banishment of
Hagar and Ishmael to the wilderness with only a limited amount of water and
their
30
divine salvation when
God leads them to a well (Genesis 21:1-23). According to Islam, Ishmael's
offspring Constitute the nation of Islam; a similar Quranic verse parallels
this Biblical account. The well, called Zum Zum, is thought to be located at
Mecca. Exodus recounts the miracle of Moses  parting the Red Sea or,
35
alternatively, damming
a tributary of the Nile to prevent the Egyptians from reaching the Jews as they
journeyed through the Sinai. In Chronicles 32:3, Hezekiah jdigs a well outside
the walls of Jerusalem and uses a conduit to bring in water to prepare for a
siege by Sennacherib. By cutting off water supplies outside
40
of the city walls,
Jerusalem survives the attack.
Other historical accounts offer fascinating
insights into the role of water in war and politics. Sargon II, the Assyrian
king from 720 to 705 B.C., destroyed the intricate irrigation network of the
Haldians after his
45 successful campaign through Armenia.
Sennacherib of Assyria devastated Babylon in 689 В. С. as
retribution for the death of his son and intentionally destroyed the water
supply canals to the city. Assurbanipal, King of Assyria from 669 to 626 В С.,
seized water wells as part of his strategy of desert
50
warfare against Arabia.
According to inscriptions recorded during the reign of Esarhaddon (681-669
B.C.), the Assyrians besieged the city of Tyre, cutting off food and water. In
another account, in 612 B.C., a coalition ofi Egyptian, Median
(Persian), and Babylonian forces attacked and destroyed Ninevah, the
55
capital of Assyria, by
diverting the Khosr River to create a flood.
Nebuchadnezzar (605-562 B.C.) built immense
walls around Babylon and used the Euphrates River and a series of canals as
defensive moats surrounding the inner castle. Describing Nebuchadnezzar's plan
to
60  create an
impregnable city, the ancient historian Berossus states, «He arranged it so
that be siegers would no longer be able to divert the river against the city by
surrounding the inner city with three circuits of  walls».
65      In one of the
most intriguing legends, Herodotus describes how Cyrus the Great successfully
invaded Babylon in 539 B.C. by diverting the Euphrates River above the
city into the desert and marching his troops into the city along the dry
riverbed.
THE PARTIAL
CHRONOLOGY OF CONFLICT OVER WATER IN THE ANCIENT MIDEAST
3000 B.C. - The
Flood
An ancient Sumerian legend recounts the deeds of the
diety Ea, who punishes humanity for its sins by inflicting the Earth with a
six-day storm. The Sumerian myth parallels the Biblical account of Noah and the
deluge, although some details differ.
2500 В. С.-Lagash-Umma Border Dispute
The dispute over the «Gu'edena» (edge of paradise)
region begins. Uriama, King of Lagash from 2450 to 2400 B.C., diverts water
from this region to boundary canals, drying up boundary ditches to deprive Umma
of water. His son II cuts off the water supply to Girsu, a city in Umma.
1790 B.C.— Code of Hammurabi for the State of Sumer
Hammurabi lists several laws pertaining to irrigation
that provide for possible negligence of irrigation systems and water theft.
1720-1684 B.C. - Abi-Eshuh v. Iluma-Ilum
A grandson of Hammurabi, Abish or Abi-Eshuh, dams the
Tigris to prevent the retreat of rebels led by Iluma-Ilum, who declared
independence of Babylon. This failed attempt marks  the decline of the
Sumerians who had reached their apex under Hammurabi.
1200 B.C.-Moses and the Parting of the Red Sea
When Moses and the retreating Jews find themselves
trapped between the pharaoh's army and the Red Sea, Moses miracu, lously parts
the waters of the Red Sea, allowing his followers to escape. The waters close
behind them and cut off the Egyptians.
720-705 B.C.—Sargon II Destroys Armenian Waterworks
After a successful campaign against the Haldians of
Armenia, Sargon II of Assyria destroys their intricate irrigation network and
floods their land.
705-682 B.C. -Sennacherib and the Fall
of Babylon
In quelling rebellious Assyrians in 695 B.C.,
Sennacherib razes Babylon and diverts one of the principal irrigation canals so
that its waters wash over the ruins.
Sennacherib and Hezekiah
As recounted in Chronicles 32:3, Hezekiah digs a well
outside the walls of Jerusalem and uses a conduit to bring in water. Preparing
for a possible siege by Sennacherib, he cuts off water supplies outside of the
city walls, and Jerusalem survives the attack.
681-669 B.C. — Esarhaddon and the Siege of Tyre
Esarhaddon, an Assyrian, refers to an earlier period
when gods, angered by insolent mortals, create a destructive flood. According
to inscriptions recorded during his reign, Esarhaddon besieges Tyre, cutting
off food and water.
669-626 B.C.-Assurbanipal, Siege of Tyre, Drying of
Wells
Assurbanipal's inscriptions also refer to a siege
against Tyre, although scholars attribute it to Esarhaddon. In campaigns
against both Arabia and Elam in 645 B.C., Assurbanipal, son of
Esarhaddon, dries up wells to deprive Elamite troops. He also guards wells from
Arabian fugitives in an earlier Arabian war. On his return from victorious
battle against Elam, Assurbanipal floods the city of Sapibel, an ally of Elam.
According to inscriptions, he dams the Ulai River with the bodies of dead
Elamite soldiers and deprives dead Elamite kings of their food and water
offerings.
612 B.C. — Fall of Ninevah in Assyria and the Khosr
River
A coalition of Egyptian, Median (Persian), and
Babylonian forces attacks and destroys Ninevah, the capital of Assyria
Nebuchadnezzar's father, Nebopolassar, leads the Babylonians. The converging
armies divert the Khosr River to create a flood, which allows them to elevate
their siege engines on rafts.
605-562 B.C. — Nebuchadnezzar Uses Water to Defend
Babylon
Nebuchadnezzar builds immense walls around Babylon,
using the Euphrates and canals as defensive moats surrounding the inner castle.
558-528 B.C.—Cyrus the Graet Digs 360 Canals

On his way from Sardis to defeat Nabonidus
at Babylon,  Cyrus faces a powerful tributary of the Tigris, probably the
Diyalah. According to Herodotus's account, the river drowns his royal white
horse and presents a formidable obstacle to his march. Cyrus, angered by the
«insolence» of the river, halts his army and orders them to cut 360 canals to
divert the river's  flow. Other historians argue that Cyrus needed the water to
maintain his troops on their southward journey, while another  asserts that the
construction was an attempt to win the confidence of the locals.
539 B.C.—Cyrus the Great Invades Babylon

According to Herodotus, Cyrus invades
Babylon by diverting the Euphrates above the city and marching troops along the
dry riverbed. This popular account describes a midnight attack that coincided
with a Babylonian feast.

355-323 B.C.—Alexander the Great Destroys Persian Dams

Returning from the razing of Persepolis,
Alexander proceeds to India. After the Indian campaigns, he heads back to
Babylon via the Persian Gulf and Tigris, where he tears down defensive weirs
that the Persians had constructed along the river. Arrian describes Alexander's
disdain for the Persians' attempt to block navigation, which he saw as
«unbecoming to  men who are victorious in battle».
From Environment, 1994, Vol 36, Number 3.

LEADERSHIP
by Fred E.
Fiedler and Martin M. Chemers
l.Most of us believe that we possess the uncanny
ability to identify outstanding leaders. This confidence in the ability to spot
the «comers» is encouraged by the belief of many executives that they would
not be
5
where they are if (A)
they were not  excellent leaders and (B) they could not pick them. It may well
be true that some executives and personnel men do have the intuition necessary
to select good leaders for certain jobs. It is equally true — and considerably
more relevant — that most executives do not, and that they
10
share this lack of
ability with psychologists, personnel men, and the rest of us mortals.
2.It is worth asking, first of all, why
many executives think they are endowed with such abilities. One answer is that
it is very difficult to determine in most situations how well a leader
performed, and only
15
rarely do we compare
one leader with another. Getting the typical vice-president to say why a particular
manager performs well is often like trying to nail jelly to a wall: he tells
you that every manager's job is different, that it's not just how much one does
but how he does it, and that whatever measure you suggest
20
does not really capture
the essence of managerial performance.
3.That vice-president is, of course,
absolutely correct. What a manager does is indeed highly varied, and managerial
performance is very difficult to measure. It is therefore essential that we
realize the difficulties
25  not only in
predicting who will achieve  positions of leadership, and who will perform well
as a leader, but also in evaluating the selections once they have been made.
4.Training and experience seem to have
little to do with the ability to select leaders. Interviewers, be
30   they executives,
psychologists, or trained personnel managers, are not much better  than chance
at picking effective executives, and they are frequently worse. Each
interviewer tends to approach the job with his own idea of what a good
executive should be like, what the executive's job will be, and what is needed.
35
5.Webster (1964)
discovered that the interviewer tends to form an initial impression within the
first four or five minutes, and that he tends to search for additional
information to support and substantiate his hunches. Webster, Wagner (1949),
Mayfield (1964), and others have demonstrated that interviewers
40
often disagree with one
another quite radically, that the candidate rated best by interviewer A is
likely to be rated poorest by interviewer B. This means that a person's career
may depend on which interviewer he happens to hit that day.
45
6. Similar
disappointing results in predicting future behavior on the job have been
obtained even where the interviewers were highly trained psychologists and
psychiatrists selecting psychology trainees for the Veteran's Administration
(Kelly and Fiske, 1951). Only when interviewers refrained from making
50
inferences — in effect,
when they minimized the importance of interviewing in the first place—did their
predictions lead to some success. The most notable example is Ghiselli's (1966)
study of interviewing potential stockbrokers. In interviews with 507
candidates, the best predictor turned out to be simply how
55
much a man knew about
the job for which he applied. Ghiselli's predictions were thus mainly based on
screening out men who did not know what to expect in the stock brokerage
business and had little idea of why they wanted to enter it. The best predictor
of clinical success in the Kelly and Fiske (1951) study was
60
the Strong Vocational
Interest Inventory, a test which matches the candidate's interest patterns to
patterns of men who had remained (or survived) in the particular field or
profession. In general, therefore, interviewing is a poor way of selecting
executives and tends to contribute more «noise» than true information about the
applicant's chances for succeeding.
65
7.1t is important to
reiterate that good performance criteria are essential for rational selection.
Given all the difficulties and inaccuracies of interviewing and testing, if the
personnel manager at least knows what
70
sort of person he is
looking for, he has a better chance of finding him. This is especially true in
business. Because the nature of a manager's job is diversified, exact criteria
are extremely difficult to specify. Even when we do have some general idea of
what traits are needed for a particular job, we cannot be sure which
75
exact level of the particular
trait is most beneficial. Suppose that we are picking firstline supervisors in
a production department. We may know that we would like someone who has enough
education so that he can easily handle the administrative aspects of his job,
but exactly how much education is enough, and how
80
much is too much? A
person who is overeducated for the job is likely to become ineffective. Many
unemployed scientists and engineers are turned down for jobs because the
company is afraid that they are overqualified and will therefore become bored
and dissatisfied.
85
8.Another selection
danger is that of placing much emphasis on the one or two criteria we think are
important. A personnel director may believe that a foreman's success depends
largely on having a pleasing personality. He may then end up picking
individuals who have gone through life on charm rather than
90
merit or effort.
Without goad criteria and sound follow up studies, he will never learn whether
his predictions are right or wrong, and he will therefore go right on making
inaccurate selections.
ARE THERE
LEADERSHIP TRAITS?
95
9.We have taken a
rather pessimistic look at selecting leaders by interviews. What is the
possibility that we can select leaders by means of leadership traits? By a
trait we generally mean a personality attribute or a way of interacting with
others which is independent of the situation, that is, a characteristic of the
100
rather person than of
the situation. If leaders are born and not made, why should we not be able to
develop some tests which tap the individual's ability to lead others? Many
business executives, military men, and laymen firmly believe that there are
inborn qualities or attributes acquired early in life which make a person a
good leader. What is the evidence?
105
l0.There is certainly
no lack of research addressed to the question. In fact, the search for leadership
traits was the most important single activity with which leadership theorists
concerned themselves before
110
world War II. The truly
remarkable success of the intelligence testing spurred by the needs of World
War I led to a natural extension of interest in the measurement of other
psychological abilities and traits. Personality test development flourished in
the years between World Wars I and II. The number and type of
115
personality attributes
which were investigated spanned a wide range including intelligence, dominance,
aggressiveness, masculinity, perceptiveness, scholarship, fluency of speech,
judgment, decision-making ability, insight, and physical characteristics such
as weight, height, energy, health, physique, athletic ability, and grooming.
120
1l. In general, the
findings were disappointing. Scogdill (1948) reviewed the literature and, in
effect, gave this line of study the coup de grace, even though the search for
leadership traits still continues on a very limited scale. It must he said, however,
that some relationships between leadership attributes and
125
leadership status were
found. While the relationships were very weak, it may be worthwhile to report
what   evidence there is.
     12. Since many findings were contradictory,
Stogdill assessed the strength of various findings on the basis of the number
of studies which reported similar findings. Two major conclusions were reached
based
130
on the existence of
positive results from at least 15 studies:
«(a) The average person who occupies a position of
leadership exceeds the average member of his group in...(l) intelligence, (2)
scholarship, (3) dependability in exercising responsibilities, (4) activity
and social
135 participation, and (5) socioeconomic
status.
«(b) The qualities, characteristics, and skills
required in a leader are determined to a large extent by the demands of the
situation in which he is to function as a leader» (p. 63).
Positive evidence from 10 or more of the studies
showed:
140
«The average person who
occupies a position of leadership exceeds the average member of his group to
some degree in the following respects: (i) sociability, (ii) persistence, (iii)
initiative, (iv) knowing how to
145
get things done, (v)
self confidence, (vi) alertness to, and insight into, situations, (vii)
cooperativeness, (viii) popularity, (ix) adaptability, and (x) verbal facility»
(p.63).
13.It should be stressed, however, that the findings
were so tenuous that there is no real hope of using
150 them to identify or to predict leaders
in any practical situation. In fact, Stogdill concluded:
«A person does not become a leader by virtue of the
possession of some combination of traits, but by the pattern of personal
characteristics, activities, and goals of the followers. Thus, leadership must
be
155 conceived in terms of the interaction
of variables which are in constant flux and change. The factor of   change is
especially characteristic of the situation, which may be radically altered by
the addition or loss of members, changes in interpersonal relationships,
changes in goals, competition of extra-group influences,
160 and the like. The personal
characteristics of the leader and of the followers are, in comparison, highly
stable. The persistence of individual patterns of human behavior in the face of
constant situational change appears to be a primary obstacle encountered not
only in the practice of leadership, but in the selection and
165 placement of leaders....it becomes
clear that an adequate analysis of leadership involves not only a study of
leaders, but also of situations».
14. A subsequent review of the leadership
literature by R.D. Mann (1959) concluded that'a number of
170 relationships
between an individual's personality and his leadership status in groups
appeared to'be well established. In particular, intelligence, adjustment and
extroversion are related to leadership status, though Mann found the
relationships to be very low. Even the intelligence score, which has been the
most
175 consistent
predictor, was only poorly related to leadership performance.
15.The relevance of early studies to
current investigations of leadership quickly becomes apparent when
180 we lolok at some
popular assumptions about leaders, such as «he is a bom leader», or «a man who
can lead in one situation can lead in another». Similarly, we are constantly
exposed to the customs of the business community and of government in which a
man who has been outstanding in a managerial position of one
185 organization is  often transferred  or
hired  by another organization.  The examples  abound. General  Eisenhower was
appointed as president of Columbia University even though he had never held a
managerial position in an academic institution. He was subsequently elected
president of the United States
190 even though he had never before held
political office. General MacArthur was elected chairman of Sperry Rand
Corporation, and during World War II, Gordon Gray, the former president of a
railroad, became the head of the U.S. Veterans Administration. Unfortunately,
there are no data which would allow us to keep a
195 tally of the managers who switched and
failed. It should be pointed out, however, that to the extent that leadership
calls upon the exercise of certain administrative skills, it is reasonable to
expect that some transfer of these skills to new positions should be possible.
200     16. Let us
consider the two sides of the trait issue. The individual committed to the
belief that there is a leadership trait, or a pattern of leadership traits, can
point to the findings which show that intelligence, sociability, initiative,
and other traits or attributes are related to leadership status. He can also
point to a
205 number of
individuals who performed outstandingly well in a wide variety of leadership
tasks. He can further claim that studies which are inconclusive cannot be taken
as proof that leadership traits do not exist. After all, the investigators
simply may not have been bright enough, they may have been insufficiently
210 persistent, the
true leadership trait or trait patterns may  act yet have been identified, and
he knows — and you know — of people who keep getting into leadership positions.
17.The person who goes along with Stogdill,
Mann, and others would have to admit that there are some
215 personality
attributes like intelligence which are related to becoming a leader. The
relationships are not large, however, and they are more likely to be incidental
to leadership than central. Someone who is intelligent, sociable, tall, and
competent is also known by more people and is therefore more likely to be selected
for a leadership position.
220
18.It is certainly
true, and perfectly understandable, that the individual who is seen by one
group of people as trustworthy, intelligent, or willing to assume
responsibilities will probably look intelligent,
225
trustworthy,
responsible, etc. to another group of similar people. He will, therefore, be
more likely to attain another leadership position, as has been demonstrated in
a number of studies as well as in many everyday situations.
19. The question is whether the individual
who looks like a leader and is therefore chosen to fill a
230 leadership job
will also turn out to be an effective leader. In other words, will he really do
what he is supposed to do, and will he do it as well as or better than others
who are called upon to perform a similar task?
20.A position of authority certainly does
not imply competence or excellence in the person exercising
235 that authority.
While a doctor may have numerous patients, this is no assurance that he is
actually able to cure people. He may, in fact, be a poor diagnostician and an
inept practitioner who, by means of a good bedside manner, manages to look and
act the part of the outstanding physician.
240
21. More importantly,
it is often too late or quite irrelevant to ask how a person got to a position
of leadership once he has achieved it. People become leaders for any number of
reasons, and very often the
245
choice of a particular
individual is quite fortuitous. What does concern us is the question of how to
choose the person who will be effective or how to improve his performance.
22.Another question, whether we can select
the effective leader on the basis of his psychological traits,
250 is more difficult
to answer. As before, there is no evidence that there are any particular traits
which make a person an effective leader. An individual's height and weight, or
verbal fluency, may have assisted him in being elevated to a position of
leadership, but the number of inches of height or the number of pounds of
weight do not correlate with his performance.
255      23.The most
telling piece of evidence against the leadership trait theory comes from a
variety of studies in which the same leaders were observed or compared with
others on different leadership tasks. The logic
260 of this procedure
is quite compelling. We may not know the nature of the particular leadership
trait or of the personality attributes which make a man an effective leader,
but whatever they may be, they should enable him to perform better over many
different situations. As we said before, a leadership trait, like any other
personality trait, is defined as an attribute of personality which is constant
over situations. We should not call an individual intelligent if he can solve arithmetic
problems in school but not in a business
265 situation. We
should not call him mechanically adept if he can work with gears but not with
levers. Thus, if there is such a thing as a leadership effectiveness trait, the
same people should emerge as effective no
270 matter what the
situation might be.
24. A number of important studies indicate
that this is not the case. One study showed that the ratings of navy officers
while on shore duty were totally unrelated to the ratings of these same
officers on shipboard
275 duty. Thus,
effectiveness in one situation was quite unrelated to effectiveness in another
situation.
25. Fiedler and his associates (1966)
conducted a large field experiment in cooperation with the Belgian
280 navy. It involved
the assembly of 96 different three-man teams, each of which were given four
identical tasks. One of these tasks consisted of writing a letter urging young
men to join the Belgian navy as a career. The second and third tasks consisted
of trying to route a ship convoy through 10 and then through 12
285 different ports
in the most efficient manner (i.e., covering the least number of miles). The
final task required the leaders to teach their men, without speaking, how to
disassemble and reassemble an automatic pistol. All of these tasks were
developed with the assistance of Belgian navy officers in charge of the camp,
290 and the men
participating in this study considered the tasks fair and appropriate.
26.The performance of each team was
carefully measured and the performance scores for the four tasks were then
intercorrelated to determine whether the leaders who performed well on one task
would also
295 perform well on
the others. The results showed that the median correlation was only 0.14, i.e.,
few individuals performed consistently well or poorly.
27. Similar results were obtained in other
studies (Fiedler and Chemers, 1968). In fact, one major
300 investigation of
bomber crew performance during the Korean War, by Knoell and Forgays (1952),
showed that there were no consistently effective commanders on such apparently
similar tasks as visual bombing and radar bombing, and no relationships between
bomber crews in the effectiveness of performing such tasks as navigating
accurately, bombing, or maintaining the plane.
305     28.The
implications of these studies are quite clear. They cannot be shrugged off as
being inadequate, or based on too small a sample of groups, or consisting of
meaningless tasks. The findings must be interpreted as indicating that
leadership performance on one type of task is essentially unrelated to
leadership
310 performance on
another type of task. Therefore, leadership traits, or any personality traits,
are not likely to have a large influence on the performance of different leadership
tasks. This would mean that we cannot
315 really speak of
effective or ineffective leaders. Rather, a leader may be effective on one task
and ineffective on another.
From: Fred Fiedler and Martin Chemers, Leadership and
Effective
Management, 1974.
THE ROLE OF ELITES
by Edward Shils
1.Under colonial conditions, the underdeveloped
countries lacked the effective demand which permits a modern intellectual
class, in its full variety, to come into existence. Persons who acquired
intellectual
5
qualifications had only
a few markets for their skills. The higher civil service was by all odds the
most bountiful of these, but opportunities were restricted because it was small
in size and the posts were mainly pre-empted by foreigners. (In India in the
last decade of the British Raj, there were only about 1200 such
10
posts in the Indian
Civil Service. and of these, a little less than half were filled by Indians. In
other countries, the number of posts was smaller and the proportion held by
persons of indigenous origin was also much smaller.)
15      2. Joumalism,
as a result of generally widespread illiteracy,  was a stunted growth and
provided only a few opportunities, which were not at all remunerative.
Journalism under colonial conditions was much more of an unprofitable political
mission than a commercially attractive investment, and most of it was on the
minuscule scale.
20     3.The medical
profession was kept small by the costliness of the course of study, the absence
of an effective demand for medical services, and the pre-emption of much of the
senior level of the medical service by the government and its consequent
reservation for foreigners.
25       4.Teaching
at its lower levels was unattractive to intellectuals because it involved
living in villages away from the lights and interests of the larger towns, and
because it was extremely unremunerative. Nor
30
were there many
opportunities in it. On the secondary and higher levels, opportunities were
also meager. Of all the underdeveloped countries, only India had an
extensive modem college and university system before 1920; after that date the
additions to the Indian system of higher education came very slowly until the
eve
35
of the Second World War
and the chaos which accompanied it. Outside of India there were at most only a
few thousand posts available in institutions of higher learning in all of
colonial Asia and Africa, and some of these were reserved for Europeans (and
Americans, in the two American colleges of the Middle East).
40
Thus opportunities for
teaching on the upper levels of an extremely lean educational system were few.
Where the authorities sought to maintain a high standard, they were very
particular about whom they chose to employ. (It should be added that political
considerations, at this time of nationalistic, anti-colonialist
45
effervescence, likewise
restricted the chances of entry, since many able young men disqualified
themselves by the high jinks of adolescent politics during their student days).
5.The Legal Profession. For these reasons
many of the intellectually gifted and interested who also had
50  to gain their own
livelihood entered the course of legal study and then the practice of the
profession of the law. Entry to the legal profession was not restricted on
ethnic grounds; the course of study was short and inexpensive and could be
easily undertaken. There was, moreover, a considerable effective demand for
legal services.
55       6.The
colonial powers were concerned with order and justice and, in their various
ways, had attempted to establish the rule of law in the colonial territories.
The wealthy landowning classes and the newer wealthy merchants were frequently
engaged in litigations in which huge sums were involved and the 60
60  possibility of
lawyers to earn handsome fees gave an eclat to the legal profession which only
the higher civil service otherwise possessed.
6.
Furthermore, in
countries like India, Egypt or Nigeria, for example, what else could a
university or
65
college graduate do
with his qualifications if he did not wish to settle for a clerkship in the
government or in a foreign commercial firm? The law schools were therefore able
to attract throngs of students. Once the legal qualifications had been
obtained, the young lawyer went into the nether regions of the bar, where he
70
had much time for other
interests. The leisure time of the young lawyer was a fertile field in which
much political activity grew.
8.This existence of a stratum of
underemployed young lawyers was made possible by their kinship
75
connections. The
aspirants to the intellectual professions in the under-developed countries
almost always came from the more prosperous sections of society. They were the
sons of chiefs, noblemen, and landowners, of ministers, and officials of
territories in which indirect rule existed, and of civil servants and
80
teachers in countries
under direct rule. In some countries, they occasionally came from prosperous
mercantile families, though seldom in large numbers.
9. These social origins, against the
background of the diffuse obligations accepted by members of an
85
extended kinship
system, meant that even where the income gained from a profession was
inadequate to maintain a man and his immediate family, he could still continue
to associate himself with the profession. The deficiencies in his earnings were
made up by his kinsmen. Unlike teaching, the civil service, and most
90
journalism, where
membership in the profession is defined not merely by qualification and
intermittent practice but by actual employment, a person need not earn a living
by legal practice in order to be a lawyer. This is why the legal profession in
nearly all the underdeveloped countries has been, before and since
95
independence, crowded
by a few very successful lawyers and a great number of very unsuccessful ones.
10. These are also some of the reasons why
the legal profession supplied so many outstanding leaders of
100 the nationalist
movements during colonial times, and why the lawyer-intellectuals form such a
vital part of the political elites of the new states.
11.
Students. No consideration
of the intellectual class in underdeveloped countries can disregard
105
the university
students. In advanced countries, students are not regarded as ex officio
intellectuals; in underdeveloped countries, they are. Students in modem
colleges and universities in underdeveloped countries have been treated as
part of the intellectual class — or at least were before independence and they
110
have regarded themselves
as such. Perhaps the mere commencement of an adult form of contact with modem
intellectual traditions and the anticipation — however insecure that
acquisition of those traditions would qualify one for the modem intellectual
professions conferred that status on university and college students, and
derivatively, on secondary-school students.
115    12.The student
enjoyed double favor in the eyes of his fellowcountryman. As one of the tiny
minority gaining a modem education, he was becoming qualified for a respected,
secure, and well-paid position
120 close to the
center of society, as a civil servant, teacher or lawyer. As a bearer of the
spirit of revolt against the foreign ruler, he gained the admiration and
confidence of those of his seniors who were imbued with the national idea.
12.
Formally, the student
movements in the colonial countries began their careers only in the 1920's,
125
but long before that
the secondary schools, colleges, and universities had been a source of
personnel for the more ebullient and aggressive nationalistic movements. Since
the beginning of the present century, students have been in a state of
turbulence. This turbulence flowed more and more into politics, until the
130
students became vital
foci of the national independence movements. The secondary schools, colleges,
and universities attended by the students of underdeveloped countries became
academies of national revolution. It was not the intention of the administrators
and teachers that they should become such; rather, the
135
contrary. Nonetheless
they did, both in their own countries and in the metropolitan centers of London
and Paris, where many of the most important architects of independence were
trained, and where they found the intellectual resonance and moral support
which sustained them in lean years.
140     14.The London
School of Economics in particular has probably contributed much more to the
excitation of nationalistic sentiment than any other educational institution in
the world. At the School of Economics,
145 the late
Professor Harold Laski did more than any other single individual to hearten the
colonial students and to make them feel that the great weight of liberal
Western learning supported thier political enthusiasm.
15.
However, it was not
only in the universities of London and Paris, but in shabby clubs and cafes,
150
cheap hotels and
restaurants, dingy rooming houses and the tiny cluttered offiees of their
nationalist organizations that the colonial students were educated in
nationalism, acquired some degree of national consciousness, and came to feel
how retrograde their own countries were and what they might be if only
155
they became their own
masters and modernized themselves. Personalities like Mr. Krishna Menon, Or.
Nkrumah, and Dr. Banda were themselves formed in these milieux, and in turn
formed many of those who were to play an active part in the movement in their
own countries.
160    16.The
political propensities of the students have been, in part, products of
adolescent rebelliousness. This has been especially pronounced in those who
were brought up in a traditionally oppressive environment and were indulged
with a spell of freedom from that environment — above all, freedom from
165 the control of
the elders and kinsmen. Once, however, the new tradition of rebellion was
established among students, it became self-reproducing. Moreover, the vocational
prospectlessness of their post-university situation has also stirred the
restiveness of the students.
160   17.The
Unemployed Intellectual. In most underdeveloped countries during the colonial
period, the unemployed intellectual was always a worry to the foreign rulers
and to constitutional politicians, and a grievance of the leaders of the independence
movement. He still remains a problem in the underdeveloped
175 countries which
have had a higher educational system for some length of time and which are not
rapidly expanding their governmental staffs. In Ghana or Nigeria, there is a
shortage of intellectuals and all graduates can find posts; in Pakistan, which
inherited only a very small part of the higher educational
180 system of British
India, the government has tried to restrict entrance to the universities,
especially in «arts» subjects. In India and Egypt, however, despite rapid
expansion of opportunities for the employment of intellectuals in government,
there has been a more than proportionate expansion in the number of university
185 graduates and the
problem remains as acute as ever.
18.Yet the difficulty is not so much
«intellectual unemployment» as under— and mal-employment. Most of the
graduates sooner or later, do find posts of one sort or another, but they are
not posts which
190 conform with
expectations. They are illpaid, unsatisfying in status and tenure, and leave
their incumbents in the state of restlessness which they experienced as
students.
From: Edward Shils, «The Intellectuals in the
Political Developement of the New States», in Finkle and Gable (eds.)
Political Development and Social Change (1966).

ISOLATION
From: Edwin O. Reishauer, The Japanese
(1)
One final, vital fact
about the geographic setting of the Japanese is their relative isolation. Japan
lies off the eastern end of the Old World, in much the same way the British
Isles lie off its western end, but
5
at considerably greater
distance.  The more than a hundred miles that separate the main Japanese
islands from Korea is roughly five times the width of the Straits of Dover. In
the time of primitive navigation it constituted a considerable barrier, and
the roughly four hundred and fifty miles of open sea between Japan
10
and China were even
more formidable.
(2)
Troughout most of its
history Japan has been perhaps the most isolated of all the major countries of
the world. Until the dawn of oceanic commerce in the sixteenth century it was
fitfully in contact
15
with its two closest
neighbors, Korea and China, but influences from further afield came to Japan
only as filtered through these two lands. In more modem times, Japan's rulers
took advantage of their natural geographic isolation to fix on the country a
firm policy of seclusion from the outside world. For more than
20
two centuries, from
1638 to1853, the Japanese were almost completely sequestered from foreign
contacts. It was a unique experience at a time of quickening international and
interregional relations elsewhere in the world.
25
      (3) Thus natural
geographic isolation at first, compounded later by human design, forced the
Japanese to live more separately from the rest of the world than any other
comparably large and advanced group of people. Or perhaps one should say that
this combination of natural and artificial isolation enabled
30
them more than most
other peoples to develop on their own and in their own way. Certainly the
Japanese throughout history have been culturally a very distinctive people,
diverging sharply even from the patterns in nearby China and Korea, from which
much of their higher civilization originally came. Even today,
35
Japan occupies a unique
spot in the world as the one major industrialized and fully modernized nation
that has a non-Western cultural background.
(3)
Isolation has had a
number of important by-products. It has made other people, even the nearby
40
Koreans and Chinese,
look on the Japanese as being somehow different and has produced in the
Japanese a strong sense of self-identity. Such things are hard to measure, but
the Japanese do seem to view the rest of the world, including even their close
cultural and racial relatives in Korea and China, with an especially
45
strong «we» and «they»
dichotomy. Throughout history they have displayed almost a mania for
distinguishing between «foreign» borrowings and elements regarded as natively
«Japanese.»
(4)
Isolation thus has
ironically caused the Japanese to be acutely aware of anything that comes from
50
outside and to draw
special attention to its foreign provenance. The civilization of any country is
much more the product of external influences than of native invention. If one
subtracted everything from English culture that had foreign roots or
antecedents, there would be little left. But borrowing from abroad has
55
usually been a slow and
unconscious process or at least went unrecorded. The Japanese, on the other
hand, were always sharply conscious of the distinction between «foreign» and
«native» and made the fact of cultural borrowing a major theme of their
history. Thus they have given themseves and others the
60
impression that they
are somehow uniquely cultural borrowers. A myth has grown up that, unlike other
peoples, the Japanese are mere mimics, incapable of invention themselves and
unable to understand the inner essence of what they have borrowed. In actuality,
their isolation has probably forced them to invent a
65
greater part of their
culture and develop a more distinctive set of characteristics than almost any
comparable unit of people in the world. What distinguishes them is not their
imitativeness but rather their distinctiveness and their skill at learning and
adapting while not losing their own cultural identity. Others have tried to do
the same but with less success.
70
   (6) Another
by-product of isolation may be Japan's unusual degree of cultural homogeneity,
which has already been remarked upon. Of course, isolation and homogeneity do
not necessarily go together, as
75
be can seen in the case
of the British Isles. But prolonged separation from the outside world perhaps
aided in the spread of uniform cultural patterns throughout the Japanese
islands, despite their internal barriers of terrain.
*****
(7) The theme of homogeneousness will
reappear frequently in our story, but let me illustrate it here by
80
the racial composition
of the Japanese people, which might be regarded as part of the natural setting
for Japanese civilization. The Japanese, like all other peoples are the
product of long and largely unrecorded mixtures. In fact, the diversity of
facial types in Japan suggests considerable mixing in the past. But the im
85
portant point is that,
whatever their origins, the Japanese today are the most thoroughly unified and
      culturally homogeneous large bloc of
people in the whole world, with the possible exception of the North   Chinese.
There are few important physical variations throughout the islands, and, while
there are
90
 differences in
folkways and accents, not unlike those among the English, French, Germans, and
Italians, there are none of the sharp divisions as between Gaelic and English
speakers and Protestants and Catholics in the British Isles, between speakers
of French, Breton, German, and Basque in France, or the profound
95
differences of all
sorts between north and south Italians.
(8) Actually the Japanese islands from a
sort of cul-de-sac into which various peoples drifted over time and, finding no
exit, were forced to mix with later comers. Among these were the Ainu, who may
represent
100 an early type of
man dating from a period before the modern races became clearly differentiated.
In any case, they combine some characteristics of the white race, notably their
hairiness efface and body, with characteristics associated with other races.
Thus the Ainu may account for the somewhat greater hairiness
105 of some Japanese
as compared to most other members of the Mongoloid race. At one time the Ainu,
or people who at least were in part their ancestors, occupied either all or
most of the Japanese islands, and until the eighth century they still
controlled the northern third of the island of Honshu. But bit by bit they
110 were conquered
and absorbed by the main body of Japanese, until today fewer than 20,000 Ainu
survive as a culturally identifiable group in the northern island of Hokkaido,
and even these are on the brink of absorbtion.
115    (9) Basically
the Japanese are a Mongoloid people, much like their neighbors on the nearby
Asian continent. Both archeology and historical records attest to a broad flow
of peoples from northeastern Asia through the Korean Peninsula into Japan,
especially during the first seven centuries of the Christian era.
120 There may also
have been an earlier flow of people or at least cultural traits from more
southerly regions, which gave rise to certain «southern» characteristics that
Japanese culture shares with the peoples of Southeast Asia and the South Pacific.
An early diffusion of peoples and cultures may have occurred from
125 South China
southward but also eastward to Japan by way of Korea. These «southern» strains
may account for some of the mythology of Japan, the flimsy, tropical nature of
its early architecture, and the fact that Japanese in physical build are more
like the South Chinese than their somewhat taller and sturdier neighbors in
Korea and North China.
130      (10) Scraps
of the historical record suggest that there was some ethnic diversity in
western Japan up until the eighth century, and at that time the whole north
was still in the hands of the ancestors of the Ainu.
135 But there has
been no major infusion of new blood into Japan since that time. In fact, for
over a thousand years immigration of any sort into Japan has been only
infinitesimal. There has thus been a long time for racial mingling and the
development of a high degree of cultural homogeneity. This process was no doubt
140 aided by the
artificial seclusion of Japan from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries
and has been further fostered by strong centralized rule since then. But long
before this the Japanese had developed a picture of themselves as a racially
distinct and pure group, often portrayed in terms of a single great family.
145 It is a concept
more frequently encountered among primitive tribal peoples than among the
citizens of a large modem nation.
(11) Japan's imperial conquests in modem
times and its present global trade have attracted some foreigners into the
islands in recent decades. The only sizable group, however, is a Korean
community of
150 about 600,000
left over for the most part from the much larger numbers imported during World
War II to replace Japanese workers gone off to war. There are also a few tens
of thousands of Chinese, mostly merchants, from Japan's former colony in Taiwan
or from the mainland, and a few thousand other
155 outlanders from
more distant parts of Asia and the West.
(12) Altogether, these outsiders number
much less than 1 percent of the population, and only the Koreans constitute any
sort of a real ethnic problem. Since they are physically all but identical with
the
160 Japanese and are
closely allied to them in language, they could be readily absorbed both
culturally and racially, and Koreans bom in Japan usually do lose the language
of their parents in much the same way as people ofnon-Englishspeaking origin
become linguistically absorbed in the United States. The Japanese, in
165 their extreme
ethnocentrism, however, tend to reject Koreans as full members of their society,
while the Koreans, resentful of this attitude and of Japan's colonial
domination of their homeland in the past, often cling to their ethnic identity.
In fact, the Korean community injects a disruptive element into Japanese
170 society and
politics by its passionate adherence to one or the other of the two rival Korean
regimes and the respective supporters of these regimes in Japanese politics.
The Korean problem, however, is a tiny one compared to that of ethnic diversity
in North America or even the problems caused by floods of recent
175 immigrants and
industrial workers into the countries of North Europe.
(13) The extraordinary exception to
Japanese homogeneity, however, deserves mention. This is the survival from
feudal times of a sort of outcast group, known in the past by various names,
including the
180 term eta, but now
usually called burakumin, or «hamlet people», a contraction from «people of
special hamlets.» This group, which may number about 2 percent of the
population, probably originated from various sources, such as the vanquished in
wars or those whose work was considered particularly
185 demeaning.
Clearly they included people engaged in leather work or butchery, since the
Buddhist prejudice against the taking of all animal life made others look down
on such persons, though, it should be noted, not on the butchers of human life
in a feudal society dominated by a military elite.
190     (14) The burakumin
have enjoyed full legal equality for more than a century, but social prejudice
against them is still extreme. While they are in no way distinguishable
physically from the rest of the Japanese and
195 are not
culturally distinct except for their generally underprivileged status, most
Japanese are loath to have contact with them and are careful to check family
records to insure that they avoid intermarriage. In the highly urbanized Japan
of today, the burakumin are becoming progressively less
200 recognizable, but
their survival as an identifiable group is a surprising contrast to the
otherwise almost complete homogeneity of the Japanese people.
(15) One final point should be made about
Japan's isolation. It is now entirely gone. Japan, in fact, is in a sense the
least remote of all nations today. None is more clearly dependent on a massive
worldwide flow
205 of trade simply
to exist. As a result, it has developed strong trade relations with almost all
parts of the world. The seas that once cut it off now bind it effectively to
all regions. The great distances that once lay between it and all other
countries have now shrunk to insignificance. Military destruction can be
projected
210 across the oceans
in a matter of minutes. Floods of words and visual images are transmitted
instantaneously throughout the world. A person can be in both Tokyo and New
York on the same calendar day. With the coming ofgiant tankers and container
vessels, the costs of oceanic transportation have plummeted as
215 compared to land
transport. Mountain ranges, deserts, tropical jungles, and arctic tundra can
still be serious barriers to commerce, and man-made barriers can be even
greater, but oceans are now the cement that bind
220 the world
together economically. It is for these reasons that, in drawing my population
and GNP maps, I largely eliminated the oceans and seas, leaving only enough of
them to help demarcate the various countries and continental land masses, and I
placed Japan, not on the periphery as it seemed to be in the
225 past, but in the
center, a spot to which it is as much entitled as any nation because of its
massive involvement in worldwide trade.
(16) The shift from almost complete
isolation little more than a century ago to complete involvement today has, in
historical terms, been sudden. The impact of outside economic and military
power as well as
230 of culture and
ideas was once cushioned by what were then great intervening distances and also
by firm man-made barriers. The psychological effects of isolation still linger
on among the Japanese themselves and perhaps in the attitudes of other peoples
toward them. Linguistically the Japanese remain quite
235 separate, having
a most unusual and difficult writing system and a very distinctive language.
But the original geographic isolation and the self-imposed isolation of more
recent times exist no more.
(17) This has been a huge and upsetting
change for the Japanese. Attitudes and skills once suitable to
240 their position in
the world do not serve them as well today. The adjustment to the new conditions
has not been an easy one to make. There is a grave uncertainty in Japanese
minds about their position in the world and even about their very identity.
What does it mean to be Japanese today and what should Japan's role be
245 in the
contemporary world? These are questions the Japanese frequently ask
themselves, and I shall return to them in the final section of this book.

THE USE
AND ABUSE OF DRUGS

INTRODUCTION
1.
Few people would deny
that drug abuse (including alcoholism) is one of the most serious problems we
face today. Drug abuse itself is unquestionably a symptom of deeper psychological
causes.
5
Unfortunately, at the
present state of our  knowledge, we are better able to describe the effects of
drugs on behavior than to specify the underlying causes of drug abuse.
2.
Some drugs are
particularly worrisome because their continued use leads to addiction. For
example,
10
chronic heroin abusers
find that continued use leads to increased tolerance. Their bodies not only can
stand (tolerate) more of the drug, but actually require greater and greater
dosages to achieve the same effect. Before long, they develop a physiological
dependence on the drug, this state of physiological dependence
15
is called addiction.
Should they try to «kick the habit», their bodies will react violently.
3.
Addiction should be
distinguished from habituation, which is psychological, rather than
physiological, dependence. Withdrawal from habituation is more likely to be
accompanied by emotional
20
rather than physical
distress. A person trying to give up cigarettes, for example, is often nervous,
tense, and irritable; the physiological symptoms he or she may have are usually
minor.
4.
The chemical nature of
a drug determines whether continued abuse will lead to addiction or
25
habituation. Drugs such
as heroin, morphine, codein, and the barbiturates are addicting. Habituating
drugs include marijuana, cocaine, and the amphetamines. On the following pages,
we present facts about some of the more commonly used drugs.
I.     MARIJUANA
30   A. Does marijuana
Damage the Brain?
5.
The possibility that
marijuana use may be hazardous has produced a remarkable polarization among
scientists. Those who say that marijuana poses no special hazards espouse their
convictions with an
35
evangelistic zeal that
borders on fanaticism. Those who think there are hazards argue their case with
only slightly less fervor, and all too often scientific debate has fallen by
the wayside. This polarization is reinforced by the mass of contradictory
evidence that seems to lend support to both sides. The naive
40
individual seeking
guidance is often hardpressed to know whom to believe.
6.
Enough evidence has
accumulated in the past five years, however, that a dispassionate observer must
be forced to two conclusions. There is probably little or no hazard associated
with the use of a
45
single joint—or even a
few joints — but there is enough evidence suggesting potential dangers from
long-term, heavy use of marijuana that prudence would dictate both caution and
concern. These dangers include, among other things (Maugh, 1974a), the
possibility that long-term, heavy use of marijuana may produce
50
sharp personality
changes that lead to a marked deterioration in what is normally considered good
mental health and may cause potentially irreversible brain injury. If this
evidence is corroborated, cannabis (the generic term for marijuana and the more
potent hashish) would have to be considered far more hazardous than was
previously suspected.
55
     7. There is a little
question that cannabis has a number of short-term effects on the brain — it
could not be psychoactive if it did not. The consequences of these short term
effects are uncertain, but few
60
scientists seem willing
to suggest that these effects are in themselves hazardous. What is of greater
concern is the possibility that continuation of these effects over a period of
time may produce organic brain damage.
8. Tetrahydrocannabinol, which is the
principal psychoac-tive constituent of cannabis, has a very high affinity for
brain tissues.

В.
The Amotivational Syndrome
65
      9. ...many
scientists argue that the continued presence of tetrahydrocannabinol in the
brain induces a set of mental characteristics termed the «amotivational
syndrome». This syndrome is familiar to most
70
clinicians who have
treated cannabis users,  and has perhaps best been described by psychiatrists
Harold Kolansky and William T. Moore of the University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia.
10. Kolansky and Moore treated 13
individuals between the ages of 20 and 41 years who had smoked
75 cannabis three to
ten times a week for at least 16 months. All showed the same set of symptoms.
The patients were characteristically apathetic and sluggish in mental and
physical responses. There was usually a goalessness and a loss of interest in
personal appearance. Considerable flattening of affect gave a false
80
impression of calm and
well-being; this was usually accompanied by the patients' conviction that they
had recently developed emotional maturity and insight aided by cannabis. This
pseudoequanimity was easily disrupted if the patients were questioned about
their personality change, new philosophy, and drug
85
consumption, or if
their supplies of cannabis were threatened. The individuals were physically
thin, often appeared tired, and exhibited slowed physical movements. They also
showed symptoms of mental confusion, a slowed time sense, difficulty with
recent memory, and an incapability of completing thoughts
90
during verbal
communication.
11. The stereotyped nature of these
symptoms and the apparent psychological stability of the patients prior to
cannabis use led Kolansky and Moore to hypothesize that the syndrome was
attributable to
95
cannabis. This
hypothesis was supported by the strong correlation between the severity of the
symptoms and the duration of cannabis use. It was further strengthened by the
observation that the syndrome disappeared when the patients abstained from use
of cannabis (although some other investigators have

100  attributed this disappearance to the combination of
therapy and the power of suggestion) . In those patients who had used cannabis
most heavily and then stopped, however, the symptoms persisted intermittently
for as long as 24 months, and the investigators suggest that these individuals
may have suffered irreversible brain damage.

105   II LSD
12. There are a number of hallucinogenic drugs in use
today: LSD, psilocybin, mescaline, DMT, and STP. The most well known,
frequently used, and thoroughly researched is LSD. LSD (lysergic acid
110 diethylamide) is an extremely potent
hallucinogenic drug. As little as four-millionths of an ounce produces marked
behavioral changes. Or, stated another way, one ounce can provide more than a
quarter of a million average doses. An average dose takes effect extremely
rapidly, and the effects usually last from 8 to 12
115 hours. The use of LSD is accompanied by
marked physical changes, including elevated blood pressure, temperature, and
pulse rate.
13.
The psychological
effects of LSD are not always predictable. They seem to vary in the same
120
person from time to
time, and depend on such factors as the amount and purity of  the drug taken,
the circumstances under which it is used, and the personality characteristics
of the individual. Experiences under LSD are sometimes referred to as «trips»,
which can be either good or bad, or both. The presence of a «guide» does not
guarantee that the user will have a good trip.
125     14.  Since LSD is chemically similiar to a
substance occuring at some synapses in the brain, it may block or facilitate
relaying of neural messages. This may account for synesthesia, the translation
of one sensory experience into another — feeling an odor, seeing a sound, or
hearing a light. It is not unusual for
130
the user to experience
marked changes in sensation and perception, including distorted perceptions of
the self. For example, one person, while under LSD, reported, «I don't feel
like I'm reacting to my own body
135
now. I feel like I'm
away from it... My feet feel like they're a million miles apart» (Pol-135 lard
et al., 1965). Distorted perceptions of time are also common. Another
individual «tripping» on LSD reported, «... I don't know what time it is. I
can't even think what time it is...it feels like I've been here for weeks and
140
days...» (Pollard et
al., 1965)..., LSD also produces marked variations in emotional states, ranging
from inner contentment and oneness with the world to episodes of unmitigated
terror. What is sometimes frightening to the user is that he or she may
experience contrasting emotions at one and the same time; for
145
example, both grief and
joy. These mood contrasts are somewhat similar to those found in
manic-depressive psychosis. LSD may also produce other psychoticlike effects —
hallucinations, occasional delusions, and feelings ofdepersonalization or loss
of self-identity (Snyder and Lampanella, 1969).
150
     15.  Why do people
take LSD? The reasons are almost as varied as the types of effects produced.
Some individuals say they take LSD because they are curious, because their
friends encourage and sanction it, because they want to experience a high, or
because they think they will achieve psychological,
155
philosophical, and
religious insights. Some individuals, aware of the heightened sensory and
perceptual experiences it produces, believe that LSD will make them more
creative. In this respect, however, LSD is a complete failure. Artists who have
created works while under the influence of LSD have later repudiated
160
the work (Gubar, 1969;
McGlothlin and Arnold, 1971).
16
...In any event, most
users of LSD tend either to discontinue usage or to vastly restrict their
intake after two to three years. The reason appears to be the loss of the
uniqueness of the trip experience. «As (the
165
experience) is repeated
many times, what was initially unique becomes more commonplace and there is a
process of diminishing returns. The effect of hallucinogens is indeed a
"trip" and trips tend to lose their appeal when repeated too often»
(McGlothlin, 1975).
170      17. How dangerous is LSD? One of the delusions
occurring in many LSD trips is that the person thinks he or she has developed
magical powers and is capable of flying through the air. You may remember
reading about incidents in which a person, while on an LSD trip, jumped off a
rooftop, with predictable
175
consequences. The fact
is that the perceptual distortions can be so overpowering that normal judgement
is suspended and the individual may attempt almost any act, no matter how
foolhardy or dangerous. Some people, when on a «bad trip» or «bummer»,
experience feelings of panic when overwhelmed by a flood of
180
unprecedented thoughts,
emotions, and perceptions. They are powerless to «turn off» the drug and, in
their confused state, may think that they are losing their minds.
18. Another experience which can be
extremely frightening is the flashback phenomenon, in which
185 days, weeks, or  months later  the
individual  experiences  a recurrence  of  some aspects of the  LSD experience,
usually of a frightening nature.... It is interesting to note that
approximately five percent of LSD users experience flashbacks despite the fact
that the body appears to rid itself of LSD within two days

190 (Girdano and
Girdano, 1976). Thus, the cause of flashbacks is still an unanswered question.

III HEROIN
19. There can be no question about the dangers of
heroin use. What may start out innocently enough as
195 a desire to experience a new kind of
high may progress with extreme rapidity to an almost continuous type of
nightmare existence. As one addict expressed it, «Heroin has all the advantages
of death, without its permanence» (Time, 1970). Many addicts find permanence
when they take an overdose.
200     20. The
heroin user may begin by snorting or inhaling the drug, progress to «skin
popping» (injecting it beneath the skin), and end up «mainlining» it (injecting
it directly into the bloodstream) . If a hypodermic syringe is not available,
the user may sever an artery and pour the heroin in with a spoon. Once users
are
205 «hooked», their
entire lives become centered upon this white powder. They will do anything —
lie, steal, cheat, even kill — to get that next fix. After a while, they do not
even experience a high; they simply need the drug to avoid the terrors of
withdrawal. The habit demands more and more, and still more, of the drug.
210 Even a highly
paid corporation executive would find it difficult to support such a habit.
Usually, the only way the addict can get enough money is through crime or
prostitution. Thus, crime associated with heroin addiction is not a direct
effect of the drug, but stems from the need to support the habit. In fact,
heroin is an
215 extremely
effective depressant, which markedly reduces such motivational states as hunger
and sex.
21. How is it that this innocent looking
white powder can come to dominate the life of the abuser so
220 completely?
Within the first minute of heroin injection, there is a sudden, climactic rush
of feeling that many users have compared to a sexual orgasm. This extremely
pleasurable experience is followed by a «high» which is characterized by
lethargy, emotional detachment, a sense of well-being, and deep feelings
225 of contentment.
To illustrate, a heroin abuser may spend hours before a TV set, watching the
dancing images on the screen without becoming emotionally involved in the
program content. But then comes the crushing aftermath. As the high begins to
subside, so also does the sense of well-being. The euphoria of a
230 moment ago is
replaced by gnawing feelings of apprehension and anxiety. The bizarre cycle
culminates in an overwhelming sense of panic as the addict begins a frantic
search for the next fix.
22. The victims of heroin addiction are
legion — the addicts themselves, their families, and those they
235 have robbed or
otherwise brutalized in their quest for the «big H.» In recent years another
innocent victim of heroin addiction has come to light, the newborn'infant of an
addicted mother. Studies of infants born to heroin-addicted mothers have found
that more than two-thirds start out life as addicts. Within 96 hours of
240 birth, most will
show signs of withdrawal, including extreme irritability, tremors, and
vomiting. The incidence of withdrawal symptoms in the newborn depends on how
long the mother has been addicted, on the amount of heroin she has taken, and
on how close to delivery she was when she took her last dose

245 (Zeison et al., 1971). Traces of drugs taken as
little as ten minutes prior to delivery have been found in newborns.

IV. «UPPERS» AND «DOWNERS»
23. Many of the dangerous drugs in use today are not
restricted to the streetcomer «pusher» as a source
250 of supply. They may be obtained legitimately through a doctor's prescription.
In fact, one survey showed that about 20 percent of American adults obtained
mood-changing drugs through conventional medical channels in 1970-1971
(Mellinger et.al., 1972).
255   24. The main
kinds of mood-altering drugs in use today are popularly known as «uppers» and
«downers». Uppers are stimulants, and include cocaine and the amphetamines
(e.g., bennies, dexies, speed). They may or may not be addicting, but they are
all habituating. They produce feelings of well
260 being, elation,
and increased energy and are generally taken to fight fatigue, alleviate mild
depression, and curb appetites.
25. The use of amphetamines was widespread
long before their dangers were recognized. Doctors
265 routinely
prescribed them for depression, lethargy, and overweight conditions. The
present supply of amphetamines is obtained largely through illegal channels.
What is particularly insidious about these drugs is that the user rapidly
builds up a tolerance and, within a short period of time, may be taking as much
as times his or her original dosage (Girdano and Girdano  1976).
270  26. In the past,
abusers of this drug have included people who desired to perform beyond their
physiological limits (e.g., athletes) and those who wanted to avoid the
profound state of depression that commonly accompanies withdrawal. In more
recent years, some individuals have started injecting
275 amphetamines
directly into their bloodstreams («speed-freaks»).
27. The onset of the drug effect is
heralded by a sudden rush or flash, which is followed by feelings of well-being
and exaggerated activity. As the stimulating effects begin to wear off, the
speed freak will again
280 «shoot speed» in
order to maintain the high. In fact, injections may be repeated many times in a
single day. When continued injections are finally terminated, the reaction
phase sets in. The individual lapses into a sleep that may last as long as two
days. Upon awakening, the individual passes into a severe depression that
285 may continue for
weeks. Heavy users develop severe physical problems as well. Since they lose
their desire to eat and sleep, they rapidly lose weight and become highly
susceptible to infection. Viral hepatitis, caused by dirty syringes, is
increasingly common. Speed kills.
290     28. Speed
freaks are sometimes known as «crazies» since they frequently engage in some
meaningless compulsive activity that exhausts their excess energy. One group
of «crazies» undertook a search for «the stone of stones» and dug until they
had uncovered an enormous pile of rocks (Fiddle, 1968).
295
29. Downers, in
contrast to uppers, are taken for their calming effects. The most common
medical reasons are to promote sleep and to reduce anxiety and tension. The
largest group of downers consists of
300
the barbiturates which
have a high abuse potential. Tranquilizers, such as Valium, Miltown, and
Librium, which are not barbiturates, may also be abused.
30. A person who uses barbiturates commonly
considers them «safe» because they are frequently prescribed by doctors.
Nevertheless, they are addicting and habituating. Moreover, an overdose or
sudden
305 withdrawal can
lead to death. When taken in combination with alcohol, even small amounts can
become lethal. Thousands of deaths annually are attributable to barbiturates.
From: Fundamentals of Psychology, by Richard R.
Runyon, reprinted in Reading by All Means, ed. by Elite Olstein .

OUTSIDERS
by Howard
J.Becker
(1)
All social groups make
rules and attempt at some times and under some circumstances, to enforce
5
them. Social rules
define situations and the kinds of behavior appropriate to them, specifying
some actions as «right» and forbidding others as «wrong». When a rule is
enforced, the person who is supposed to have broken it may be seen as a special
kind of person, one who cannot be trusted to live by the rules agreed on
10
by the group. He is
regarded as an outsider.
(2)
But the person who is
thus labeled an outsider may have a different view of the matter. He may not
accept the rule by which he is being judged and may not regard those who judge
him as either competent or
15
legitimately entitled
to do so. Hence, a second meaning of the term emerges: the rule-breaker may
feel his judges are outsiders.
(3)
In what follows, I will
try to clarify the situation and process pointed to by this double-barrelled
20
term: the situations
of rule-breaking and rule-enforcement and the processes  by which some people
come to break rules and others to enforce them.
(4)
Some preliminary
distinctions are in order. Rules may be of a great many kinds. They may be
25
formally enacted into
law, and in this case the police power of the state may be used  in enforcing
them. In other cases, they represent informal agreements, newly arrived at or
encrusted with the sanction of age and tradition; rules of this kind are
enforced by informal sanctions of various kinds.
30        (5)
Similarly, whether a rule has the force of law or tradition or is simply the
result of consensus, it may be the task of some specialized body, such as the
police or the committee on ethics of a professional association, to enforce it;
enforcement, on the other hand, may be everyone's job or, at least, the job of
everyone in the group to which the rule is meant to apply.
35
(6) Just how far
«outside» one is, in either of the senses I have mentioned, varies from case to
case. We think of the person who commits a traffic violation or gets a little
too drunk at a party as being, after all, not very different from the rest of
us and treat his infraction tolerantly. We regard the thief as less like us
40
and punish him
severely. Crimes such as murder, rape, or treason lead us to view the violator
as a true outsider.
(7) In the same way, some rule-breakers do
not think they have been unjustly judged. The traffic
45  violator usually
subscribes to the very rules he has broken. Alcoholics are often ambivalent,
sometimes feeling that those who judge them do not understand them and at other
times agreeing that compulsive drinking is a bad thing. At the extreme, some
deviants (homosexuals and drug addicts are good examples) develop full-blown
ideologies explaining why they are right and why those who disapprove of and
punish them are wrong.
  Definitions of Deviance
50
(8) The outsider — the deviant from group rules — has
been the subject of much speculation,
57
theorizing, and scientific
study. What laymen want to know about deviants is: why do they do it? How can
we account for their rule-breaking? What is there about them that leads them to
do forbidden things? Scientific research has tried to find answers to these
questions. In doing so it has accepted the common
60
sense premise that
there is something inherently deviant (qualitatively distinct) about acts that
break (or seem to break) social rules. It has also accepted the common-sense
assumption that the deviant act occurs because some characteristic of the
person who commits it makes it necessary or inevitable that he should.
65
Scientists do not
ordinarily question the label «deviant» when it is applied to particular acts
or people but rather take it as given. In so doing, they accept the values of
the group making the judgment.
(9) It is easily observable that different
groups judge different things to be deviant. This should alert us
70
to the possibility that
the person making the judgment of deviance, the process by which that judgment
is arrived at, and the situation in which it is made may all be intimately
involved in the phenomenon of deviance. To the degree that the commonsense view
of deviance and the scientific theories that begin with
75
its premises assume
that acts that break rules are inherently deviant and thus take for granted the
situations and processes of judgment, they may leave out an important variable.
If scientists ignore the variable character of the process of judgement, they
may by that omission limit the kinds of theories that can be
80
 developed and the kind
of understanding that can be achieved.
(10) Our first problem, then, is to
construct a definition of deviance. Before doing this, let us consider some of
the definitions scientists now use, seeing what is left out if we take them as
a point of a departure for the study of outsiders.
85      (11) The
simplest view of deviance is essentially statistical, defining as deviant
anything that varies too widely from the average. When a statistician analyzes
the results of an agricultural experiment, he
90  describes the
stalk of corn that is exceptionally tall and the stalk that is exceptionally
short as deviations from the mean of average. Similarly, one can describe
anything that differs from what is most common as a deviation. In this view,
to be left-handed or redheaded is deviant, because most people are right-handed
and brunette.
95      (12) So
stated, the statistical view seems simple-minded, 95 even trivial. Yet it
simplifies the problem by doing away with many questions of value that
ordinarily arise in discussions of the nature of deviance. In assessing any
particular case, all one need do is calculate the distance of the behavior
involved from the
100 average. But it
is too simple a solution. Hunting with such a definition, we return with a
mixed bag — people who are excessively fat or thin, murderers, redheads,
homosexuals, and traffic violators. The mixture contains some ordinarily
thought of as deviants and others who have broken no rule at all. The
105 statistical
definition of deviance, in short, is too far removed from the concern with
rule-breaking which prompts scientific study of outsiders.
(13) A less simple but much more common
view of deviance identifies it as something essentially
110 pathological,
revealing the presence of a «disease». This view rests, obviously, on a
medical analogy. The human organism, when it is working efficiently and
experiencing no discomfort, is said to be «healthy». When it does not work
efficiently, a disease is present. The organ or function that has become
deranged is
115 said to be pathological.
Of course, there is little disagreement about what constitutes a healthy state
of the organism. But there is much less agreement when one uses the notion of
pathology analogically, to describe kinds of behavior that are regarded as
deviant. For people do not agree on what constitutes healthy be
120 havior. It is
difficult to find a definition that will satisfy even such a select and limited
group as psychiatrists; it is impossible to find one that people generally
accept as they accept criteria of health for the organism.
(14) Sometimes people mean the analogy more
strictly, because they think of deviance as the product of mental disease. The
behavior of a homosexual or drug addict is regarded as the symptom of a mental
125 disease just as
the diabetic's difficulty in getting bruises to heal is regarded as a symptom
of his disease. But mental disease resembles physical disease only in metaphor
and the medical metaphor limits what we
130 can see much as
the statistical view does. It accepts the lay judgement of something as deviant
and, by use of analogy, locates its source within the individual, thus
preventing us from seeing the judgment itself as a crucial part of the
phenomenon.
135     (15) Some
sociologists also use a model of deviance based essentially on the medical
notions of health and disease. They look at a society, or some part of a
society, and ask whether there are any processes going on in it that tend to
reduce its stability, thus lessening its chance of survival. They label such
140 processes deviant
or identify them as symptoms of social disorganization. They discriminate
between those features of society which promote stability (and thus are
«functional») and those which disrupt stability (and thus are «disfunctional»).
Such a view has the great virtue of pointing to areas of possible trouble in a
society of which people may not be aware.
145    (16) But it is
harder in practice than it appears to be in theory to specify what is
functional and what dysfunctional for a society or social group. The question
of what the purpose or goal (function) of a group
150 is and,
consequently, what things will help or hinder the achievement of that purpose,
is very often a political question. Factions within the group disagree and
maneuver to have their own definition of the group's function accepted. The
function of the group or organization, then, is decided in political conflict,
155 not given in the nature of the
organization. If this is true, then it is likewise true that the questions of
what rules are to be enforced, what behavior regarded as deviant, and which
people labeled as outsiders must also be regarded as political. The functional
view of deviance, by ignoring the political aspect of the phenomenon, limits
our understanding.
160    (17) Another
sociological view is more relativistic. It identifies deviance as the failure
to obey group rules. Once we have described the rules a group enforces on its
members, we can say with some precision whether or not a person has violated
them and is thus, on this view, deviant.
165
(18) This view is
closest to my own, but it fails to give sufficient weight to the ambiguities
that arise in deciding which rules are to be taken as the yardstick against
which behavior is measured and judged deviant. A society has many groups, each
with its own set of rules, and people belong to many-groups
170
simultaneously. A
person may break the rules of one group by the very act of abiding by the rules
of another group. Is he, then, deviant? Proponents of this definition may
object that while ambiguity may arise with respect to the rules peculiar to one
or another group in society, there are some rules that are very
175
generally agreed to by
everyone, in which case the difficulty does not arise. This, of course, is a
question of fact, to be settled by empirical research. I doubt there are many
such areas of consensus and think it wiser to use a definition that allows us
to deal with both ambiguous and unambiguous situations.

  Deviance and the
Responses of Others

180
(19) The sociological view I have just discussed
defines deviance as the infraction of some agreed-upon
185 rule. It then goes on to ask who breaks
rules, and to search for the factors in  their personalities and life
situations that might account for the infractions. This assumes that those who
have broken a rule constitute a homogeneous category, because they have committed
the same deviant act.
190    (20) Such an
assumption seems to me to ignore the central fact about deviance: it is created
by society. I do not mean this in the way it is ordinarily understood, in which
the causes of deviance are located in the social situation of the deviant or in
«social factors» which prompt his action. I mean, rather, that social
195 groups create
deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitutes deviance, and by
applying those rules to particular people and labeling them as outsiders. From
this point of view, deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits,
but rather a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions
200 to an «offender».
The deviant is one to whom that label has successfully been applied; deviant
behavior is behavior that people so label.
(21) Since deviance is, among other things,
a consequence of the responses of others to a person's act,
205 students of deviance
cannot assume that they are dealing with a homogeneous  category when they
study people who have been labeled deviant. That is, they cannot assume that
these people have actually committed a deviant act or broken some rule,
because the process of labeling may not be infallible; some
210 people may be
labeled deviant who in fact have net broken a rule. Furthermore, they cannot
assume that the category of those labeled deviant will contain all those who
actually have broken a rule, for many offenders may escape apprehension and
thus fail to be included in the population of «deviants» they study. Insofar as
215 the category
lacks homogeneity and fails to include all the  cases that belong in it, one
cannot reasonably expect to find common factor of personality or life situation
that will account for the supposed deviance.
(22) What, then, do people who have been
labeled deviant have in common? At the least, they share the
220 label and the
experience of being labeled as outsiders. I will begin my analysis with this
basic similarity and view deviance as the product of a transaction that takes
place between some social group and one who is viewed by that group as a
rulebreaker. I will be less concerned with the personal and social
225 characteristics
of deviants than with the process by which they come to be thought of as
outsiders and their reactions to that judgment.
(23) Malinowski discovered the usefullness
of this view for understanding the nature of deviance many years ago, in his
study of the Trobriand Islands:
230    (24) One  day
an outbreak  of wailing  and  a  great commotion told  me that a death had
occurred somewhere in the neighborhood. I was informed that Kima'i, a young
lad of my acquaintance, of sixteen or
235 so, had fallen
from a coco-nut palm and killed himself. ... I found that another youth had
been severely wounded by some mysterious coincidence. And at the funeral there
was obviously a general feeling of hostility between the village where the boy
died and that into which his body was carried for burial.
240    (25) Only much
later was I able to discover the real meaning of these events. The boy had
committed suicide. The truth was that he had broken the rules of exogamy, the
partner in his crime being his maternal cousin, the daughter of his mother's
sister. This had been known and generally disapproved of but nothing
245 was done until
the girl's discarded lover, who had wanted to marry her and who felt personally
injured, took the initiative. This rival threatened first to use black magic
against the guilty youth, but this had not much effect. Then one evening he
insulted the culprit in public — accusing him in the hearing of the whole
250 community of
incest and hurling at him certain expressions intolerable to a native.
(26) For this there was only one remedy;
only one means of escape remained to the unfortunate youth. Next morning he put
on festive attire and ornamentation, climbed a coco-nut palm and addressed the
255 community,
speaking from among the palm leaves and bidding them farewell. He
explained the reasons for his desperate deed and also launched forth a veiled
accusation against the man who had driven him to his death, upon which it
became the duty of his clansmen to avenge him. Then he wailed aloud, as is the
260 custom, jumped
from a palm some sixty feet high and was killed on the spot. There fol-lowed a
fight within the village in which the rival was wounded; and the quarrel was
repeated during the funeral...
(27) If you were to inquire into the matter
among the Trobrianders, you would find... that the natives
265 show horror at
the idea of violating the rules of exogamy and that they believe that sores,
disease and even death might follow clan incest. This is the ideal of native
law, and in moral matters it is easy and pleasant strictly to adhere to the
ideal — when judging the conduct of others or expressing an opinion about
conduct
270 in general.
(28) When it comes to the application of
morality and ideals to real life, however, things take on a different
complexion. In the case described it was obvious that the facts would not tally
with the ideal of
275 conduct. Public
opinion was neither outraged by the knowledge of the crime to any extent, nor
did it react directly — it had to be mobilized by a public statement of the
crime and by insults being hurled at the culprit by an interested party. Even
then he had to carry out the punishment himself... Probing further into
280 the matter and
collecting concrete information, I found that the breach of exogamy — as
regards intercourse and not marriage — is by no means a rare occurrence, and
public opinion is lenient, though decidedly hypocritical. If the affair is
carried on sub rosa with a certain amount of decorum, and if no one

285 in particular stirs
up trouble — «public opinion» will gossip, but not demand any harsh punishment.
If, on the contrary, scandal breaks out — everyone turns against the guilty
pair and by ostracism and insults one or the other may he driven to suicide.*

 *
Bronislaw Malinowski. Crime and Custom in Savage Society (New York: Humanities
Press, 1926), pp. 77-80.

290
   (29) Whether an act
is deviant, then, depends on how other people react to it. You can commit clan
incest and suffer from no more than gossip as long as no one makes a public
accusation; but you will be driven to your death if the accusation is made.
The point is that the response of other people has to be regarded
295
as problematic. Just
because one has committed an  infraction of a rule does not mean that others
will  respond as though this had happened. (Conversely, just because one has
not violated a rule does not mean that he may not be treated, in some
circumstances, as though he had).
300    (30) The
degree to which other people will respond to a given act as deviant varies
greatly. Several kinds of variation seem worth noting. First of all, there is
variation over time. A person believed to have committed a given «deviant» act
may at one time be responded to much more leniently than he would be at
305 some other time.
The occurrence of «drives» against various kinds of deviance illustrates this
clearly. At various times, enforcement officials may decide to make an all-out
attack on some particular kind of deviance, such as gambling, drug addiction,
or homosexuality. It is obviously much more dangerous to
310 engage in one of
these activities when a drive is on than at any other time. (In a very
interesting study of crime news in Colorado newspapers, Davis found that the
amount of crime reported in Colorado newspapers showed very little association
with actual changes in the amount of crime taking place in
315 Colorado. And,
further, that people's estimate of how much increase there had been in crme in
Colorado was associated with the increase in the amount of crime news but not
with any increase in the amount of crime).
(31) The degree to which an act will-be
treated as deviant depends also on who commits the act and who
320 feels he has been
harmed by it. Rules tend to be applied more to some persons than others.
Studies of juvenile delinquency make the point clearly. Boys from middle-class
areas do not get as far in the legal process when they are apprehended as do
boys from slum areas. The middle-class boy is less likely, when
325 picked up by the
police, to be taken to the station; less likely when taken to the station to be
booked; and it is extremely unlikely that he will be convicted and sentenced.
This variation occurs even though the original infraction of the rule is the
same in the two cases. Similarly, the law is differentially applied to
330 Negroes and
whites. It is well known that a Negro believed to have attacked a white woman
is much more likely to be punished than a white man who commits the same
offense; it is only slightly less well known
335 that a Negro who
murders another Negro is much less likely to be punished than a white man who
commits murder. This, of course, is one of the main points of Sutherland's
analysis of white-collar crime: crimes committed by corporations are almost
always prosecuted as civil cases, but the same crime committed by an individual
is ordinarily treated as a criminal offense.
340     (32) Some
rules are enforced only when they result in certain consequences. The unmarried
mother furnishes a clear example. Vincent points out that illicit sexual
relations seldom result in severe punishment
345 or social censure
for the offenders. If, however, a girl becomes pregnant as a result of such
activities, the reaction of others is likely to be severe. (The illicit
pregnancy is also an interesting example of the differential enforcement of
rules on different categories of people. Vincent notes that unmarried fathers
escape the severe censure visited on the mother).
350
(33)  Why repeat these
commonplace observations?  Because, taken  together, they  support the
proposition that deviance is not a simple quality, present in some kinds of
behavior and absent in others. Rather, it is the product of a process which
involves responses of other people to the behavior.
355
The same behavior may
be an infraction of the rules at one time and not at another; may be an
infraction when committed by one person, but not when committed by another;
some rules are broken with impunity,
360
others are not. In
short, whether a given act is deviant or not depends in part on the nature of
the act (that is, whether or not it violates some rule) and in part on what
other people do about it.
(34) Some people may object that this is
merely a terminological quibble, that one can, after all, define
365 terms any way he
wants to and that if some people want to speak of rule-breaking behavior as
deviant without reference to the reactions of others,they are free to do so.
This, of course, is true. Yet it might be worthwhile to refer to such behavior
as rule-breaking behavior and reserve the term deviant for those
370 labeled as deviant
by some segment of society. I do not insist that this usage be followed. But it
should be clear that insofar as a scientist uses «deviant» to refer to any
rulebreaking behavior and takes as his subject of study only those who have
been labeled deviant, he will he hampered by the disparities between the two
categories.
375     (35) If we
take as the object of our attention behavior which comes to be labeled as
deviant, we must recognize that we cannot know whether a given act will be
categorized as deviant until the response of others has occurred. Deviance is
not a quality that lies in behavior itself, but in the interaction between the
person who commits an act and those who respond to it.
From Howard J. Becker, Outsiders, Studies in the
Sociology of Deviance, (1963)

STUDENT
POWER IN MIDDLE AGES
by Allan B. Cobban
1 Student power is virtually coeval with the emergence
of the medieval universities. In southern Europe it became endemic, in one
form or another, for about 200 years. The motives that gave rise to medieval
5
student rebellion find
a distant echo in the student scene of the 1960s and 1970s. But there are
important dissimilarities and it would be unhistorical to press analogies too
far. Medieval students had, for the most part, a highly utilitarian view of the
university as an institution of direct community relevance that might
10
well be regarded as too
narrowly conceived by a large proportion of present-day students and staff.
The priority of educational utility conditioned students into accepting
innately conservative attitudes vis-a-vis the Establishment. Revolutionary
student activity in the medieval situation was rarely directed against the
15
prevailing order of
things; it seems to have been either a defence mechanism or was channelled
towards the winning of greater student participation in university structures.
2 For the majority of medieval
undergraduates education was a severely practical business; there was
20
simply not the surplus
wealth available to support nonvocational courses on any scale. As the student
was bereft of a state system of financial aid and as the rate of graduate
production was often in excess of the rate of graduate absorption, the pressure
on the average student was to seek, as rapidly as possible, a
25
lucrative employment
within the established order. As vehicles for community needs, the medieval
universities were largely vocational schools training students in the mastery
of areas of knowledge and
30
analytical skills which
could be utilised in the service of the State or Church, in teaching or in the
secular professions of law and medicine. The movements of student protest in
the Middle Ages were not the explosive outgrowth of pent-up anti-establishment
feelings. Nowhere does it appear that direct student
35
action within the
universities was orientated towards the ultimate reformation of the wider
community. To imagine that medieval students thought of the university
as a microcosm of society would be anachronistic. Medieval student power did
not embody this degree of self-conscious awareness.
3 Nor were student protest movements
concerned with the content of university courses if by this is
40
meant the selection of
the ingredients of the syllabus or curriculum. The medieval undergraduate was
not faced with the bewildering range of options that confront the modem
student. There was an agreed core of studies in the medieval universities
derived from a series of time-honoured texts and supplemented by the
45
commentaries of
contemporary academics. It would appear that medieval students acquiesced in
current educational assumptions and none of their rebellions had as its aim,
the widening or modernisation of the syllabus.
50
4 The earliest European
universities were not specifically founded but were spontaneous creations which
evolved in the course of the twelfth century. They first emerged at Bologna and
Paris and these were the archetype which determined the twofold pattern of
university organisation in the Middle Ages: the
58
latter, Paris, gave
rise to that of the masters' university; the former, Bologna, to that of the
concept of the student-controlled university.
5 The first student power movement in
European history had crystallised at the University of Bologna
60  by the early thirteenth century. The
idea of guilds of students directing the affairs of a university and keeping
the teaching staff in a state of subservience has been alien to European
thinking for about 600 years. But one of the two original universities was,
shortly after it came into being, a student-dominated
65   society and the prototype for a large family of
universities either partially or mainly controlled by students.
6
 The rise of the
student university at Bologna has to be seen in relation to the prevailing
concept of Italian citizenship, a possession of the utmost importance in a
country fragmented by the spread of
70
communes. The students
who had converged on Bologna to study law from many parts of Europe were, in
Bologna, non-citizens and, as such, aliens who were vulnerable in the face of
city law. The teaching doctors should have been the natural protectors of their
students: this is what had happened at Paris. But at
75
Bologna the commune
succeeded in drawing the doctors within its orbit and driving a wedge between
the teachers and their students. Without their natural protectors the students
had to take the initiative in the matter of organisational defence. By the
beginning of the thirteenth century the pristine contractual
80
arrangements that had
operated between individual students and doctors had been superseded by a
student guild powerful enough to exact the obedience of the doctors to its
members.
7
It is important to
stress that at first the student guild at Bologna was a mutual benefit society
designed
85
to give its members
protection under city law and to provide a measure of defence against hostile
parties. The student movement did not, from the start, set out to gain control
over the university and its teaching staff. There was no blueprint plan as to
how a university ought to be organised. Possibly the students never
90
thought about this. But
in order to survive they had to adopt a trade union attitude and carve out for
themselves a position of strength within the university. Once this had been
attained the momentum of their power could not be stemmed. In the course of the
thirteenth century the students moved from the defensive
95
to the offensive and
this resulted in their winning the initiative in university affairs: this was
the first student take-over bid in European history.
8
Although the teaching
doctors had to accept the reality of student power they never conceded its
100
legality: that is to
say, they contested the alleged right of the students to organise themselves into
guilds with elected officers, statutes and legal independence. It was argued
that the students by themselves did not constitute a profession: students were
merely the pupils of the doctors, the academic equivalents of trade
105
apprentices and, as
such, were devoid of professional status. But the reluctance to give a legal
recognition to the student guild could not check student militancy and the
teaching doctors were forced to acquiesce in a university situation wherein
they were very obviously employed as the functionaries of the students.
110
    9  It needs to be
stated that a fair number of the Bologna law students were older than the
majority of students in northern Europe. It has been reckoned that their
average age lay between eighteen and twenty-five, and some were on the borders
of thirty upon entry to the university. And it is established that a
115
sizeable proportion
held ecclesiastical benefices or offices upon their enrolment as law students,
and that a significant number of them were laymen from easy social backgrounds.
It is clear, then, that many of the
120
Bologna law students
were young men of substance with experience of the world and accustomed to
administering responsible offices in society, all of which makes the fact of
students controlling power in a university more intelligible.
10   Under the student governmental system at
Bologna the teaching doctors were excluded from voting
125
in the university
assemblies, although they may have been allowed as a concession, to attend as
observers. Yet all lecturers had to obey the statutory wisdom emanating from
these student congregations. The students seem to have elected their
prospective teachers several months in advance of the beginning of the
130
academic session in
October. Upon election the successful doctors took an oath to submit to the
student rector in all matters affecting the life of the university. Student
controls over the lecturing system were impressive. The lecturer's life
proceeded in an anxious atmosphere of impending fines. A lecturer was fined
135
if he started his
lecture a minute late or if he continued after the prescribed time: indeed, if
the latter occurred the students were required to leave the room without delay.
At the opening of the academic session the students and the teaching doctors elected
by the students reached agreement on how the
140
material of the lecture
course was to be distributed over the year. The harassed lecturer had to reach
stipulated points in the set texts by certain dates in the session. Failure to
do so resulted in a heavy fine. It
145
would hardly be an
exaggeration to say that lecturing performance in thirteenth-century Bologna
was continuously assessed by the students on both a qualitative and
quantitative basis. A doctor who glossed over a difficulty or who failed to assign
an equal emphasis to all parts of the syllabus would incur financial
150
penalties. As a surety
for his lecturing performance the lecturer, at the beginning of the session,
had to deposit a specified sum with a city banker, acting for the students. From
this deposit, a student review court would authorise the deduction of fines
incurred by the lecturer for infringements of the statutes. If the fines
155
were of such an order
of magnitude that the first deposit was used up, the lecturer was required to
make a second deposit. Refusal to comply was pointless: no lecturer with fines
outstanding was permitted to collect student fees for his teaching and thus his
source of university income would be cut off. In any event,
160
a recalcitrant doctor
could be rendered less obstinate by means of the student boycotting machinery
which was fundamental to the workings of the student-university. Even in
normal circumstances a lecturer had to have an audience of at least five
students at every ordinary lecture: if he failed to attract that number he
165
himself was deemed to
be absent and incurred the stipulated fine. This whole gamut of student
controls was underpinned by a system of denunciations by secretly elected
students who spied on the doctors. Controls extended even into private areas:
for example, if a lecturer got married the students allowed him only one day
and one night for his honeymoon.
From: History Today, Vol. 30, February 1980.

ARE CRIMINALS MADE OR BORN?
by Richard J.Herrnstein and James Q. Wilson
Richard J. Hermstein is a professor of psychology and
James Q. Wilson a professor of government at Harvard. This article is adapted
from their book «Crime and Human Nature»
1 A revolution in our understanding of crime is
quietly overthrowing some established doctrines. Until recently,
criminolo-gists looked for the causes of crime almost entirely in the offenders'
social
5
circumstances. There
seemed to be no shortage of circumstances to blame: weakened, chaotic or broken
families, ineffective schools, antisocial gangs, racism, poverty, unemployment.
Criminologists took seriously, more so than many other students of social
behavior, the famous dictum of the French sociologist
10
Emile Durkheim: Social
facts must have social explanations. The sociological theory of crime had the
unquestioned support of prominent editorialists, commentators, politicians and
most thoughtful people.
2 Today, many learned journals and
scholarly works draw a different picture. Sociological factors have
15
not been abandoned, but
increasingly it is becoming clear to many scholars that crime is the outcome of
an interaction between social factors and certain biological factors,
particularly for the offenders who, by repeated crimes, have made public places
dangerous. The idea is still controversial, but increasingly, to the
20
old question «Are
criminals bom or made?» the answer seems to be: both. The causes of crime lie
in a combination of predisposing biological traits channeled by social
circumstance into criminal behavior. The traits alone do not inevitably lead to
crime; the circumstances do not make criminals of everyone; but
25
together they create a
population responsible for a large fraction of America's problem of crime in
the streets.
3 Evidence that criminal behavior has
deeper roots than social circumstances has always been right at
30
hand, but social
science has, until recent years, overlooked its implications. As far as the
records show, crime everywhere and throughout history is disproportionately a
young man's pursuit. Whether men are 20 or more times as likely to be arrested
as women, as is the case in Malawi or Bmnei, or only four to six
35
times as likely, as in
the United States or France, the sex difference in crime statistics is
universal. Similarly, 18-year-olds may sometimes be four times as likely to be
criminal as 40-year-olds, while at other times only twice as likely. In the
United States, more than half of all arrests for seriously property
40
crimes are of
20-year-olds or younger. Nowhere have older persons been as criminal as younger
ones.
4 It is easy to imagine purely social
explanations for the effects of age and sex on crime. Boys in many societies
are trained by their parents and the society itself to play more roughly and
aggressively than girls.
45  Boys are expected
to fight back, not to cry, and to play to win. Likewise, boys in many cultures
are denied adult responsibilities, kept in a state of prolonged dependence and
confined too long in schools that many of them find unrewarding. For a long
time, these factors were thought to be the whole story.
50
5 Ultimately, however,
the very universality of the age and sex differences in crime have alerted some
social scientists to the implausibility of a theory that does not look beyond
the accidents of particular societies. If cultures as different as Japan's and
Sweden's, England's and Mexico's, have sex and age
55
differences in crime,
then perhaps we should have suspected from the start that there was something
more fundamental going on than parents happening to decide to raise their boys
and girls differently. What is it about boys, girls and their parents, in
societies of all sorts, that leads them to emphasize, rather than
60
overcome, sex
differences? Moreover, even if we believed that every society has arbitrarily
decided to inculcate aggressiveness in males, there would still be the greater
criminality among young males to explain. After all, in some cultures, young
boys are not denied adult responsibilities but are kept out of
65
school, put to work
tilling the land and made to accept obligations to the society.
6
But it is no longer
necessary to approach questions about the sources of criminal behavior merely
70
with argument and
supposition. There is evidence. Much crime, it is agreed, has an aggressive
component, and Eleanor Emmons Maccoby, a professor of psychology at Stanford
University, and Carol Nagy Jacklin, a psychologist now at the University of
Southern California, after reviewing the evidence on sex
75  differences in aggression, concluded
that it has a foundation that is at least in part biological. Only that
conclusion can be drawn, they said, from data that show that the average man is
more aggressive than the average woman in all known societies, that the sex
difference is present in infancy well before evidence of
80
sex-role socialization
by adults, that similar sex differences turn up in many of our biological
relatives — monkeys and apes. Human aggression has been directly tied to sex
hormones, particularly male sex hormones, in experiments on athletes engaging
in competitive sports and on prisoners known for violent or
85
domineering behavior.
No single line of evidence is decisive and each can be challenged, but all
together they convinced Drs. Maccoby and Jacklin, as well as most specialists
on the biology of sex differences, that the sexual conventions that assign
males the aggressive roles have biological roots.
80
     7 That is also the
conclusion of most researchers about the developmental forces that make
adolescence and young adulthood a time of risk for criminal and other
nonconventional behavior. This is when powerful new drives awaken, leading to
frustrations that foster behavior unchecked by the internalized
95
prohibitions of
adulthood. The result is usually just youthful rowdiness, but, in a minority of
cases it passes over the line into crime.
7
The most compelling
evidence of biological factors for criminality comes from two studies — one of
100
 twins, the other of
adopted boys. Since the 1920's it has been understood that twins may develop
from a single fertilized egg, resulting in identical genetic endowments — identical
twins — or from a pair of separately fertilized eggs that have about half their
genes in common — fraternal twins. A standard
105
procedure for
estimating how important genes are to a trait is to compare the similarity
between identical twins with that between fraternal twins. When identical twins
are clearly more similar in a trait than fraternal twins, the trait probably
has high heritability.
8
There have been about a
dozen studies of criminality using twins. More than 1,500 pairs of twins
110
 have been studied in
the United States, the Scandinavian countries, Japan, West Germany, Britain and
elsewhere, and the result is qualitatively the same everywhere. Identical twins
are more likely to have similar criminal records than fraternal twins. For
example, the late Karl 0. Christiansen, a Danish
115
criminologist, using
the Danish Twin Register, searched police, court and prison records for entries
regarding twins bom in a certain region of Denmark between 1881 and 1910. When
an identical twin had a criminal record, Christiansen found, his or her co-twin
was more than twice as likely to have one also than
120
when a fraternal twin
had a criminal record.
9
In the United States, a
similar result has recently been reported by David Rowe, a psychologist at the
University of Oklahoma, using questionnaires instead of official records to
measure criminality. Twins in
125
high school in almost
all the school districts of Ohio received questionnaires by mail, with a
promise of confidentiality as well as a small payment if the questionnaires
were filled out and returned. The twins were asked about their activities,
including their delinquent behavior, about their friends and about their co-
130
twins.The identical
twins were more similar in delinquency than the fraternal twins. In addition,
the twins who shared more activities with each other were no more likely to be
similar in delinquency than those who shared fewer activities.
135
    11 No single method
of inquiry should be regarded as conelusive. But essentially the same results
are found in studies of adopted children. The idea behind such studies is to
find a sample of children adopted early in life, cases in which the criminal
histories of both adopting and biological parents are known. Then,
140
as the children grow
up, researchers can discover how predictive of their criminality are the family
histories of their adopting and biological parents. Recent studies show that
the biological family history contributes substantially to the adoptees' likelihood
of breaking the law.
145
    12 For example,
Samoff Mednick, a psychologist at the University of Southern California, and
his associates in the United States and Denmark have followed a sample of
several thousand boys adopted in Denmark between 1927 and 1947. Boys with
criminal biological parents and noncriminal adopting parents
150
were more likely to
have criminal records than those with noncriminal biological parents and
criminal adopting parents. The more criminal convictions a boy's natural
parents had, the greater the risk of criminality for boys being raised by
adopting parents who had no records. The risk was unrelated to
155
whether the boy or his
adopting parents knew about the natural parents' criminal records, whether the
natural parents committed their crimes before or after the boy was given up
for adoption, or whether the boy was adopted immediately after birth or a year
or two later. The results of this study have been confirmed in
160
Swedish and American
samples 160 of adopted children.
13 Because of studies like these, many
sociologists and crimi-nologists now accept the existence of genetic factors
contributing to criminality. When there is disagreement, it is about how large
the genetic
165 contribution to
crime is and about how the criminality of biological parents is transmitted to
their children.
14 Both the twin and adoption studies show
that genetic contributions are not alone responsible for
170 crime — there is, for example, some
increase in criminality among boys if their adopted fathers are criminal even
when their biological parents are not, and not every co-twin of a criminal
identical twin becomes criminal himself. Although it appears, on average, to be
substantial, the precise size of the genetic
175 contribution to
crime is probably unknowable, particularly since the measures of criminality
itself are now so crude.
15 We have a bit more to go on with respect
to the link that transmits a predisposition toward crime from parents to children.
No one believes there are «crime genes», but there are two major attributes
that
180 have, to some degree, a heritable base
and that appear to influence criminal behavior. These are intelligence and
temperament. Hundreds of studies have found that the more genes people share,
the more likely they are to resemble each other intellectually and
temperamentally.
185     16 Starting
with studies in the 1930s, the average offender in broad samples has
consistently scored 91 to 93 on 195 I.Q. tests for which the general
population's average is 100. The typical offender does worse on the verbal
items of intelligence tests than on the nonverbal items but is usually below
average on both.
190    17 Criminologists have long known about the
correlation between criminal behavior and I.Q., but many of them have discounted
it for various reasons. Some have suggested that the correlation can he
195
explained away by the
association between low socioeconomic status and crime, on the one hand, and
that between low I.Q. and low socioeconomic status, on the other. These
criminologists say it is low socioeconomic status, rather than low I.Q., that
fosters crime. Others have questioned whether I.Q. tests
200really measure intelligence for the populations that
are at greater risk for breaking the law. The low scores of offenders, the
argument goes, betray a culturally deprived background or alienation from our
society's values rather than low intelligence. Finally, it is often noted that
the offenders in some studies have been caught for their crimes. Perhaps the
ones who got away have higher I.Q.s.
205
18 But these objections
have proved to be less telling than they once seemed to be. There are, for
example, many poor law-abiding people living in deprived environments, and one
of their more salient
210
characteristics is that
they have higher I.Q. scores than those in the same environment who break the
law.
19 Then, too, it is a common misconception
that I.Q. tests are invalid for people from disadvantaged backgrounds.
If what is implied by this criticism is that scores predict academic potential
or job
215 performance
differently for different groups, then the criticism is wrong. A comprehensive
recent survey sponsored by the National Academy of Sciences concluded that
«tests predict about as well for one group as for another». And that some
highly intelligent criminals may well be good at eluding capture is fully
220 consistent with
the belief that offenders, in general, have lower scores than nonoffenders.
20 If I.Q. and criminality are linked, what
may explain the link? There are several possibilities. One is that low scores
on I.Q. tests signify greater difficulty in grasping the likely consequences
of action or in
225 learning the
meaning and significance of moral codes. Another is that low scores, especially
on the verbal component of the tests, mean trouble in school, which leads to
frustration, thence to resentment, anger and delinquency. Still another is
that persons who are not as skillful as others in expressing themselves
verbally
230 may find it more
rewarding to express themselves in ways in which they will do better, such as
physical threat or force.
21
For some repeat
offenders, the predisposition to criminality may be more a matter of
temperament
235
than intelligence.
Impulsiveness, insensitivity to social mores, a lack of deep and enduring
emotional attachments to others and an appetite for danger are among the
temperamental characteristics of high-rate offenders. Temperament is, to a
degree, heritable, though not as much so as intelligence. All parents know
240
hat their children,
shortly after birth, begin to exhibit certain characteristic ways of behaving —
they are placid or fussy, shy or bold. Some of the traits endure, among them
aggressiveness and hyperactivity, although they change in form as the child
develops. As the child grows up, these traits, among others, may
245
gradually unfold into a
disposition toward unconventional, defiant or antisocial behavior.
22
Lee Robins, a
sociologist at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis,
reconstructed 30 years ofthe lives of more than 500 children who were patients
in the 1920's at a child guidance clinic in
250
St. Louis. She was
interested in the early precursors of chronic sociopathy, a condition of antisocial
personality that often includes criminal behavior as one of its symptoms. Adult
sociopaths in her sample who did not suffer from psychosis, mental retardation
or addiction, were, without exception antisocial
255
before they were 18.
More than half of the male sociopaths had serious symptoms before they were 11.
The main childhood precursors were truancy, poor school performance, theft,
running away, recklessness, slovenliness, impulsiveness and guiltlessness. The
more symptoms in childhood, the greater the risk of
260
sociopathy in
adulthood.
23
Traits that foreshadow
serious, recurrent criminal behavior have been traced all the way back to
behavior patterns such as hyperactivity and unusual fussiness, and neurological
signs such as atypical brain
265
waves or reflexes. In
at least a minority of cases, these are detectable in the first few years of
life. Some of the characteristics are sex-linked. There is evidence that
newborn females are more likely than newborn males to smile, to cling to their
mothers, to be receptive to touching and talking, to be sensitive to certain
270
stimuli, such as being
touched by a cloth, and to have less upperbody strength. Mothers certainly
treat girls and boys differently, but the differences are not simply a matter
of the mother's choice—female babies are more responsive than male babies to
precisely the kind of treatment that is regarded as «feminine». When
275
adults are asked to
play with infants, they play with them in ways they think are appropriate to
the infants' sexes. But there is also some evidence that when the sex of the
infant is concealed, the behavior of the adults is influenced by the conduct
of the child.
280
    24. Premature
infants or those bom with low birth weights have a special problem. These
children are vulnerable to any adverse circumstances in their environment —
including child abuse — that may foster crime. Although nurturing parents can
compensate for adversity, cold or inconsistent parents may
285
exacerbate it.
Prematurity and low birth weight may result from poor prenatal care, a bad diet
or excessive use of alcohol or drugs. Whether the bad care is due to poverty,
ignorance or anything else, here we see criminality arising from biological,
though not necessarily genetic, factors. It is now known that these
290
babies are more likely
than normal babies to be the victims of child abuse.
     25. We do not mean to blame child abuse on the
victim by saying that premature and low-birth-weight infants are more difficult
to care for and thus place a great strain on the parents. But unless parents
are
295
emotionally prepared
for the task of caring for such children, they may vent their frustration at
the infant's unresponsiveness by hitting or neglecting it. Whatever it is in
parent and child that leads to prematurity or low birth weight is compounded by
the subsequent interaction between them. Similarly, children with low
300
I.Q.s may have
difficulty in understanding rules, but if their parents also have poor verbal
skills, they may have difficulty in communicating rules, and so each party to
the conflict exacerbates the defects of the other.
     26. The statement that biology plays a role in
explaining human behavior, especially criminal behavior,
305
sometimes elicits a
powerful political or ideological reaction. Fearful that what is being proposed
is a crude biological determinism, some critics deny the evidence while others
wish the evidence to be confined to scientific journals. Scientists who have
merely proposed studying the possible effects of chromosomal
310
abnormalities on
behavior have been ruthlessly,attacked by other scientists, as have those who have
made public the voluminous data showing the heritability of intelligence and
temperament.
27. Some people worry that any claim that biological
factors influence criminality is tantamount to
315
saying that the higher
crime rate of black compared to white Americans has a genetic basis. But no
responsible work in the field leads to any such conclusion. The data show that
of all the reasons people vary in their crime rates, race is far less important
than age, sex, intelligence and the other individual
320
factors that vary
within races. Any study of the causes of crime must therefore first consider
the individual factors. Differences among races may have many explanations,
most of them having nothing to do with biology.
325
     28. The intense
reaction to the study of biological factors in crime, we believe, is utterly
misguided. In fact, these discoveries, far from implying that «criminals are
bom» and should be locked up forever, suggest new and imaginative ways of reducing
criminality by benign treatment. The opportunity we have is
330
precisely analogous to
that which we had when the biological bases of other disorders were
established. Mental as well as physical illness — alcoholism, learning
disabilities of various sorts, and perhaps even susceptibilities to drug
addiction — now seem to have genetic components. In each case, new
335
understanding energized
the search for treatment and gave it new direction. Now we know that many forms
of depression can be successfully treated with drugs; in time we may learn the
same of Alzheimer's disease. Alcoholics are helped when they understand that
some persons, because of their predisposition toward
340
addiction to alcohol,
should probably never consume it at all. A chemical treatment of the
predisposition is a realistic possibility. Certain types of slow learners can
already be helped by special programs.
29 Crime, admittedly, may be a more
difficult program. So many different acts are criminal that it is
345 only with
considerable poetic license that we can speak of «criminality» at all. The bank
teller who embezzles $500 to pay off a gambling debt is not engaging in the
same behavior as a person who takes $500 from a liquor store at the point of a
gun or one who causes $500 worth of damage by drunkenly
350 driving his car
into a parked vehicle. Moreover, crime, unlike alcoholism or dyslexia, exposes
a person to the formal condemnation of society and the possibility of
imprisonment. We naturally and rightly worry about treating all «criminals»
alike, or stigmatizing persons whom we think might become criminal by
355 placing them in
special programs designed to prevent criminality.
30 But these problems are not
insurmountable barriers to better ways of thinking about crime prevention.
Though criminals are of all sorts, we know that a very small fraction of all
young males
360 commit so large a
fraction of serious street crime  that we can properly blame these chronic
offenders for most  such crime. We also know that chronic offenders
typically begin their misconduct at an early age. Early family and preschool
programs may be far better repositories for the crime-prevention dollar than
365 rehabilitation
programs aimed — usually futilely — at the 19 — or 20 year-old veteran
offender. Prevention programs risk stigmatizing children, but this may be less
of a risk than is neglect. If stigma were a problem to be avoided at all costs,
we would have to dismantle most special-needs education programs.
370
      31 There is also
a case for redirecting research into the causes of crime in ways that take into
account the interaction of biological and social factors. It took years of
patiently following the life histories of many men and women to establish the
linkages between smoking or diet and disease; it will also take
375
years to unravel the
complex and subtle ways in which intelligence, temperament, hormonal levelsand
other traits combine with family circumstances and later experiences in school
and elsewhere to produce human character.
From: The New York Times Magazine, August 4, 1985.

WHAT IS
A HISTORICAL FACT?
by E.H.Carr
What is a historical fact? This is a crucial question
into which we must look a little more closely. According to the commonsense
view, there are certain basic facts which are the same for all historians, and
5
which form, so to
speak, the backbone of history — the fact, for example, that the Battle of
Hastings was fought in 1066. But this view calls for two observations. In the
first place, it is not with facts like these that the historian is primarily
concerned. It is no doubt important to know that the great battle was fought in
10
1066 and not in 1065 10
or 1067, and that it was fought at Hastings and not at Eastbourne or Brighton.
The historian must not get these things wrong. But when points of this kind are
raised, I am reminded of Housman's remark that «accuracy is a duty, not a
virtue». To praise a historian for-his accuracy is like
15
praising an architect
for using well-seasoned timber or properly mixed concrete in his building. It
is a necessary condition of his work, but not his essential function. It is
precisely for matters of this kind that the historian is entitled to rely on
what have been called the «auxiliary sciences» of history — archaeology,
20
epigraphy, numismatics,
chronology, and so forth. The historian is not required to have the special
skills which enable the expert to determine the origin and period of a fragment
of pottery or marble, to decipher
25
an obscure inscription,
or to make the elaborate astronomical calculations necessary to establish a
precise date. These so-called basic facts, which are the same for all
historians, commonly belong to the category of the raw materials of the
historian rather than of history itself. The second observation is that the
necessity
30
to establish these
basic facts rests not on any quality in the facts themselves, but on an a
priori decision of the historian. It used to be said that facts speak for
themselves. This is, of course, untrue. The facts speak only when the historian
calls on them: it is he who decides to which facts to give the floor, and in
what
35
order or context. It
was, I think, one of Pirandello's characters who said that a fact is like a
sack — it won't stand up till you've put something in it. The only reason why
we are interested to know that the battle was fought at Hastings in 1066 is
that historians regard it as a major historical event. It is the historian who
has
40
decided for his own
reasons that Caesar's crossing of that petty stream, the Rubicon, is a fact of
history, whereas the crossing of the Rubicon by millions of other people before
or since interests nobody at all. The fact that you arrived in this building
half an hour ago on foot, or on a bicycle, or in a car, is just as much of
45
a fact about the past
as the fact that Caesar crossed the Rubicon. But it will probably be ignored by
historians. Professor Talcott Parsons once called science «a selective system
of cognitive orientations to reality». It might perhaps have been put more
simply. But history is, among other things, that. The
50
historian is
necessarily selective. The belief in a hard core of historical facts existing
objectively and independently of the interpretation of the historian is a
preposterous fallacy, but one which is very hard to eradicate.
When I studied ancient history in this
university many years ago, I had as a special subject «Greece in
55
the period of the
Persian Wars». I collected fifteen or twenty volumes on my shelves and took it
for granted that there, recorded in these volumes, I and all the facts relating
to my subject. Let us assume — it was
60
very nearly true — that
those volumes contained all the facts about it that were then known, or could
be known. It never occurred to me to inquire by what accident or process of
attrition that minute selection of facts, out of all the myriad facts that must
once have been known to somebody, had survived to become the
65
facts of history. I
suspect that even today one of the fascinations of ancient and medieval history
is that it gives us the illusion of having all the facts at our disposal within
a manageable compass: the nagging distinction between the facts of history and
other facts about the past vanishes, because the few known
70
facts are all facts of
history. As Bury, who had worked in both periods, said, «the records of ancient
and medieval history are starred with lacunae». History has been called an
enormous jig-saw with a lot of missing parts. But the main trouble does not
consist in the lacunae. Out picture of Greece in the fifth
75
century В. С. is
defective not primarily because so many of the bits have been accidentally
lost, but because it is, by and large, the picture formed by a tiny group of
people in the city of Athens. We know a lot about what fifth-century Greece
looked like to an Athenian citizen; but hardly anything about what it
80
looked like to a
Spartan, a Corinthian, or a Theban — not to mention a Persian, or a slave or
other non-citizen resident in Athens. Our picture has been preselected and
predetermined for us, not so much by accident as by people who were consciously
or unconsciously imbued with a particular view and thought
85
the facts which
supported that view worth preserving. In the same way, when I read in a modem
history of the Middle Ages that the people of the Middle Ages were deeply
concerned with religion, I wonder how we know this, and whether it is true.
What we know as the facts of medieval history have almost all been
90
selected for us by
generations of chroniclers who were professionally occupied in the theory and
practice of religion, and who therefore thought it supremely important, and
recorded everything relating to it, and not much else. The picture of the
Russian peasant as devoutly religious was destroyed by the revolution of
95
1917. The picture of
medieval man as devoutly religious, whether true or not, is indestructible,
because nearly all the known facts about him were preselected for us by people
who believed it, and wanted others to believe it, and a mass of other facts, in
which we might possibly have found evidence to the contrary,
100
has been lost beyond
recall. The dead hand of vanished generations of historians, scribes, and
chroniclers has determined beyond the possibility of appeal the pattern of the
past.
In the first place, the facts of history never
come to us "pure", since they do not and cannot exist in a
105 pure form: they
are always refracted through the mind of the recorder. It follows that when we
take up a work of history, our first concern should be not with the facts which
it contains but with the historian who wrote it.
If, as Collingwood says, the historian must
re-enact in thought what has gone on in the mind of his
110 dramatis
personae, so the reader in his turn must re-enact what goes on in the mind of
the historian. Study the historian before you begin to study the facts. This
is, after all, not very abstruse. It is what is already done by the intelligent
undergraduate who, when recommended to read a work by that greatscholar Jones
of
115 St. Jude's goes
round to a friend at St. Jude's to ask what sort of chap Jones is , and what
bees he has in his bonnet. When you read a work of history, always listen out
for the buzzing. If you can detect none, either
120 you are tone deaf
or your historian is a dull dog. The facts are really not at all like fish on
the fishmonger's slab. They are like fish swimming about in a vast and
sometimes inaccessible ocean; and what the historian catches will depend,
partly on chance, but mainly on what part of the ocean he chooses to fish in
and what
125 tackle he chooses
to use — these two factors being, of course, determined by the kind offish he
wants to catch. By and large, the historian will get the kind of facts he
wants. History means interpretation. Indeed, if, standing Sir George dark on
his head, I were to call history «a hard core of interpretation surrounded by
130 a pulp of
disputable facts», my statement would, no doubt, be one-sided and misleading,
but no more so, I venture to think, than the original dictum.
The second point is the more familiar one
of the historian's need of imaginative understanding for the
135 minds of the people with whom he is
dealing, for the thought behind their acts: I say "imaginative
understanding", not "sympathy" lest sympathy should be supposed
to imply agreement. The nineteenth century was weak in medieval history,
because it was too much repelled by the superstitious beliefs of the
140 Middle Ages, and by the barbarities
which they inspired, to have any imaginative understanding of  medieval people.
Or take Burckhardt's censorious remark about the Thirty Years War: «It is
scandalous for a creed, no matter whether it is Catholic or Protestant, to
place its salvation above the integrity of the
145 nation». It was extremely difficult for
a nineteenth-century liberal historian, brought up to believe that it is right
and praiseworthy to kill in defence of one's country, but wicked and
wrong-headed to kill in defence of one's religion, to enter into the state of
mind of those who fought the Thirty Years War.
150
The third point is that
we can view the past, and achieve our understanding of the past, only through
the eyes of the present. The historian is of his own age, and is bound to it by
the conditions of human existence. The very words which he uses — words like
democracy, empire, war, revolution — have
155
current connotations
from which he cannot divorce them. Ancient historians have taken to using words
like polis and plebs in the original, just in order to show that they have not
fallen into this trap. This does not help them. They, too, live in the present,
and cannot cheat themselves into the past by using unfamiliar or
160
obsolete words, any
more than they would become better Greek or Roman historians if they delivered
their lectures in a chlamys or a toga. The name by which successive French
historians have described the Parisian crowds which played so prominent a role
in the French revolution — les sans-culottes, Ie peuple,
165
la canaille, les
bras-nus — are all, for those who know the rules of the game, manifestos of a
political affiliation and of a particular interpretation. Yet the historian is
obliged to choose: the use of language forbids him to be neutral.
170    The
predicament of the historian is a reflexion of the nature of man. Man, except
perhaps in earliest infancy and in extreme old age, is not totally involved in
his environment and unconditionally subject to it. On the other hand, he is
never totally independent of it and its unconditional master. The relation of
man to
175 his environment
is the relation of the historian to his theme. The historian is neither the
humble slave nor the tyrannical master of his facts. The relation between the
historian and his facts is one of equality, of give-and-take. As any working
historian knows, if he stops to reflect what he is doing as he thinks and
180 writes, the
historian is engaged in a continuous process of moulding his facts to his
interpretation and his interpretation to his facts. It is impossible to assign
primacy to one over the other.
The historian starts with a provisional
selection of facts, and a provisional interpretation in the light of
185 which that
selection has been made — by others as well as by himself. As he works, both
the interpretation and the selection and ordering of facts undergo subtle and
perhaps partly unconscious changes, through the reciprocal action of one or the
other. And this reciprocal action also involves reciprocity between present
190 and past, since
the historian is part of the present and the facts belong to the past. The
historian and the facts of history are necessary to one another. The historian
without his facts is rootless and futile; the facts
195 without their
historian are dead and meaningless. My first answer therefore to the question
«What is history?» is that it is a continuous process of interaction between
the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the
past.
From: E.H. Cart, What Is History? (1964).

MORALITY
AND FOREIGN POLICY
by George F.
Kennan
George F. Kennan is Professor Emeritus at the
Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton
1 In a small volume of lectures published nearly
thirty-five years ago, I had the temerity to suggest that the American
statesmen of the turn of the twentieth century were unduly legalistic and
moralistic in their
5     judgment of the actions of other
governments. This seemed to be an approach that carried them away from the
sterner requirements of political realism and caused their statements and
actions, however impressive to the domestic political audience, to lose
effectiveness in the international arena.
9
     2 These
observations were doubtless brought forward too cryptically and thus invited a
wide variety of interpretations, not excluding the thesis that I had advocated
an amoral, or even immoral foreign policy for
15
this country. There
have since been demands, particularly from the younger generation, that I
should make clearer my views on the relationship of moral considerations to
American foreign policy. The challenge is a fair one and deserves a response.
II
3 Certain distinctions should be made before one
wanders farther into this thicket of problems. First of
20
all, the conduct of
diplomacy is the responsibility of governments. For purely practical reasons,
this is unavoidable and unalterable. This responsibility is not diminished by
the fact that government, in formulating foreign policy, may choose to be
influenced by private opinion. What we are talking about,
25
therefore, when we
attempt to relate moral considerations to foreign policy, is the behavior of
governments, not of individuals or entire peoples. Second, let us recognize
that the functions, commitments and moral obligations of governments are not
the same as those of the individual. Government is an agent,
30
not a principal. Its
primary obligation is to the interests of the national society it represents,
not to the moral impulses that individual elements of that society may
experience. No more than the attorney vis-a-vis the client, nor the doctor
vis-a-vis the patient, can government attempt to insert itself into the
consciences of
35
those whose interests
it represents.
4 Let me explain. The interests of the
national society for which government has to concern itself are basically those
of its military security, the integrity of its political life and the
well-being of its people.
40
These needs have no
moral quality. They arise from the very existence of the national state in
question and from the status of national sovereignty it enjoys. They are the
unavoidable necessities of a national existence and therefore not subject to
classification as either «good» or «bad». They may be questioned
45
from a detached
philosophic point of view. But the government of the sovereign state can not
make such judgments. When it accepts the responsibilities bf governing,
implicit in that acceptance is the assumption that it is right that the state
should be sovereign, that the integrity Of its political life should be
assured, that
50
its people should enjoy
the blessings of military security, material prosperity and a reasonable
opportunity for, as the Declaration of Independence put it, the pursuit of
happiness. For these assumptions the government needs no moral justification,
nor need it accept any moral reproach for acting on the basis of them.
55
5 This assertion
assumes, however, that the concept of national security taken as the basis for
governmental concern is one reasonably, not extravagantly, conceived. In an age
of nuclear striking
60
power,national security
can never be more than relative; and to the extent that it can be assured at
all, it must find its sanction in the intentions of rival powers as well as in
their capabilities. A concept of national security that ignores this reality
and, above all, one that fails to concede the same legitimacy to the security
65
needs of others that it
claims for its own, lays itself open to the same moral reproach from which, in
normal circumstances, it would be immune.
6
Whoever looks
thoughtfully at the present situation of the United States in particular will
have to agree that to assure these blessings to the American people is a task
of such dimensions that the
70
government attempting
to meet it successfully will have very little, if any, energy and attention
left to devote to other undertakings, including those suggested by the moral
impulses of these or those of its citizens.
7
Finally, let us note
that there are no internationally accepted standards of morality to which the
U.S.
75
government could appeal
if it wished to act in the name of moral principles. It is true that there are
certain words and phrases sufficiently highsounding the world over so that
most governments, when asked to declare themselves for or against, will
cheerfully subscribe to them, considering that such is their vaguenes
80
that the mere act of
subscribing to them carries with it no danger of having one's freedom of action
significantly impaired. To this category of pronouncements belong such
documents as the Kellogg-Briand Pact, the Atlantic Charter, the Yalta Declaration
on Liberated Europe, and the prologues of innumerable
85
other international
agreements.
8
Ever since Secretary of
State John Hay staged a political coup in 1899 by summoning the supposedly
wicked European powers to sign up to the lofty principles of his Open Door
notes (principles which neither
90
they nor we had any
awkward intention of observing), American statesmen have had a fondness for
hurting just such semantic challenges at their foreign counterparts, thereby
placing themselves in a graceful posture before domestic American opinion and
reaping whatever political fruits are to be derived from the
95
somewhat grudging and
embarrassed responses these challenges evoke.
9
To say these things, I
know, is to invite the question: how about the Helsinki accords of 1975? These,
of course, were numerous and varied. There is no disposition here to question
the value of many of them as
100
refinements of the
norms of international intercourse. But there were some, particularly those
related to human rights, which it is hard to relegate to any category other
than that of the high-minded but innocuous professions just referred to. These
accords were declaratory in nature, not contractual. The very general
105
terms in which they
were drawn up, involving the use of words and phrases that had different
meanings for different people, deprived them of the character of specific
obligations to which signatory governments could usefully be held. The Western
statesmen who pressed for Soviet adherence to these pronouncements
110
must have been aware
that some of them could not be implemented on the Soviet side, within the
meanings we would normally attach to their workings, without fundamental
changes in the Soviet system of power
115
changes we had no
reason to expect would, or could, be introduced by the men then in power.  Whether
it is morally commendable to induce others to sign up to declarations, however
high-minded in resonance, which one knows will not and cannot be implemented,
is a reasonable question. The Western negotiators, in any case, had no reason
to plead naivete as their excuse for doing so.
120
10 When we talk about
the application of moral standards to foreign policy, therefore, we are not
talking about compliance with some clear and generally accepted international
code of behavior. If the policies
125
and actions of the U.S.
government are to be made to conform to moral standards, these standards are
going to have to be America's own, founded on traditional American principles
of justice and propriety. When others fail to conform to those principles, and
when their failure to conform has an adverse effect on
130
American interests, as
distinct from political tastes, we have every right to complain and, if
necessary, to take retaliatory action. What we cannot do is to assume that our
moral standards are theirs as well, and to appeal to those standards as the
source of our grievances.
From: Foreign Affairs, 1986.

MORALITY AND FOREIGN POLICY: APPENDIX
Excerpts from : THE ATLANTIC CHARTER
Statement issued by President Roosevelt and Prime
Minister Churchill, after their meeting «at sea» on August 14,1941
The President of the United States and the Prime
Minister Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United
Kingdom, being met together , deem it right to make known certain common
principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they
base their hopes for a better future for the world.
….

Fourth: They will endeavor , with due respect for
their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all states , great or
small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms to the trade and to the
raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity;
….

Sixth: After the destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they
hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of
dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance
that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom and want;
Eighth: They believe that all of the nations of the
world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons, must come to the abandonment
of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if land, sea or
air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may
threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending the
establishment of a wider and permanent system of general security, that the
disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage
all other practicable measures which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the
crushing burden of armaments.

HUMAN MIGRATION:
A HISTORICAL
OVERVIEW
WILLIAM H.
McNEILL
1)
Defending hearth and
home against strangers, on the one hand, and roving to far places in search of
food and excitement, on the other, have always been opposing poles of human
experience. They tend to
5
manifest themselves
most strongly at different stages of the life cycle: roving being an affair of
youth, home-keeping of adulthood as well as of infancy and old age. The roving
pattern of behavior has obvious biological advantages: apart from expanding the
range of genetic mingling and variation, rovers
10
occasionally discovered
new foods and in rare instances even opened up new ecological niches for human
occupancy. Their restless movements continually probed for new possibilities
and tested old barriers, usually finding nothing of importance to other human
beings, but every so often opening the way for
15
 critically important
technological, geographical, and/or social breakthroughs.
2)
Roving behavior,
therefore, had an important role in human (and prehuman) evolution. Humankind
could not have become the earth-girdling, dominant species we are without
roving and without the
20
migrations that
followed successful discovery of new possibilities made manifest by such
roving. Human occupation of the Americas and of previously islanded lands of
Oceania is only the most recent — and geographically most extensive — example
of processes that are as old as humankind.
25
3) My thesis is that
from Sume'rian times until the latter decades of the nineteenth century — almost
throughout civilized history in other words — our currents of migration can be
distinguished and were, indeed, necessary for the maintenance of Eurasian
civilized society. These four currents of migration
30
divide into movements
affecting the unskilledprimarily peasants or ex-peasants — and movements of
elites.
4)First, consider mass migration patterns. My hypothesis rests on the
idea that differential patterns of
35
mortality were created
by the conditions of city life. This in turn permanently drew migrants from
their places of birth — into cities, on the one hand, and off towards the
frontiers of settlement, on the other. How epidemiology could create and
sustain such a double pattern of die-off and compensatory migration
40
requires a little
explanation. When comparatively large numbers of human beings began to live in
cities, many different infections became more common because proximity
multiplied opportunities for parasitic organisms to pass from one human host to
another. Not only this: when human numbers attained a critical
45
threshold (sometimes
in the hundreds of thousands), entirely new forms of infection that passed
directly from human to human with no intermediate host or dormant form of the
infectious organism became viable. These infections constitute the array of
familiar childhood diseases of the recent past: smallpox,
50
measles, mumps, and the
like. Such diseases could survive only within civilized societies, since only
there were human numbers and frequency of contact sufficient to allow the infectious
organism to find an unceasing succession of new hosts.
5)This class of infections provokes antibody formation in infected
humans so that one exposure to the
55
disease will create
immunity for many years, usually for a lifetime. In a disease-experienced
population, therefore, only children are suitable hosts for these infections.
But among inexperienced populations this is not the case. In such societies
adults are just as vulnerable as children to infection and death. Thus the
60  impact of these civilized disease's
upon disease-experienced populations is entirely different from their impact
upon virgin populations: a fact of enormous import for human history.
6) A result of the intensification of infection that urban conditions
of life induced was that until the
65
latter part of the
nineteenth century cities were population sumps. Eighteenth-century London, for
instance, required an in-migration of an average of 6,000 persons per annum
simply to maintain itself — a sum of 600,000 for the entire century, which was
more than the entire population of the city in 1700. No
70
comparably reliable
figures exist for earlier ages; but I believe this necessity for recruiting
urban population from the countryside — what we can perhaps call the Dick
Whittington syndrome — is about as old as cities themselves.
7)The reasons for saying this are twofold.
Early (ca. 2000 B.C.) Mesopotamian texts such as the Epic of Gilgamesh refer
casually to lethal epidemic infection as an evidence of divine power. This
shows that conspicuous and demographically significant epidemic infections had
become routine aspects of
80
urbanism by 2000 B.C.,
i.e., within the Hrst millennium of city living. Secondly, the language of
administration and record-keeping in the cities of southern Mesopotamia shifted
during the third millennium from Sumerian to Akkadian. I believe that this
shift registered the result of in-migration to the
85
(initially)
Sumerian-speaking cities from the Akkadian-speaking  countryside — a pattern of
migration that at some point must have assumed such velocity as to make it
unnecessary for the in-migrants to learn the language of the established
managers of the city. A modem parallel from European history is the way in
90
which Prague and
Budapest ceased to be German-speaking cities when the pace of in-migration from
the Czech — and Magyar-speaking countryside assumed an increased velocity in
the course of the nineteenth century, partly in response to industrial
expansion, and partly as an aftermath of cholera (and other
95
epidemic) die-off of
German-speaking urban dwellers. It seems possible, therefore, that the
linguistic shift in ancient Mesopotamia (which had no apparent political or
military base) attests the existence in remote antiquity of the same rural to
urban migration current that played such a prominent role in eighteenth
100
century London and
nineteenth-century  Prague and Budapest.
8) Armies constituted another significant population sump for civilized
societies. They assumed demographically significant roles about a thousand
years after cities first came into existence. It is, indeed,
105
useful to think of
armies as mobile cities, exercising power over the countryside from a movable
focus in much the same way that cities were accustomed to exercise power over
their rural hinterlands from a fixed location. And like cities, the human
density of armies (and of people fleeing before their ravages) induced
110
intensified infections
that were far more lethal than weapons. In modem times, when figures become
more or less accurate, soldiers' deaths from disease far outranked deaths in
action until after the Boer War,
      1901-3.
115
     9) Rural emigrants
had, accordingly, two alternative paths of migration available to them: either
moving into the city to make their fortunes as chance and aptitude and places
opened by die-off of older urban populations might permit, or serving in an
army-voluntarily or by conscription — and pursuing a
120
career under arms,
where life expectancy was even shorter than in town and the pattern whereby
fresh recruits moved into slots vacated by veterans' deaths was a good deal
more obvious and immediate —speedier and more massive in other words — than was
commonly the case in cities.
125
   10) A second
traditional current of mass migration from the peasant countryside ran in an
opposite direction: towards the frontier of settlement. This may perhaps be
termed the Daniel Boone syndrome. Lands towards the periphery of civilized
styles of living were ordinarily made available for settlement by
130
intensified die-off of
partially isolated populations resulting from contacts with disease-experienced
city folk. This phenomenon was masively apparent in the Americas, where
contacts with white men regularly decimated Indian populations. Similar
processes prevailed in the deeper past, at the fringes of other
135
civilized communities,
from the time that the characteristic diseases of civilization established
themselves in cities, and thereby conferred upon disease-experienced civilized
communities an epidemiological weapon wherewith to mow down isolated,
disease-inexperienced communities.
140     11)
Innumerable instances of how an unfamiliar infection 140 can play havoc in
isolated communities are known from recent times. When measles was first
introduced into Fiji, for instance, twenty-five percent of the population died
of the infection within a few weeks; the English doctor who observed these
145 appalling effects
published what became a classical account of this sort of virgin-soil epidemic
in 1877. To give a more recent illustration: when the Alcan highway was opened
in 1942, a previously isolated Alaskan community experienced nine different,
serious infections within the first nine months that trucks began to
150 move through
their community. Had the sick not been spirited away to modem hospitals as soon
as a new infection appeared among them, it is impossible to believe that this
tiny community of some individuals could have survived the catastrophic
exposure to diseases of civilization the Alcan highway meant for them.
155
12) Obviously, such
epidemics opened the way for relatively easy expansion of civilized
settlement, if climate and soils and other natural conditions made it possible
for familiar ways of exploiting the environment to be applied in the newly
emptied landscapes. Indeed civilized expansion of this kind
160
resembles the growth
patterns of bread mold on an agar jelly, whereby the mold excretes a substance —
penicillin — lethal to rival forms of life. Civilized communities do the same
merely by breathing in the presence of disease-inexperienced human adults.
165
13) Thus while endemic
disease in urban centers maintained a flow of migrants from countryside into
town, epidemic disease operating towards the periphery of the civilized region
sporadically depopulated
170
frontier zones, which
thus became available for pioneer settlement by other migrants from the same
rural hinterland. An inward flow of relatively low skilled ex-peasants towards
cities (and armies) thus matched an outward slow towards unsettled frontiers on
the part of the same population. (See Figure 1.)
175    14) This, I
think, was the fundamental pattern of human migration in China, India, the
Middle East, and Europe; and its operation had much to do with the fact that in
these regions a single style of civilized life (or closely related variants
upon a single style, like the differences between Latin and Orthodox
180 Christendom in
medieval times, or between German and French civilization in the nineteenth
century) tended to assert itself and maintain recognizable identity across
relatively very large times and spaces. In parts of the earth where these two
basic patterns of migration did not assert their homogenizing force, high
185 urban cultures
exerted a less long-lived and less territorially extensive effect. Their rise
and fall could be and apparently was more rapid and may have affected rural
life less intimately than was the case in the temperate zones of the Old
World.
15) Two more migration patterns
nevertheless also deserve  attention though they affected smaller numbers of
persons, being an affair of elites and ruling classes rather than of the
masses. As before, one such current moved inward toward the centers of urban
life and civilization, and a second moved outward
195 toward (and
beyond) civilizational frontiers. I wish to consider the latter pattern first,
since I believe it manifested itself before the contrary migration of elites
inward toward the center of civilization set in.
16) From the earliest days of the
river-valley civilizations of the Near East it is clear that certain
200 important raw
materials had to be brought into the emerging cities and court centers from
afar.  Mesopotamia and Egypt both lacked timber and metals. Mesopotamia also
lacked stone.

Figure 1. Standard mass migration pattern for
traditional civilization
Yet these commodities played a critical
role in early civilized technology. Trade expeditions, often
205 undistinguishable
from raids, were necessary to assure a supply of these and other valued raw
materials.
17) This economic motive for penetrating
distant regions was supplemented from quite early times by
210 missionary impulses,
perhaps sustained by the fact that a missionary preaching some doctrine valued
for religious reasons might also expect to secure for himself an honored and
relatively comfortable status among the barbarian populations who received him
and accepted his message. Thus the spread of the so
215 called megalithic
tomb and other structures around the coasts of western Europe as far as the
Baltic during the third millennium B.C. seems to have been accomplished by
missionaries of a faith that taught life after death and set great store by
accurate astronomical observations.
220    18) Often,
too, trade and conversion went hand-in-hand. Merchants and raiders carried idea
as well as goods; and if those ideas somehow illumined reality as experienced
by distant and alien peoples among whom they penetrated, ideational borrowing
and adaptation could and did occur in quite the same way that
225 technological
traits and skills might also diffuse outward from a civilized center along
routes of trade — always within limits set by the receptivity of the distant
community to the imports from the civilized center.
19) Among the skills exported from
civilized communities were those of organized violence. As long as
230 human communities
did not produce more than was needed to keep alive, raiding and robbery were
relatively unrewarding. Moral inhibitions against seizing what one had not
himself labored to make available for human consumption must, I think, have
been very strong in early agricultural communities;
235 and in the
absence of food surpluses, a community that tried to live by robbery and
pillage would speedily kill off its victims and thus find itself unable to
live any longer by rapine. Only when populations came into existence that habitually
produced more than they themselves consumed did a predatory pattern of life
240 become
practicable. And it was only when urban elites had come into being and learned
how to feed themselves by extracting foodstuffs from agriculturalists that populations
which habitually produced more food than they needed for their own use came
into existence.
245    20)
Eventually, however, dwellers-round-about discovered that they could rival city
elites in preying upon the rural peasantry, seizing food and other commodities
on a hit-and-run basis. With luck, a raiding party could expect to get in ahead
of civilized tax and rent collectors or armies living off the countryside.
250 As militarization
of the barbarian world proceeded, such raiders became rivals and potential
heirs to civilized ruling classes. In Eurasia, the main reservoir of barbarian
prowess established itself on the grasslands of the steppe, with a secondary
center in the drier zone that shades off into desert south of the steppe.
255
Recorded political
history largely turns upon how one wave of barbarian invaders after another
coming off the steppe or in from the deserts of the Middle East and Central
Asia conquered civilized lands and
260
established themselves
as rulers. Successful conquerors, of course, set out as best they could to
prevent others from following directly in their rear, overthrowing their
power. Diplomatic missions, tribute payments, punitive military expeditions,
elaborate border defenseworks to shelter standing armies or,
265
alternatively, local
self-defense of civilized landscapes by peasant militias or by
professionalized warrior classes living in the countryside: all these and more
were tried. And all, sooner or later, failed to check fresh invasion and
conquest from the barbarian fringes. This Genghis Khan syndrome therefore
matched
270
and opposed the Marco
Polo/Dr. Livingstone trade-missionary syndrome, each affecting relalively small
elites, and pulling them in opposite directions. (See Figure 2.)
21) The historical importance of these
patterns of elite migration seem very considerable. Efforts at
275 defense and no
less persistent efforts at raid and conquest provided a fertile stimulus to
administrative and technical innovation, from the time the war chariot burst
upon civilized communities with initially irresistible force until the present.
In addition, the far-ranging movements of warrior, trading, and
280 missionary elites
spread familiarity with a considerable variety of high skills across otherwise
unbridgeable distances.

Figure 2. Elite migration pattern for traditional
civilization
Skills of China could and did seep westward along
paths of communication, just as Roman or Middle Eastern and Indian skills and
ideas could move in the opposite direction along the same communications paths.
285
22) Whenever
established institutions and ideas of a particular civilization failed to
function satisfactorily, the possibility of taking alien notions and skills
seriously arose. Much of the cultural history
290
of civilized societies
in the Eurasian world turned upon such sporadic receptivity on the part of one
civilization for things imported (and in the process normally also distorted)
from an alien, distant civilized center. From this point of view, the massive
interaction between western civilization and the various other
295high cultures of the earth which has been such a
conspicuous feature of the last two to three centuries is no more than the most
recent (though perhaps the most dramatic and drastic) such process.
23) Inter-civilizational exchange and
stimulus provided a major-perhaps the major — stimulus to
300 change within
civilized communities ever since the plurality of civilized cultures became
knowable to suitably located and strategically situated individuals. The
ancient Greeks' encounter with the Orient, so tellingly recorded in Herodotus'
pages, and the initial Chinese encounter with the Middle East, more briefly
305 recorded in the
pages of the Ssu-ma Ch'ien, the founder of Chinese historiography, have the
advantage of being accessible to us through surviving texts. Other similar
encounters ran all the way back to the time when predynastic Egyptians met
ideas and skills emanating from Sumer and saw that they were good, some
310 time before 3000
B.C. Such stimuli drastically altered patterns of cultural growth and often
accelerated developments or turned them into new paths. Or so I argued in The
Rise of the West: A History of the Human Community, which, with its emphasis
upon cultural diffusion, may be read as a paean to the world historical
significance of elite migration. (See Figure 3).

Figure 3. Elite migration linkages by ca. 1
A.D.
315
24) Two observations
about these migration patterns seem worth making. First, mass migration was not
always a matter of a more or less free individual or group response to their
perceptions of the world and
320
its opportunities.
Obviously, the existence of civilization and cities, with the patterns of human
migration these communities created, put extraordinary strain upon the rural
food-producing peasantry. Their efforts sustained the city folk in a most
direct fashion by raising the food the citizens consumed. They also
325
supported cities and
rulers by exporting a portion of their offspring after having borne all the
costs of raising them from infancy to adolescence. It follows that high rural
birth rates, as well as the regular production of a lot more food than the village
population of working age itself required, were preconditions for the
maintenance of civilized patterns of life.
330
25) If one reflects
upon the hardships and difficulties such requirements placed upon the
peasantry, it is not surprising that population shortages in the countryside
could and sometimes did threaten the survival
335
of city life and
civilization. In such cases, legal enactment often sought to assure fulfillment
of vital functions by assigning individuals to specific jobs and roles in society.
A second possibility was to recruit labor by organizing slave raids aimed at
bringing additional manpower to bear on tasks for which an
340 adequate supply of local personnel was
not available. Slave soldiers and household servants were sometimes more
prominent in the past than slave cultivators; but since slaves seldom
reproduced themselves, all three kinds of slavery depended on the availability
of a supply of enslaveable people somewhere at a distance.
345  26) Wherever
such pools of enslaveable population were discovered and exploited — whether in
Africa or on the Turkish steppes or in Russian villages — they constituted a
sort of auxiliary reservoir of manpower for civilized societies, supplementing
the peasant manpower resources available closer at hand which had
350 proved
insufficient to man all the posts and perform all the functions the civilized
ruling classes wanted or needed to have performed.
27) Secondly, it made a good deal of difference
whether the circulatory patterns of migration I have
355 described were
entered upon by isolated individuals and small family groups that left their
native place and moved to the city, into an army, or to the frontier as a
result of individual decision, or whether such channels of migration were
instead entered upon by larger social groups—whole tribes or village — that
360 entered into the
circulatory system of civilized society as organized communities, so that they
could maintain, e.g., a linguistic identity of their own in novel situations,
and perpetuate distinctive cultural characteristics even after they had
entered into the very heart and core of civilized society. The Jews who
365 wept by the
waters of Babylon in the time of Nebuchadnezzar and the Visigoths and Vandals
who sacked Rome in the fifth century A.D. sufficiently illustrate the
difference that migration in organized groupings can make to the historic role
such migrants may play as against anything possible for isolated individuals
and small family groupings.
370
28) Finally, I should
point out that the fourfold pattern of civilized migration in Eurasia that I
have sketched did not exclude other remarkable migratory movements during the
historic age. Among peoples
375
but little affected by
acquaintance with the skills of civilization, some quite extraordinary
migratory dispersals are known to have occurred. The Indonesian migration from
Borneo to Madagascar, the Polynesian migration through the islands of the
central Pacific, the Eskimo circumpolar migration and the
380
Bantu migration within
Africa each allowed human communities to penetrate and exploit in new ways
hitherto uninhabited or very thinly inhabited landscapes. As such, they
partook of the process described in my first pages-pushing human occupancy ever
closer to absolute geographic limits.
385    29) From about
1700 the patterns of civilized migration outlined above began to encounter
fundamentally new circumstances. It can be argued, indeed, that the world of
our own time is only beginning to come to grips with the changed conditions of
migration that began to manifest themselves in the eighteenth century,
390 and became
massive human realities in the course of the nineteenth.

INTEGRATING RISK ANALYSIS INTO PUBLIC POLICYMAKING
By John F.
Ahearne
JOHN F. AHEARNE is the executive director of Sigma Xi,
the Scientific Reseach Society, and adjunct scholar at Resources for the Future
in Washington, D.C. This article is based on a talk given at the Electric Power
Reseach Institute — Stanford Symposium in honour of Dr. Chauncy Starr’s 80th
birthday.
1 Public policies involve issues in which governmental
or private actions affect a significant segment of the general public. Because
these actions often engender a certain amount of risk for that segment, the
150
questions arise: Does,
can, and should risk analysis affect public policy? The answer to all of these
questions is «yes». Risk analysis should and does affect public policy.
Unfortunately, often the risk analyses that don’t, should; and those that
should, don’t.
150
2 Some of the public
policy issues for which risk analysis could, should, or may be important
include how to dispose of low-level radioactive waste, where to store
high-level radioactive waste, and what controls should be placed on energy production.
Other such topics are the disposal of hazardous wastes;
15
constraints on the use
of pesticides; the impacts of smokingboth active and passive; the export of
tobacco; the use of animals in medical research; and the allocation of public
resources to address these and other problems. The use of risk analyses in
setting public policy concerning these topics is complicated, however,
20
by the level of
understanding among government officials and the public, the influence of the
media, and the impacts on resource allocation. These issues are critical as society
wrestles with rapid scientific and technological change amidst growing concerns
about environmental and health impacts. New approaches,
25
developed by involving
a wide range of people, are needed to help science and society.

Public Understanding and Opinion
150
First, for risk
analysis to have a positive impact on public policy, the public and officials
must have an understanding of technical matters. Jon Miller, who does surveys
for the National Science Board, has spent
150
more than 10 years assessing
what he has described as the scientific literacy of the U.S. public. His
definition of scientific literacy has three elements: a basic vocabulary of
scientific terms and concepts sufficient to be able to read science news,
newspapers, and magazines and to understand «McNeil Lehrer
35
Newshour» and
«Nightline»; an understanding of the process of science, or the difference
between knowing something scientifically and other ways of knowing; and an
awareness of the impact of science and technology on individuals and on
society. The data Miller has collected support the view, and the
40
National Science Board
has concluded, that, according to this description of scientific literacy,
much of the U.S. public is lacking the necessary understanding. For example,
the 1990 survey asked U.S. adults: Does the Earth go around the sun, or does
the sun go around the Earth? Twenty percent said the sun goes around
45
the Earth. Of those who
concluded that the Earth goes around the sun, 20 percent said it goes around
the sun once a day. Miller also asked whether the earliest humans lived at the
same time as dinosaurs. In the
50
United States, 36
percent of those polled said «yes»-a much larger percentage than in Britain or
West Germany. Eighteen percent said they did not know. Miller ascribes the
high percentage of affirmative answers to the «Flintstone effect».
150
However, there have
been positive signs. For several years, Miller has been asking: Would you say
150
that astrology is very
scientific, sort of scientific, or not at all scientific? The percentage of
people saying that astrology is not at all scientific has gradually risen from
50 percent in 1979 to 60 percent in 1988. This percentage is at least double
that in France and almost double that in West Germany.
60
    5 Another indication
of the level of public understanding is seen in polls on nuclear power issues.
A question in the nuclear industry has been how to describe the new nuclear
power plants to the public. In particular, the nuclear industry needs to describe
the plants so that the public understands that one
65
characteristic of these
new designs is a reduction in the probability of a severe accident. Announcing
that the plants have a core melt frequency of 10-6 is probably not going to go
a long way toward convincing the public. Therefore, the industry has been
searching for more descriptive language. In a survey, people were
70
asked to pick out the
terms that «mean something good to you». Many of the phrases that the nuclear
industry suggested did not captivate the public. For example, only 9 percent
of the public thought
75
transparently safe
meant something good; 10 percent thought passively safe was good; 26 percent
thought inherently safe and walkaway safe were good. Walkaway safe means that
hours, even days, would pass before damage leading to the release of radiation
could occur after a serious accident, which allows
80
operators time to think
through their options carefully before taking action. Much of the public,
however, thougt that walkaway safe meant that one could walk away from the
accident instead of running away. Safer received almost one-half of the votes.
Although there is little expectation that many new plants will
85
be described as being
safer than the current plants, the results of the survey do provide some
confidence in the public’s judgment because they indicate that the public is
focused on substance — improving safety —not on style — what terminology is
used.
6
Nevertheless,
inconsistencies continue in the development of public understanding of risks, and
the
90
issue must be faced by
anyone working on risk analysis and public policy. It is not enough merely to
do the technical analysis of an accident or hazard sequence, which a technical
person might believe is most important. Public policy and risk analysis demand
more. However, it is very difficult to determine exactly
95
what is driving public
opinion. For example, recent polls in North Carolina asked whether the public
is too concerned with the environment. Two-thirds of the people either mostly
or completely disagreed. When
100
asked which they would
choose for their state — more jobs or stricter environmental laws — how-100
ever, 75 percent of the people either mostly or completely agreed with choosing
jobs over stricter environmental laws. At the same time, North Carolina is the
compact state that was chosen to develop a low-level radioactive waste site to
replace the one in Barnwell, South Carolina. Not surprisingly, North
105
Carolina has been
unable to find a site. A survey asked the public whether they supported the
following statement: «Whatever the cost, North Carolina needs to get out of
the agreement with the neighboring
110
states regarding
placing the radioactive waste site in our state.» More than half the people
agreed that North Carolina ought to get out of the agreement. They want the
jobs, but they also want out of the agreement.
7
This type of
inconsistency is not restricted to radioactive waste disposal sites. In an
effort to locate a
115 hazardous waste incinerator in North Carolina, an
incinerator company convinced Woodland’s town officials to accept the
incinerator. Shortly thereafter, a town election was held:
Aroused opponents of a proposed hazardous waste incinerator
voted in a new slate of town officials
150
Tuesday, replacing the
Mayor and four Council memebers who invited ThermalKEM to their town.
The defeated mayor had been in office for 27 years.
Voter turnout was 89 percent. The interest was so high that, rather than going
home after voting, many voters stayed at the votecounting center. The crowd
125 greeted the results by chanting, «Not here, not
there, not anywhere!»
8
Although addressing the
U.S. public is difficult, this nation’s public may not be the most difficult.
In fall 1991, at a workshop sponsored by the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE),
Yves Kaluzney, head of the
130
nuclear division of the
General Directorate for Energy and Raw Materials in the government of France,
discussed the problems France has had in trying to establish a site for
high-level radioactive waste. The process had to be halted and a parliamentary
commission established because of local objections. After a
135
U.S. participant in the
DOE conference suggested that the two sides ought to enter into dialogue,
Kaluzney said, «When you have people putting fire to your documents, throwing
stones through your windows, breaking your computers, that is opposition—that
is not dialogue».
150
9 Risk analysis and
public policy often are in conflict on nuclear power issues. Physicist Richard
Wilson, who has been involved in risk analysis across a broad spectrum of
fields, once described how he got into the nuclear field:
150
It didn’t take long for
me to realize that the problems, and even the issues of nuclear energy [have]
very little to do with nuclear physics. The problems are of engineering and
perception. While I agree with much that they say, I reject the idea that the
public perception of risk is more important than the actual magnitude
150 of the risk. The
perceptions can change rapidly — the risk itself stays the same. Of course, we
do not know the risk itself. All we know is the perception of that risk by an
expert. But some people reject experts.
10 Another active proponent in the nuclear field also
has commented on the difficulty of dealing with
155  perceptions. Bernard Cohen, professor of
nuclear physics and radiation health at the University of Pittsburgh, wrote:
«The American public must be educated on
these matters [health, safety, and economics of nuclear
160 power]. He noted the difficulty he has
had in trying to get across the concept of radiation damage to humans and of
levels of acceptable exposure.
The Role of the Media
11 Are the media the problem? Have the risk analyses
been done well, but have the media described
165
them poorly? Is it the
media who are really at fault in the difficulty that risk analysis have in
getting analyses accepted? Philip Abelson, in an editorial in «Science»,
seemed to blame the media when he wrote: «When mentioned by the media, the
polychlorinated biphe-nyls (PCBs) are described as cancercausing
170
chemicals. A more
precise statement would be that huge daily lifelong doses of some of the PCBs
are cancer'causing in rats».
12 Several years ago, the National Research Council
Committe on Risk Perception and Communication
175
addressed the question
of whether the media are really the heart of the problem: «It is mistaken to
view journalists and the media always as significant, independent causes of
problems in risk communication». The committee did note that «most news
organizations would not tolerate sports or business reporting by reporters who
do not understand the subject.
180      ... The same is not always true of the reporting of the technical
and social dimensions of risk messages.» However, the committee advised:
What is needed are ways to improve risk communication
by helping scientists and decision-makers
185 understand how and why journalists do
their work and by helping journalists understand how scientists and
decision-makers think and interact.
THE
ROLE OF THE GOVERNMENT
13 Where, then, can solutions be found to effectively
apply risk analysis to public policy? The public is
190
struggling with  some
inconsistencies but perhaps becoming more scientifically literate, and the
media cannot be counted on, although they should not be blamed. Perhaps one
should look to the U.S. Congress. Unfortunately, Congress is probably not the
right place to look for the solutions. In March 1992, Senator
195
Warren Rudman (R-N.H.)
spoke in the Senate. He was not talking about the kind of risk analysis
addressed here, but what he said is germane:
We are unable, institutionally, to do what has to be
done. We are literally not watching the fiddler fiddle
200 while Rome burns, we are watching the
entire orchestra.
This is similar to a recent description of the DOE:
«They are economic with the truth».
COST OF REGULATION
205     14 Difficulties in estimating and
explaining risks can lead to misallocation of resources. Perhaps the government
and the public are not 'accurately identifying the most serious risks. The
Office of Management and Budget (OMB), although it appropriately gets many
criticisms, has tried to force agencies
210
to estimate how much
their regulations cost per life saved or health effect prevented. In the
fiscal-year 1992 budget, 0MB estimated the costs of some EPA regulations. In 1990
dollars per premature death prevented, the estimates from 1980 to the present
range from $100,000 for regulations on unvented space
215
heaters, automobile
seat belts, and underground construction standards to $6 trillion for
regulations on wood-preserving chemicals. Although the $6 trillion could be a
miscalculation or an exaggeration, the 16 other regulations ranged from $13
million to $650 million and 3 were greater than $4 billion. One might
220
say OMB is'politically
driven to provide one-sided data. Therefore, consider estimates by the Center
for Risk Analysis of the Harvard School of Public Health. The center's 1991
annual report included estimates in 1990 dollars of the expenditures per year
of life saved. The report noted that for childhood measles
225
vaccinations and for
the phasing out of unleaded gasoline, the cost was negative — society «made
money» by these actions. Safety rules at underground construction sites were
estimated to cost $52,000 per year of life saved; front seat airbags in new
cars, about $11,000; and dioxin effluent controls at paper mills, almost $6
million».
230    16 There are regulations that seem
to be skewed. Economists at Resources for the Future (RFF) have addressed the
cost-effectiveness of regulations, particularly the costs and benefits of the
changes to the Clean Air Act.
MORE RESEARCH NEEDED
235
17 Although this issue
of risk communication with the public has been studied for decades, many
important questions need serious study. The National Research Council Committee
on Risk Perception
240
and Communication spent
two years examining what is known about how to communicate effectively with the
public. The committee concluded that several areas needed further research:
* — Comparability — When are risks similar enough to be
compared? In trying to understand risk,
245 many people try
to do a risk comparison. There needs to be research on what key factors enable
a risk to be compared and on the dimension that risks should not be compared
across. Comparisons are often used to justify actions by inappropriately
comparing voluntary risks with imposed risks.
250      * — The
comprehension of magnitudes — How do different ways of presenting the
magnitudes affect people's understanding of, or feel for, the size of the
risks? This is an issue analysts
  and the public struggle with, particularly as they
try to address probabilities that are quite small, such as one in a million.
255   * — Mental
models — How do people think about the risk decisions that confront them?
The information available on a risk is useful only if people can incorporate it
into their thinking about the risk and its management.
* — Risk literacy — How can people learn the language and
concepts needed to understand risk
260
statements? Is there
important preparation that could significantly improve understanding?
These are researchable questions, and work should be
done on them.
265
     18 Finally, if
public understanding is important, the technical people who understand these
issues must work harder to communicate: they must work harder to provide clear
risk analyses to the decision makers in agencies, in industry, and in
Congress. Technical people do have credibility. They also have a
270
responsibility. This
responsibility can be summarized in the words of Thomas Jefferson:
I know of no safe depository of the ultimate powers of
the 280 society, but the people themselves, and if we think them not
enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the
remedy is
275 not to take it from them, but to inform
their discretion by education.
From: Environment, 1994, Volume 35, Number 2.

EDUCATION
AND POLITICAL TOLERANCE

THE
1984 GENERAL SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE
Atheist speak: There are always some people whose
ideas are considered bad or dangerous by other people. For instance, somebody
who is against all churches and religion. If such a person wanted to make a
speech in your city/ town/community against churches and religion, should he
be allowed to speak, or not?
Atheist teach. Should such a person be allowed to teach
in a college or universiry, or not?
Atheist book. If some people in you community
suggested that a book he wrote against churches and religion should be taken
out of your public library, would you favor removing this book, or not?
Communist speak. Now, I should like to ask you some
questions about a man who admits he is a communist. Suppose this admitted
communist wanted to make a speech in your community. Should he be allowed to
speak, or not?
Communist teach. Suppose he is teaching in a college.
Should he be fired, or not?
Communist book. Suppose he wrote a book which is in
your public library. Somebody in your community suggests that the book should
he removed from the library. Would you favor removing it or not?
Racist speak. Or , consider a person who belives that
blacks are genetically inferior.If such a person wanted to make a speech in
your community claiming that blacks are inferior, should he be allowed to
speak, or not?
Racist teach. Should such a person be allowed to teach
in college or university or not?
Racist book. If some people in your community
suggested that a book he wrote which said blacks are inferior should be taken
out of your public library, would you favor removing the book, or not?
Militarist speak. Consider a person who advocates
doing away with elections and letting the military run the country. If such a
person wanted to make a speech in your community, should he be allowed to
speak, or not?
Militarist teach. Should such a person be allowed to
teach in a college or university, or not?
Militarist book. Suppose he wrote a book advocating
doing away with elections and letting the military run the country. Somebody in
your community suggests that the book should he removed from the library. Would
you favor removing it or not?
Homosexual speak. And what about a man who admits that
he is a homosexual? Suppose this admitted homosexual wanted to make a speech in
your community. Should he be allowed to speak or not?
Homosexual teach. Should such a person be allowed to
teach in a college or university or not?
Homosexual book. If some people in your community suggested
that a book he wrote in favor of homosexuality should be taken out of your
public library, would you favor removing this book, or not?

EDUCATION AND
POLITICAL TOLERANCE
TESTING THE EFFECTS OF COGNITIVE SOPHISTICATION AND
TARGET GROUP AFFECT
LAWRENCE BOBO
and
FREDERICK C.LICARI
Abstract this paper examines the effects of education
and cognitive sophistication on willingness to extend civil liberties to
nonconformist groups. We conducted secondary analysis of the 1984 General
Society Survey data. The results show that there is a strong tolerance
dimension that cuts across groups and types of actions. We found strong
positive effects of education on a multiple target group tolerance scale that
included both left-wing and right-wing groups. A substantial fraction of the
education effect on tolerance is mediated by cognitive sophistication. The
effects of education on tolerance are strong even when a person has negative
feelings toward the target group. This paper helps identify why and when (e.g.,
cognitive sophistication and dislike of a target group) education enhances
political tolerance. We discuss the implications of the research for debates on
the education-tolerance relationship.
LAWRENCE BOBO is Associate Professor of Sociology at
the University of Wisconsin.
FREDERICK C. LICARI is a Ph.D. candidate in the
Sociology Department at the University of Wisconsin. This paper was presented
at the 43rd annual conference of The American Association for Public Opinion Research,
19-22 May 1988. Part of this research was originally reported in a master's
thesis by the second author, carried out under the direction of the first
author. The authors thank John Delamater, Lincoln Moses, and Nora Cate
Schaeffer for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. This paper was
partially prepared while the first author was a Fellow at the Center for
Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. The research was partly supported by
NSF Grant BNS87— 00864 and by the Graduate School Research Committee of the
University of Wisconsin. Please direct correspondence to Lawrence Bobo, Dept.
of Sociology, University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI 53706.
Public Opinion Quarterly Volume 53:285-308 (с)
1989 by the American Association for Pubic Opinion research Published by The
University of Chicago Press / 0033-362X/89/0053-03/$2.50
1 The effect of education on levels of support for
civil liberties is a central concern of students of political tolerance. Stouffer's
(1955) pioneering work established widely used measures of tolerance,
5
provided  baseline  data
on  the  U.S. population,  and documented an important dependence of expressed
levels of tolerance on education. Later studies also found that education was a
key determinant of tolerance (Nunn, Crockett, and Williams, 1978). Yet, recent
work on political tolerance (Sullivan, Piereson, and
10
Marcus, 1982) and on
inrergroup attitudes and beliefs (Jackman, 1978; Jackman and Muha, 1984) has
questioned whether education encourages more enlightened and tolerant views.
We are interested in better understanding when and why increasing years of
education may lead to a greater commitment to democratic norms of tolerance.
15
     2 Our first
objective is to identify more precisely the underlying traits that higher
levels of education are frequently assumed to impart. One of the most
prominent explanations for the positive relationship between education and
tolerance is the greater cognitive sophistication produced by more years of
schooling. Few
20
investigations have
employed direct measures of cognitive sophistication as predictors of
tolerance. We test for such effects in the analysis reported below.
3 Our second objective is to perform a stringent test
of the education-tolerance relationship that takes
25
into account feelings
of approval or disapproval of the target group whose rights are in question.
Recent research on the appropriate definition and measurement of tolerance
suggests that merely eliciting support for a civil liberty may not reflect
tolerance, since the group in question may be nonthreatening or even
30
liked. Thus, we also
examine the effect of education on tolerance when the group in question is
opposed by the respondent.
4 Excellent data for conducting this research are
available. The 1984 General Social Survey included 15
35 questions on support for civil
liberties (three parallel items on each of five nonconformist groups).
Importantly, this set of items compensates for weakness of some earlier studies
of tolerance by including questions on groups from the left and right ends of
the political spectrum. A multiple-item measure of
40  cognitive sophistication is also
available. In addition, for four of the five nonconformist groups there are
indicators of respondents' approval or disapproval of the target nonconformist
group.
5 Below we review the claims that have been made for
and against education as a source of greater
45  tolerance, emphasizing the importance
of cognitive sophistication. We next place the concern with the effects of
education in the context of appropriate definition and measurement of
tolerance. These discussions formulate two hypotheses concerning education and
tolerance which we then test empirically.

EDUCATION AND POLITICAL
TOLERANCE
50       THE CASE FOR EDUCATION
6
Stouffer's work
established that tolerance was higher among those living outside the South,
those living in urban as opposed to rural areas, those perceiving little threat
from the target group, the
55
nonreligious, men as
opposed to women, elites more than the mass public, and the highly educated
more than those with less education. He expressed optimism that the overall
level of tolerance would increase over time, in part because of the increasing
years of education younger cohorts were receiving. Nunn,
60
Crockett, and William's
(1978) replication study reported slightly stronger effects of education on
tolerance in 1973 than Srouffer had found in 1954. Nunn and colleagues stressed
that increasing years of education were part of a learning process that
enhanced cognitive skills, cultural knowledge, and cognitive flexibility.
65
In a similar vein,
McClosky (1964) maintained that democratic values are complex ideas requiring
considerable education and social learning before they will he applied. Davis's
(1975) analysis of change noted education effects within each of the cohorts
used in his analysis and a contribution by increasing
70
levels of education of
4% to the overall change of 22% in tolerance between 1954 and 1971.
7 Others have argued that education also
increases the consistency of application of general democratic principles in
concrete or more applied situations. For example, Prothro and Grigg (1960)
found that support
75
for abstract democratic
norms was very high and unaffected by education. But support for concrete
applications of those principles was much lower, with the highly educated
exhibiting more consistency than the less well educated. They interpreted these
patterns as demonstrating that education provides
80
«greater acquaintance
with the logical implications of the broad democratic principles» (Prothro and
Grigg, 1960:291). McClosky (1964) argued that education played a large part in
the finding that his 'sample of «political influentials» was more supportive of
democratic ideology than the «mass electorate.» More
85
recently, Lawrence
(1976) found that the highly educated were more likely to apply general norms
of tolerance to groups they disliked.
8
In general, it is
widely accepted that education increases levels of information. Hyman, Wright,
and
90
Reed (1978) examined
the effects of education on measures of knowledge and receptivity to new
information using measures contained in 54 national sample surveys conducted
between the years 1949 and 1971. They found large and consistent effects of
education on knowledge and openness to new
95
information.Furthermore,
in an equally copious secondary analysis, Hyman and Wright (1979) extended
their examination of education effects to indicators of values and attitudes.
Their major conclusion was that education produced «large, lasting and diverse
good effects on values» (Hyman and Wright, 1979:61).
THE CASE AGAINST EDUCATION
100
9 Several criticisms of
the education-tolerance hypothesis have been advanced. First, Jackman (1973) suggested
that methodological problems, such as acquiescent response bias, resulted in
artifactual evidence of an education-tolerance relationship. She found that
poorly educated respondents were more likely than
105
the highly educated to
agree with simple, strongly worded questions that posed only one side of an
issue. Questions presenting both sides of an issue and eschewing agree-disagree
response formats were less likely to show education effects.
110
10 Second, effects of
education that vary as questions move from abstract principle to concrete
issues have been read as showing that education imparts only a superficial
degree of commitment to democratic
115
values. Jackman's
(1978) analysis of National Election Study data found that education influenced
support for the general principle of racial integration but had no impact on
support for specific policies aimed at integration or equal treatment of
blacks. And contrary to Prothro and Grigg, Jackman found that because
120
education had no effect
at all on the concrete policy questions, the highly educated were no more
likely to apply the general principle than those with less education.
11  Jackman and Muha (1984) investigated the
influence of education on the intergroup attitudes of three
125
dominant groups — whites,
men, and the nonpoor — toward their respective subordinate groups — blacks,
women, and the poor. Education had significant effects on only 3 of 43 items
pertaining variously to beliefs, feelings, and general and concrete policy
orientations in the race, gender, and class contexts. The
130  items most responsive to education were
general policy orientation items that invoked a sense of equal treatment of
individuals (i.e., individual rights) rather than equality among groups.
Jackman's interpretation of these patterns stressed that education does not
increase tolerance so much as it enhances the ability of members of privileged
groups to develop sophisticated defenses of their advantaged social status.
From
135
this perspective, the
greater support for democratic values observed among the highly educated is a
superficial advocacy of individual rights that provides a principled basis for
rejecting group-based claims on society.
12  Third, Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus
(1979) maintained that the relationship between education and tolerance is
largely artifactual. According to this critique, Srouffer (1955) and later
analysts relying upon the questions he formulated (Nunn, Crockett, and
Williams, 1978; Davis, 1975) were effectively measuring
145
tolerance of leftist
groups such as communists. The highly educated were more favorably disposed
toward left-leaning groups than the poorly educated. Rather than measuring a
general commitment to democratic norms, the Srouffer items tapped approval of
particular groups. This criticism also called into question evidence of
increases over time in the level of tolerance. Accordingly, as the salience of
these left-wing
150
groups declined,
researchers observed an artifactual increase in levels of tolerance (Sullivan,
Piereson, and Marcus, 1982).
13  Fourth, according to some, the schools and
the educational process, at least to the point of high
155
school completion, are
ineffective at passing on democratic values (Bowles and Gintis, 1976). Zeilman
and Sears (1971) concluded that political socialization of attitudes toward
the specific civil liberty of free speech does occur during late childhood but
that school children are taught the abstract principle only in slogan form. An
even stronger criticism was offered by Merelman (1980). He concluded that schools
do
160
little to teach or
encourage the learning of democratic values and cannot teach democratic values
because the school itself is not a democratic place. According to Merelman,
the need for order in the schools leads to the creation of an environment that
fosters the learning of constraint, hierarchy, and
165
inequality rather than
values of freedom, equality, and tolerance.
COGNITIVE SOPHISTICATION AS THE MEDIATING LINK
170      14 One way to begin to resolve these
competing claims is to focus on the qualities (e.g., reasoning processes, value
commitments, etc.) that education is assumed to impart (Sniderman, Brody, and
Kuklinski, 1984). Students of political tolerance have not devoted much
attention to examining the process
175
through which education
is held to relate to tolerance. Only a few studies have set out to directly
measure the intervening characteristics and processes that higher levels of
education are purported to set into operation. Zeilman and Sears (1971) found
that tolerance for free speech among a large sample of
180
California
schoolchildren age 9 to 14 was positively related to a measure of divergent
self-esteem. Divergent self-esteem was defined as an ability to entertain
novel and unusual thoughts. Glock et al. (1975) found that cognitive sophistication,
as measured by intellectual interests, openness to new ideas, and
185
willingness to risk
uncertainty and ambiguity, reduced anti-Semitism. McClosky and Brill (1983)
reported that measures of political knowledge and of general intellectuality
were related to an omnibus civil liberties scale.
15  But this research has either relied upon
unusual samples, was unconcerned with assessing whether
190
cognitive
sophistication mediates education effects, or failed to consider cognitive
sophistication in the context of other factors known to influence tolerance.
The reasons why education is related to tolerance need to be pursued more
directly. We suspect that the conceptual complexity and sophistication of the
195
reasoning process
itself is important, not years of education per se. Our first hypothesis, then,
is that cognitive sophistication largely mediates the relationship between
education and tolerance. In addition, we expect cognitive sophistication to
exert effects on tolerance above and beyond other influences such аs
200
those of gender, race,
region, age, urbanicity, ideology, and religion.

CONCEPTUALIZING AND MEASURING TOLERANCE
16  To this point we have treated tolerance as
a concept that enjoys a widely understood, perhaps even
205
straightforward meaning.
There are several usages now available in the lirerature, two of particular
importance. Much of the political tolerance research treats any expression of
support for concrete use of a civil liberty as an expression of tolerance
(Lawrence, 1976; McClosky and Brill, 1983). This assumption
210
seems reasonable
insofar as researchers have been careful to select groups well outside the
social and political mainstream. Sullivan and colleagues challenged this view,
however, arguing that tolerance presupposes explicit disapproval of the group
or activity in question (see also Jackman, 1978). This claim
215
has two immediate
implications for measurement strategies and tests of theoretical ideas: first,
and minimally, tolerance measures should ask about groups from both ends of the
political spectrum; and second, it is essential to assess whether the person
approves or disapproves of the target group.
220
17 Conclusions about
the effects of education on tolerance may vary substantially by which
definition of tolerance underlies the research. For example, contrary to
previous literature, Sullivan and colleagues found no direct effect of
education on their «content-controlled» measure of tolerance. This measure
asked
225
respondents to identify
their least-liked group rather than eliciting reactions to a group preselected
by the researcher. Although education tended to be related to the political
ideology of the least-liked groups, with the highly educated tending to select
right-wing groups, its effect on tolerance was small and mediated by
230 political ideology and personality measures. Thus,
educatoion did have some of the traditionally anticipated psychological
consequences — more secure and flexible orientations — but no strong effect,
direct or indirect, on levels of tolerance.
235      18 The large number of previous studies
that found education to have effects on tolerance stand in sharp contrast to
the results of Sullivan and colleagues. We propose to test some of these
ideas; in particular, we undertake a stringent test of the education-tolerance
hypothesis. Our second major hypothesis is\that
240
education enhances
tolerance even when the target group is disapproved or disliked. That is,
higher levels of education are indeed the source of «sobber second thought»
about restricting the rights of those one opposes. Our first and second
hypotheses are linked in that we expect cognitive sophistication to mediate
245
the effect of education
on tolerance even once feelings toward the target have been controlled. A
principal reason why increasing years of education leads to respect for the
rights of those one opposes is the greater cognitive sophistication more
education imparts. In short, education changes cognitive style in ways that
250
increase the likelihood
ofrecognizing the importance of extending civil liberties to those we dislike.
19 The analysis proceeds in three parts. First, we
develop a scale of political tolerance. Close attention
255 to the dependent variable is in order
since some recent analysts have questioned whether tolerance is a single dimension
(Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus, 1979; McCutcheon, 1985). Second, we test the
cognitive sophistication hypothesis in a multiple regression framework, using a
Civil Liberties scale that involves
260 five  separate  groups  spanning   the
political spectrum. Third,  we  test  for education  and cognitive
sophistication effects on tolerance of four separate target groups among those
respondents holding explicitly negative attitudes toward the target group.
DATA AND MEASURES...
ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
265   A. Tolerance
as Single Dimension
B. Education, Cognitive Sophistication, and Tolerance
C. Affect, Education, Cognition Sophistication, and
Tolerance

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
270
20 Our research has
three principal findings. First , there is a general tolerance dimension that
embraces groups from both ends of the political spectrum. Regardless of the
group or the type of behavior at issue,
275
we found very high
internal and external consistency for the tolerance scale and its component
items. There is some evidence of behaviorspecific and target group-specific
patterns of response. None of these differences is so large or consistent as
to call into question the existence of a general tolerance dimension.
280
Second, education is
strongly related to tolerance, even for a wide array of groups and even among
those respondents explicitly opposed to the target group. Third, cognitive
sophistication accounts for a substantial fraction of the effect of education
on tolerance. Taken together, these findings provide
285
confirmation of
previous claims about the presence and sources (i.e., cognitive sophistication)
of education effects on willingness to support the rights of disliked groups.

As a check on our findings the models shown in Tables
5 and 7 were estimated using the 1987 General Social Survey data (Davis and
Smith, 1987). This analysis confirms our results using the 1984 data. For
example, education has a strongnet effect on the full Civil Liberties scale (b=
.26, p < .001), as does the vocabulary measure (b= .59, p < .001). Adding
the vocabulary measure reduced the net education coefficient by 144%.
Similarly, the main findings of the group-specific analyses examining only
those with negative attitudes toward the itarget group are also confirmed.
Education had positive net effects for the communist (b= .05, p<01),
homosexual (b= 1.04, p < .05), racist (b= .05 , p < .01). and militarist
b= 06, p<.001) subscales. In each case, the vocabulary measure mediated a
substansial fraction of the education effect.
21  Our research has several implications for advocates
(Nunn, Crockett, and Williams, 1978; Davis,
290
1975; Well, 1985) and
detractors (Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus, 1979; Jackman and Muha, 1984) of
the education -tolerance hypothesis. Our findings suggest that previous
research that relied on Stouffer-type items has not been seriously compromised
by a focus on left-wing target groups (cf. Mueller, 1988).
295
Questions on these
groups behave much like those about right-wing groups and responses to both
types of groups form an underlying tolerance dimension. By implication then,
increases in levels of tolerance among the American mass public documented by
Nunn, Crockett, and Williams (1978) and by Davis
300
(1975) are, contrary to
some interpretations (Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus, 1979), probably very
real.
9. Lack of a perceived threat measure is not a
liability. First, Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus did not find a relationship
between perceived threat and education. Second, Green and Waxman (1987) found
that education still affects how tolerance is expressed among those who feel
threatened by a group. Our analysis differs also in that Sullivan, Piereson,
and Marcus included in their omnibus personality measure a dogmatism scale.
Including a dogmatism measure might further reduce the impact of education on
tolerance, but we do not have such a measure available. Importantly, such an
effect, I though as yet undemonstrated with these data, would be consistent
with our cognitive sophistication hypothesis.
22  The difference between our results and those of
Sullivan and colleagues lies in a distinction between tolerance under ordinary
conditions and tolerance under extraordinary or extreme conditions. We have
not
305
employed the perceived
threat, general norms, and personality measures used in the Sullivan model, but
the effects of education we found occurred net of political ideology, trust in
people (psychological insecurity), and feelings of disapproval of the target
group, and without regard to the left — or right-wing proclivities
310
of the target group. 9)
This suggests that the key difference between our results and those of Sullivan
and colleagues involves the differing dependent measures. We suspect that
Sullivan and colleagues found only weak indirect effects of education on
tolerance because their measure of tolerance identifies extremely
315
disliked groups. For
example, several of the target groups — the Ku Klux Klan, the Black Panthers,
and the Symbionese Liberation Army —identified in the Sullivan measure have
histories of violence and
320
criminal activity. They
are nor merely advocates of nonconformist viewpoints. Tolerance ofnonconformist
but less extreme groups and the connection of education to the latter are
probably underestimated by this measurement strategy.
23
Importantly, the sort
of «ordinary» dislike/disapproval we have indexed may be a larger component
325  of routine politics than is the
extraordinary dislike/disapproval we suspect is accorded «least liked» groups.
There are probably many more occasions when we are called upon to tolerate
those views we merely dislike than those we find to be extraordinarily objectionable.
There are also a number of nonconformist
330 groups whose
ideas and actions do not involve violence or lawbreak-ing but whose views are
well outside the mainstream. In addition, other research shows that the
positive effects of education on tolerance extend to greater approval among the
highly educated for social protest by nonconformist groups (Hall,
335 Rodeghier, and
Useem, 1986). Our results suggest that education, partly via its impact on
conceptual  ability or cognitive sophistication, is important for tolerance of
the merely disliked group but is unimportant for tolerance of the
extraordinarily disliked group.
340
24 Jackman's analysis
concerned attitudes toward broad social categories (gender, race, and class),
not attitudes toward the expression of particular points of view. We believe
our results indicate more than ideological sophistication on the part of the
highly educated. In this sense, our results run counter to the
345
interpretation of
education effects proposed by Jackman. We suspect that the difference involves
a middle ground between support for abstract democratic principles and support
for more sweeping policy changes
350
(e.g., affirmative
action or mandatory school desegregation) that benefit particular groups. This
middle ground involves support for the rights of individual members of
nonconformist groups to advocate their ideas in public forums. As Weil
(1985:459) recently argued, «the processes and reasons which constrain
355
the better educated to
give more liberal responses may not be as admirable as once thought, but
something may be better than nothing: one presumes that the recipients of
apparently liberal opinions (even if somewhat hypocritical) prefer such
constraints to heartfelt illiberal responses.» Activities such as political
360
speech, the publication
of one's views, and the right to hold prestigious positions (e.g., college
teacher) are vital means of drawing attention to problems and persuading
others to support policy changes. Viewed in this light, it is meaningful to
find that education increases commitment to the extension of free-speech rights
to those we dislike.
365
25 Sullivan's model and
Jackman's research identify boundaries on the education-tolerance
relationship. These boundaries constitute particular, and in some ways
limited, conditions when education fails to
370
increase tolerance. Our
research shows the circumstances when education has large and important effects
on tolerance. Of course, education is only one of several factors influencing
tolerance and, as cohort analyses show, improvements in average educational
attainment are not the main factor producing change
375
over time in levels of
tolerance. Future reseach should not view the education-tolerance relationship
as either genenrally weak or strong. Rather, education is associated with
higher levels of tolerance, even among those who oppose a group, so long as the
group in question is not extraordinarily threatening or
380
extreme.This
relationship exists in part because education is associated with more
sophisticated styles of reasoning.
REFERENCES ( PARTIAL LISTING )
Bowles, Samuel, and Herbert Gintis (1976). Schooling
in Capitalist America. New York: Basic Books.
Davis, James A. (1975). «Communism, conformity,
cohorts, and categories: American tolerance in 1954 and 1972-73.» Americal
Journal of Sociology 81:491-513
Davis, James A., and Tom W. Smith (1987). General Social
Surveys, 1972-1987: Cumulative Codebook. Chicago: NORC, Universiry of Chicago.
Gibson, James L., and Richard D Bingham (1982).
«On the conceptualization and measurement of political tolerance.» American
Political Science Review 76:603-620.
Glock, Charles Y, Robert Wuthnow, Jane A. Piliavin,
and Metta Spencer (1975). Adolescent Prejudice. New York: Harper and Row.
Green, David P., and Lisa M. Waxman (1987). «Direct
threat and political tolerance : An experimenral analysis of the tolerance of
blacks toward racists». Public Opinion Quarterly 51:149-165
Hall Robert, Mark Roderheir, and Bert Useem (1986).
«Effects of education on attitude to protest». American Sociological Review
51:564-573
Hyman, Herbert H., and Charles R. Wright (1979).
Education's Lasting Influence on Values. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Hyman, Herbert H., Charles R. Wright, and John Shelton
Reed (1978). The Enduring Effects of Education . Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Jackman, Mary R. (1973). «Education and prejudice or
education and response set?» American Sociological Review. 38:327-339
1978
    «General and applied tolerance: Does education
increase commitment to racial integration?» American Journal of Political
Science 22:302-324
Jackman, Mary R., and Michael J. Muha (1984). «Education
and intergroup attitudes: Moral enlightenment, superficial democratic
commitment, or ideological refinement?» American Sociological Review
49:751-769, , ,
Krosnick, Jon A., and Duane F. Alwin (1987),. «An
evaluation of a cognitive theory of response-order effects in survey measurement».
Public Opinion Quarterly 51:201-219
Lawrence, David G. (1976). «Procedural norms and
tolerance: A reassessment «American Political Science Review 70:80-100
McClosky, Herbert (1964). «Consensus and ideology in
American politics». American Political Science Review 58:361-382
McClosky, Herbert, and Alida Brill (1983). Dimensions
of Tolerance. New York: Russell Sage.
McCutcheon, Allan L. (1985). «A latent class analysis
of tolerance for nonconformity in the American public». Public Opinion
Quarterly 49:474-488.

«A
TECHNOLOGY OF BEHAVIOR»
by B. F. Skinner
1. In trying to solve the terrifying problems that
face us in the world today, we naturally turn to the things that we do best. We
play from strength, and our strength is science and technology. To contain a
population explosion we look for better methods of birth control. Threatened by
nuclear holocaust, we build bigger deterrent forces and anti-ballistic-missile
systems. We try to stave off world famine with new foods and better ways of
growing them. Improved sanitation and medicine will, we hope, control disease:
better housing and transportation will solve the problems of the ghettos; and
new ways of reducing or disposing of waste will stop the pollution of the
environment. We can point to remarkable achievements in all these fields, and
it is not surprising that we should try to extend them. But things grow
steadily worse, and it is disheartening to find that technology itself is
increasingly at fault. Sanitation and medicine have made the problems of
population more acute, war has acquired a new horror with the invention of
nuclear weapons, and the affluent pursuit of Happiness is largely responsible
for pollution. As Darlington has said, «Every new source from which man has
increased his power on the earth has been used to diminish the prospects of his
successors. All his progress has been made at the expense of damage to his
environment, which he cannot repair and could not foresee.
25
     2. Whether or not
he could have foreseen the damage, man must repair it or all is lost. And he
can do so if he will recognize the nature of the difficulty. The application
of the physical and biological sciences alone will not solve our problems,
because the solutions lie in another field. Better contraceptives will
30
control population only
if people use them. New weapons may offset new defenses and vice versa, but a
nuclear holocaust can be prevented only if the conditions under which nations
make war can be changed.
35
New methods of
agriculture and medicine will not help if they are not practiced, and housing
is a matter not only of buildings and cities but of how people live.
Overcrowding can be corrected only by inducing people not to crowd, and the
environment will continue to deteriorate until polluting practices are
abandoned.
40
      3. In short, we
need to make vast changes in human behavior, and we cannot make them with the
help of nothing more than physics or biology, no matter how hard we try. (And
there are other problems, such as the breakdown of our educational system and
the dissaffection and revolt of the young, to which
45
physical and biological
technologies are so obviously irrelevant that they have never been applied.) It
is not enough to «use technology with a deeper understanding of human issues»,
or to «dedicate technology to man's spiritual needs», or to «encourage
technologists to look at human problems. Such expressions imply
50
that where human
behavior begins, technology stops, and that we must carry on, as we have in the
past, with what we have learned from personal experience or from those
collections of personal experiences called history, or with the distillations
of experience to be found in folk wisdom and practical rules of
55  thumb. But these have been available
for centuries, and all we have to show for them is the state of the world
today.
4.
What we need is a
technology of behavior. We could solve our problems quickly enough if we could
60
adjust the growth of
the world's population as precisely as we adjust the course of a spaceship, or
improve agriculture and industry with some of the confidence with which we
accelerate high-energy particles, or move toward a peaceful world with
something like the steady progress with which physics has approached
65
absolute zero (even
though both remain presumably out of reach). But a behavioral technology
comparable in power and precision to physical and biological technology is
lacking, and those who do not find the very possibility ridiculous are more
likely to be frightened by it than reassured. That is how far we
70
are from «understanding
human issues» in the sense in which physics and biology understand their
fields, and how far we are from preventing the catastrophe toward which the
world seems to be inexorably moving.
5.
Twenty-five hundred
years ago it might have been said that man understood himself as well as any
75
other part of his
world. Today he is the thing he understands least. Physics and biology have
come a long way, but there has been no comparable development of anything like
a science of human behavior. Modern physics and biology successfully treat
subjects that are certainly no simpler than many aspects of human
80
behavior. The
difference is that the instruments and methods they use are of commensurate
complexity. The fact that equally powerful instruments and methods are not
available in the field of human behavior is
85
not an explanation, it
is only part of the puzzle. Was putting a man on the moon actually easier than
improving education in our public schools? Or than constructing better kinds
of living space for everyone? Or making it possible for everyone to be
gainfully employed and, as a result, to enjoy a higher standard of living? The
choice was not a matter of priorities, for no one could have said that it was
more important to
90
get to the moon. The
exciting thing about getting to the moon was its feasibility. Science and
technology had reached the point at which, with one great push, the thing could
be done. There is no comparable
95
excitement about the
problems posed by human behavior. We are not close to solutions.
6. It is easy to conclude that there must be something
about human behavior which makes a scientific analysis, and hence an effective
technology, impossible, but we have not by any means exhausted the
100 possibilities. There is a sense in
which it can be said that the methods of science have scarcely yet been applied
to human behavior. We have used the instruments of science, we have counted and
measured and compared; but something essential to scientific practice is missing
in almost all current discussions of
105 human behavior. It has to do with our
treatment of the causes of behavior. (The term «cause» is no longer common in
sophisticated scientific writing, but it will serve well enough here.)
7. Man's first experience with causes probably came
from his own behavior: things moved because he
110
moved them. If  other
things moved, it was because someone else was moving them, and if the mover
could not be seen, it was because he was invisible. The Greek gods served in
this wy as the cause of physical phenomena. They were usually outside the
things they moved but they might enter into and
115
«possess» them. Physics
and biology soon abandoned explanations of this sort and turned to more useful
kinds of causes, but the step has not been decisively taken in the field of
human behavior. Intelligent people no longer believe that men are possessed by
demons (although the exorcism of devils is
120
occasionally practiced,
and the daimonic has reappeared in the writings of psychotherapists), but
human behavior is still commonly attributed to indwelling agents.
8. Physics and biology moved farther away from
personified causes when they began to attribute the
125
behavior of things to
essences, qualities, or natures. To the medieval alchemist, for example, some
of the properties of a substance might be due to the mercurial essence, and
substances were compared in what might have been called a «chemistry of
individual differences». Newton complained of the practice in his
130
contemporaries: «To tell
us that every species of thing is endowed with an occult specific quality by
which it acts and produces manifest effects is to tell us nothing.» Biology
continued for a long time to appeal to the nature of living things, and it did
not wholly abandon vital forces until the twentieth century. Behavior,
135
however, is still
attributed to human nature, and there is an extensive «psychology of individual
differences» in which people are compared and described in terms of traits of
character, capacities, and abilities.
      9. Almost everyone who is concerned with human
affairs — as political scientist, philosopher, man of letters, economist,
psychologist, linguist, sociologist, theologian, anthropologist, educator, or
psychotherapist — continues to talk about human behavior in this prescientific
way. Every issue of a
145
daily paper, every
magazine, every professional journal, every book with any bearing whatsoever on
human behavior will supply examples. We are told that to control the number of
people in the world we need to change attitudes toward children, overcome
pride in size of family or in sexual potency, build some
150
sense of responsibility
toward offspring, and reduce the role played by a large family in allaying
concern for old age. To work for peace we must deal with the will to power or
the paranoid delusions of leaders; we must remember that wars begin in the
minds of men, that there is something suicidal in man — a death
155
instinct perhaps— which
leads to war, and that man is aggressive by nature. To solve the problems of
the poor we must inspire self-respect, encourage initiative, and reduce
frustration. To allay the dissaffection of the young we must provide a sense of
purpose and reduce feelings of alienation or hopelessness. Realizing
160
that we have no
effective means of doing any of this, we ourselves may experience a crisis of
belief or a loss of confidence, which can be corrected only by returning to a
faith in man's inner capacities. This is staple fare. Almost no one questions
it. Yet there is nothing like it in modem physics or most of biology,
165
and that fact may well
explain why a science and a technology of behavior have been so long delayed.
10.
It is usually supposed
that the «behavioristic» objection to ideas, feelings, traits of character,
will,
170
and so on concerns the
stuff of which they are said to be made. Certain stubborn questions about the
nature of mind have, of course, been debated for more than twenty-five hundred
years and still go unanswered. How, for example, can the mind move the body? As
late as 1965 Karl Popper could put the question this
175
way: «What we want is
to understand how such nonphysical things as purposes, deliberations, plans,
decisions, theories, tensions and values can play a part in bringing about
physical changes in the physical world». And, of course, we also want to know
where these nonphysical things come from. To that question the Greeks had a
simple answer: from the gods....
180
11. We cannot take that
line today, and the commonest alternative is to appeal to antecedent physical
events. A person's genetic endowment, a product of the evolution of the
species, is said to explain part of
185
the workings of his
mind and his personal history the rest. For example, because of (physical)
competition during the course of evolution people now have (nonphysical)
feelings of aggression which lead to (physical) acts of hostility. Or, the
(physical) punishment a small child receives when he engages in sex
190
play produces
(nonphysical) feelings of anxiety which interfere with his (physical) sexual
behavior as an adult. The nonphysical stage obviously bridges long periods of
time: aggression reaches back into millions of years of evolutionary history,
and anxiety acquired when one is a child survives into old age.
195      12. The problem of getting from one
kind of stuff to another could be avoided if everything were either mental or
physical, and both these possibilities have been considered. Some philosophers
have tried to stay within the world of the mind, arguing that only immediate
experience is real, and experimental psychology
200
began as an attempt to
discover the mental laws which governed interactions among mental elements.
Contemporary «intraphysic» theories of psychotherapy tell us how one feeling
leads to another (how frustration breeds aggression, for example), how feelings
interact, and how feelings which have been put
205
out of mind fight their
way back in. The complimentary line — that the mental stage is really physical
— was taken, curiously enough, by Freud, who believed that physiology would
eventually explain the workings of the mental apparatus. In a similar vein,
many physiological psychologists continue to talk
210
freely about states of
mind, feelings, and so on, in the belief that it is only a matter of time
before we shall understand their physical nature.
13. The dimensions of the world of mind and the
transition from one world to another do raise
215 embarrassing problems, but it is
usually possible to ignore them, and this may be good strategy, for the
important objection to mentalism is of a very different sort. The world of the
mind steals the show. Behavior is not recognized as a subject in its own right.
In psychotherapy, for example, the disturbing
220 things a person does or says are almost
always regarded merely as symptoms, and compared with the fascinating dramas
which are staged in the depths of the mind, behavior itself seems superficial
indeed. In linguistics and literature criticism of what a man says is almost
always treated as the expression of ideas or
225 feelings. In political science,
theology, and economics, behavior is usually regarded as the material from
which one infers attitudes, intentions, needs, and so on. For more than twenty
five hundred years close attention has been paid to mental life, but only
recently has any effort been made to study human behavior as something more
than a mere by-product.

230
14. The conditions of
which behavior is a function are also neglected. The mental explanation brings
curiosity to an end. We see the effect in casual discourse. If we ask someone,
«Why did you go to the theater?» and he says, «Because I felt like going», we
are apt to take his reply as a kind of explanation. It
235
would be much more to
the point to know what has happened when he has gone to the theater in the
past,   what he heard or read about the play he went to see, and what other
things in his past or present environments might have induced him to go (as
opposed to doing something else), but we accept «I felt
240
like going» as a sort
of summary of all this and are not likely to ask for details.
14.
The professional
psychologist often stops at the same point. A long time ago William James
245
corrected a prevailing
view of the relation between feelings and action by asserting, for example,
that we do not run away because we are afraid but are afraid because we run
away. In other words, what we feel when we feel afraid is our behavior — the
very behavior which in the traditional view expresses the feeling
250
and is explained by it.
But how many of those who have considered James's argument have noted that no
antecedent event has in fact been pointed out? Neither «because» should be
taken seriously. No explanation has been given as to why we run away and feel
afraid.
255        16.  Whether we regard ourselves as
explaining feelings or the behavior said to be caused by feelings, we give very
little attention to antecedent circumstances. The psychotherapist leams about
the early life of his patient almost exclusively from the patient's memories,
which are known to be unreliable, and he may
260
even argue that what is
important is not what actually happened but what the patient remembers. In the
psychoanalytic literature there must be at least a hundred references to felt
anxiety for every reference to a punishing episode to which anxiety might be
traced. We even seem to prefer antecedent histories which are
265
clearly out of reach.
There is a good deal of current interest, for example, in what must have
happened during the evolution of the species to explain human behavior, and we
seem to speak with special confidence just because what actually happened can
only be inferred.

270     17.  Unable to understand how or
why the person we see behaves as he does, we attribute his behavior to a person
we cannot see, whose behavior we cannot explain either but about whom we are
not inclined to ask questions. We probably accept this strategy not so much
because of any lack of interest or power but
275
because of a
longstanding conviction that for much of human behavior there are no relevant
antecedents. The function of the inner man is to provide an explanation which
will not be explained in turn. Explanation stops with him. He is not a mediator
between past history and current behavior, he is a center from which
280
behavior emanates. He
initiates, originates, and creates, and in doing so he remains, as he was for
the Greeks, divine. We say that he is autonomous — and, so far as a science of
behavior is concerned, that means miraculous.
285     18. The position is, of course, vulnerable. Autonomous man serves
to explain only the things we are not yet able to explain in other ways. His
existence depends upon our ignorance, and he naturally loses status as we come
to know more about behavior. The task of a scientific analysis is to explain
how the behavior of a person as a physical system is related to the  conditions
under which the human species evolved and
290 the conditions under which the
individual lives. Unless there is indeed some capricious or creative
intervention, these events must be related, and no intervention is in fact
needed. The contingencies of survival responsible for man's genetic endowment
would produce tendencies to act aggressively, not feel
295 ings of aggression. The punishment of
sexual behavior changes sexual behavior, and any feelings which may arise are
at best by-products. Our age is not suffering from anxiety but from the
accidents, crimes,
300 wars, and other dangerous and painful
things to which people are so often exposed. Young people drop out of school,
refuse to get jobs, and associate only with others of their own age not because
they feel alienated but because of defective social environments in homes,
schools, factories, and elsewhere.

305   19. We can follow the path taken by
physics and biology by turning directly to the relation between behavior and
the environment and neglecting supposed mediating states of mind. We do not
need to try to discover what personalities, states of mind, feelings, traits of
character, plans, purposes, intentions,
310
or the other prerequisites
of autonomous man really are in order to get on with a scientific analysis of
behavior.
From: Beyond Freedom And Dignity, by B.F. Skinner.
Copyright @ 1971 by B.F. Skinner. Reprinted in Hogins and Yarber, «Models for
Writing».

 «HOW PSYCHOLOGY SANCTIONS THE CULT OF THE
SELF»
by Michael
Wallach and Lise Wallach
1. THEORIES IN
ACADEMIC PSYCHOLOGY
A. «INTERPERSONAL
RELATIONS» THEORY
1. For different reasons, most current approaches in
psychology give sanction to the idea that self seeking is not merely an
inclination, but the essence of our nature.

5
   2. Take, for
example, the writers on «interpersonal relations.» Were you to plow through
these voluminous writings, you would leam that the model for human behavior is
the penurious* merchant of Adam Smith's England, whose singleminded aim was to
get as much as he could and to give as little.
10   Harold H. Kelley and John W. Thibaut,
leading authors in the field, tell us that we should always condition our commitment
to the welfare of others , and to values such as justice, upon the likely
returns to ourselves. «Being considerate of other persons' needs and helping
them attain their goals», Kelley and Thibaut write,

15      «will often be found necessary in order to
obtain the cooperation from them that the individual desires». There's no
reason beyond that for being considerate because values have no value apart
from what they produce in return. «The functionally optimal rules», they write,
«are highly contingent.»

*
penurious — stingy
20   3. The governing idea, in short, is that we should do unto 20
others as they have done unto us.
B. «SOCIAL
LEARNING» THEORY
1.
The so-called «social
learning» theorists like Albert Bandura write in a similar vein, arguing that
all
25
we care about in a
given situation is what's in it for ourselves. You are concerned about a
suffering friend? Trace all the wires back, he argues, and you will find that
you really are concerned about what that friend's suffering might imply for
yourself — that he might treat you less kindly, for example. To the extent we
do
30
act altruistically,
it's for social approval: internal standards of conduct — such as not killing
people — are simply ways to ward off trouble with the authorities.
C. «LIBERAL»
ACADEMIC THEORY
1.
Even the so-called
«liberal» academics, who question both social learning theory and psychological
dogma in general — along with the individualism that flows from it can't seem
to break away from the premise that self interest must be the ground base of
all human motivation. Eleanor Maccoby, for
40
example,rejects the
view that infants become attached to their caretaker merely because that person
relieves their personal distresses such as hunger. So how does Maccoby explain
this attachments? By positing the parent as the «agent» who helps the
infant master its environment. The child can't feel affection, in other
45
words, unless it
receives something in return.  Maccoby rejects one form ofself-centeredness
only to exchange it for another.
2.
Similarly, in Maccoby's
view, acquiring social skills means mastering bargaining plays. As children
50
grow up they gain the
skill «to tailor their actions for different audiences, depending on the nature
of the social self that they wish to project». Generosity becomes a way to cut
the best deal. We learn to act unselfishly by «weighing future gains against
present ones.»
3.
Maccoby acknowledges
that a good family life requires more. «When a sense of mutual sharing
55
exists», she writes,
«bargaining or dominance of one member's objectives over another's becomes less
important». But she can offer nothing from the realm of psychology to help
families move in that direction. Because she keeps self-interest as the basic
psychological building block in social relations, she has
60
nowhere to turn other
than the contractual balancing of interest that she senses as missing the
point.
4.
When students study
psychology in college, views like these come across in their texts.
Selfishness,
65
students learn, is what
makes the world turn. «Doing something for other people is gratifying needs in yourself,
otherwise you wouldn't do it», said one of those interviewed who seems to have
paid close attention to his texts. «There is a part of me that needs to believe
that altruism is alive and well, especially
70
in me», said another.
«But there's also a cynicism — something like altruism can't exist».

II.
THEORIES
IN CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY
A. FREUDIAN PSYCHOANALYSIS
1.
Growing alongside
academic psychology has been clinical practice, most notably psychoanalysis.
75
Sigmund Freud began his
work towards the end of the nineteenth century, when the empirical sciences, in
their high noon of promise, were going to unlock all the mysteries. Previously,
questions of human behavior had been the realm of religion and moral
philosophy. Basing his theories totally upon biology, Freud
80
became classic
iconoclast.
2.
 To Victorians who
wouldn't even mention bodily functions — let alone sex — in polite society,
Freud declared that their lives were governed by these very things, the most unmentionable
in particular.
85
«All the emotional relationships
of sympathy, friendship, trust, and the like, which can be turned to good
account in our lives.» he wrote, «are genetically linked with sexuality and
have developed from pure sexual desires». According to Freud, everything we do
serves ultimately one of two biological functions: to rid
90
ourselves of unpleasant
external stimulation, such as cold, or to make use what's outside us to satisfy
an internal need, such as — he would say — hunger or sex.
3.
«All instincts which do
not find a vent without turn inwards», wrote Nietzche, of whom Freud
95
was an avid student.
«The whole inner world burst apart when man's external outlet became
obstructed». Freud saw that we sometimes need to «sublimate» such energies
into, say, work or arts, or accept restraints upon them, for the good of
society. But such restraints were fundamentally at odds with our nature — not
100
with just part of our
nature, but with all of it. An excess of restraints causes the energies to
«turn inwards», producing neurosis.
4.
Two main streams of
clirical theory have challenged Freud's theory in fundamental respects. But
105
where each sight  have
countered the emerging culture of selfishness, they both ended up giving even
more legitimacy to this culture than Freud had.
B. NEO-FREUDISM
1.
The neo-Freudians like
Harry Stack Sullivan, Karen Homey, and Erich Fromm thought that Freud
110
had been much too
pessimistic in his assessment of human nature. Homey, for example, disagreed
strongly with Freud's view that «there is no liking or disliking of people, no
sympathy, no generosity, no feeling of justice, no devotion to a cause, which
is not in the last analysis determined by libidinal or destructive
115
drives». Our actions
can arise not just from bodily needs and urges, she maintained but from concern
for others, a desire for justice, and the like. Since we can hold such concerns
outside ourselves, the neo-Freudians. might have seen the potential of both
external restrictions and internal standards of conduct in
120
furthering those ends.
Having abandoned Freud's biological basis, they had no remaining reason to
regard such prescriptions as fundamentally hostile.
2.
But they did regard
these prescriptions as hostile, even more than Freud had. Homey deplored the
125
«tyranny ofshoulds»
which «impair the spontaneity of feelings, wishes, thoughts and beliefs». The
neo-Freudians rejected social prescriptions not because we were so bad, as
Freud had thought, but because we were so good. If we were only freed of such
restraints and left to get sufficiently in touch with ourselves,
130
the result would be
beneficial both for ourselves and others. Homey castigated the «whip of inner
dictates» and declared that she wanted the individual «to dispense with [them]
altogether».
3.
The neo-Freudians
approached the individual psyche a little the way free market conservatives
view
135
the economy.
Governmental and other restraints are the problems, and if we just let
everybody do their own thing, it will all work out in the end. These
neo-Freudians were therapists working with individual patients rather than
social problems — patients who, for the most part, had strong internal values
to begin
140
 with. In the
background, moreover, was Stalin's Russia and the rise of Nazi Germany in which
Goebbels was calling upon the German nation to «submit the I to thou» and the
«individual to the whole». In this context there seemed compelling reason to
focus on the self as the bulwark of human freedom». «Don't be
145 selfish becomes one of the most
powerful ideological tools in suppressing spontaneity and the free development
of personality», said Fromm, who was himself German. Neo-Freudians like Fromm
did not urge selfishness; to the contrary, they said that truly loving yourself
did not mean striving for pleasure,
150 material gains or success. But they did
romanticize the self, seeing it as Rousseau's noble savage, and did not
sufficiently appreciate that darkness comes not only from without — in the form
of Hitler — but from within as well.
C. HUMANISTIC
PSYCHOLOGY
155
1. If the neo-Freudians
romanticized human nature, then the humanistic psychologists like Carl Rogers
and Abraham Maslow were positively dewy-eyed. Where the neo-Freudians had
attacked external restraints and prescriptions, the humanists attacked all
forms of influence or determination outside the
160
self.  Each man and
woman is not a «piece of the continent», as Donne wrote, but «an island unto
himself, in a very real sense» said Rogers, «and he can only build bridges to
other islands if he is first of all willing
165
to be himself and
permitted to be himself». Autonomy was the absolute; the crucial goal of
therapy, as of life, was «to be that self which one truly is», as Kierkegaard
had said — or, as Maslow and Rogers themselves put it, to «self actualize».
2.
Rogers cited with
approval the decline of institutions — «government, the military, the church,
the
170
corporation, the school
— because these were sources of external determination that prevented us from
being ourselves. He regarded with favor the decline of conventional
marriage as well. Those who choose to live together without it «simply believe
that a partnership has significance only if it is a mutually
175
enhancing,growing
relationship». Of the healthy individual, Rogers said, «He is unlikely to make
any commitment for all of his life because he knows he cannot predict himself
that well».
3.
Actualizing the
individual «may sound as though it were a selfish or unsocial criterion»,
Rogers
180wrote, «but it does not prove to be so, since a deep
and helpful relationship as experienced is actualizing». Rogers, like the
neo-Freudians, simply took for granted that the «self-actualized» individual
would do naturally what was benevolent and good.
185
    4.   It is time to
ask whether these teachings of the psychology profession are rooted in science
— in empirical evidence — or whether they are based instead on ideology and
predilection. Further, we need to ask whether these teachings serve to heal,
both individually and collectively; or whether seeking personal
190 happiness directly, as they tend to counsel, only
makes that goal more elusive.
III. EVIDENCE OF
THE INADEQUACY OF CURRENT THEORIES
1.
Freud served an
important role, stripping way the pretense and hypocrisy of the Victorian era
and
195
demonstrating that
people need to come to grips with the best in themselves. But he led psychology
astray in portraying all motivation as derived from bodily needs, with the
implication that in the core of our being we are self-serving beyond
redemption, and only gamesmanship and external restraints can hold us in check.
200
2. Where Freud saw all
motivation arising from the organism, pressing outward like steam from a
boiler, subsequent research showed that the process often works the other way
around — that what we do is often a response to something outside us, without
reference to bodily needs ... Ethologist Irenaus Eibl-
205
Eibesfeldt presents a
fair amount of evidence that even the way adults show affection for one another
derived in evolution from the way they have cared for their young, rather than
vice versa as Freud had maintained. There is a social basis to behavior; and if
to sex, why not to other areas of life?
210
3. Then, too, there was
research into what are called «cognitive» and «motor» processes. In humans and
other species, the development of skills like perceiving, grasping, exploring,
speaking, seem to some degree to have a life of their own, apart from bodily
needs. More important, sociability generally — getting
215
along with others —
seems to stand as a motive on its own... There is also evidence of altruistic
inclinations in very young children. Those barely over a year old will bring
their mother to help a friend in distress and offer that friend their teddy
bear and security blanket...
220
4. Freud was influenced
by Darwin, but even in the great march of evolution, it is genes that survive,
not individuals. Behavior like that just described, generous in the root sense
of the word, is thus totally consistent with Darwin's theories. Is it not
possible, even likely, that evolution has equipped us to act
225
cooperatively —
generously — as well as in a self-centred fashion?
IV. THE SOCIAL
THEORY OF BEHAVIOR:

How the Evidence

Has Been Explained Away
1.
Unfortunately, though
observations of this sort have not gone unnoticed «in the world of psychological
theory,... modem psychologists have responded by replacing biological needs
with
230
psychological ones in
order to save their egocentric theory».
2.
Cognitive and motor
skills were explained by needs for «novelty» or «mastery». Social involvement
was accounted for by needs for «security», «approval», and the like. Whenever
the physical or social
235
environment seemed to
pull the organism to do things, needs for the self were always posited as being
served. All this to preserve the Freudian assumption of egoism even though the
profession had abandoned the biological premise that made this assumption
necessary.
240
3. Typical of this
mindset is David C. McClelland's moving portrait of his mother-in-law, a
strong, warm, impressive woman who was active in improving race relations, in
the peace movement and in counselling, while giving emotional support to her
large family... McClelland attributes this remarkable
245
woman's character with
no slight intended — to a «need for power»; it is nothing but «the most
advanced stage of expressing the power drive»...
4.Once the psychologic mind locked onto the egoistic assumption, it
couldn't seem to let go. These
250
psychologists even take
evidence that seems to point in the opposite direction and use it to confirm
their case. Take, for example, the 1969 experiment in the New York City subway
in which a man would stagger and collapse to the floor of a car. Fellow
passengers came spontaneously to the victim's aid 80 percent of
255
the time. In almost
every case in which the passengers didn't offer assistance, the victim had been
made to appear drunk, but passengers helped in many of those cases anyway.
5.Given the level of civility that normally prevails in New York City's
subways, such a study could be
260
encouraging evidence
that an innate capacity for altruists does exist. How did the researchers
interpret the responses of the subway-riders? «A selfish desire to rid oneself
of an unpleasant emotional state»... Conditioned to find a cynical basis for
people helping one another, such researchers become incapable of seeing anything
else.
265
6. They generally don't
even look for anything else. In the subway study, for example, the variable
that the researchers tested was the «cost» to the bystander of providing help
by making some of the victims
270
appear drunk. What the
researchers didn't do was put the shoe on the other foot and vary the cost to
the victim of not receiving help; to show, in other words, the victim in
varying degrees of distress, to see whether our generosity can increase, not in
accordance with our own internal calculations of benefit, but in
275
accordance with
another's need. One team of researchers conducted just such a study, and
discovered that drivers in a campus parking lot were more likely to give a
stranger a ride to a town five miles away if the situation seemed to be an
emergency (64 per cent helped) than if it did not (45 per cent helped). What
280
mattered here, apparently,
was the need of the recipient, and not the driver's calcu lation of cost to him
or herself. Yet on the whole, the psychology profession has framed its studies
to give such possibilities short shrift.
V. A REVIEW OF
THE IMPLICATIONS OF EGOTISM-ORIENTED PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORIES
1.
Freud, along with
academic psychologists like these, erred on the side of cynicism. Tracing back
all
285
motivation to «needs»,
whether biological or otherwise, they acknowledged nothing but narrow
self-interest from which behavior might arise. Th neo-Freudians and the
humanistic psychologists, by contrast..., sensed the heights to which humanity
might rise. «It is as if Freud supplied to us the sick half of
290
psychology», Maslow
said, «and we must now fill it out with the healthy half».
2.
But the humanistic
psychologists did more than fill out the healthy half. They seemed to forget
about the dark side completely. Freud at least had seen the value of social
prescriptions and constraints in
295
enabling people to get
along with one another. Where he erred was in seeing these as essentially
hostile to people, rather than as a form of training wheels by which their
better instincts might be supported and flourish. Rather than developing this
theme, the humanists came to oppose prescriptions, constraints and social
institutions almost totally...
300
3. For healthy
individuals, said Rogers, «doing what «feels right» proves to be a competent
and trustworthy guide to behavior which is truly satisfying». Which is fine in
theory. But what happens when what is «truly satisfying», for you is in
conflict with what is satisfying for — or needed by — someone
305
else? Take a mother who
is an artist. She finds child care fulfilling, but painting even more so.
Maslow and Rogers imply that she should attend to her own maximum development
and pursue artistic work regardless
310
of whether equally
attentive arrangements can be made for her children. They would say that the
woman probably would be a bad mother if her personal development were
jeopardized... That may well be true in some cases. But should we not at least
be open to the possibility that providing for our children's
315
«actualization» at a
crucial time in their lives might take priority over our own —  might, in fact,
be what we ourselves most deeply want?
4. Or take marriage, where the Maslow-Rogers prescriptions similarly
is that self-actualization is the primary concern. Rogers believes that «a
relationship between a man and a woman is significant,
320
and worth trying to
preserve, only when it is an enhancing, growing experience for each person». A
couple «cannot hold to (the vows of commitment) unless the marriage is
satisfying», Rogers writes. «The value of such outward commitment appears to
be just about nil». But isn't unconditional commitment — a
325
determination to go the
last mile — a part of making the marriage satisfying in the first place? And
suppose a partner becomes ill and needs our help so that the union demands more
of us than it appears to give back? Time to pack the bags and check out? Are
people who act that way the ones we most admire?
330
5. Or take the broader
realm of social commitment and concern: An individual finds it self-actualizing
to be a lobbyist for commodity speculators or polluters. It's challenging and
broadening, and involves lots of free travel and opportunities for professional
«contracts». End of question? Don't we need to think
335
about such things as
the wise use and fair distribution of the earth's resources, and the
availability of socially constructive roles rather than ones that are useless
or frivolous? And what about institutions —
340
like governments and
marriage — about which Maslow and Rogers have little to say except to lament
the way they interfere with our self-actualization. Might not they serve a
social function even if sometimes inconvenient?
6. Certainly there are times when we cannot be genuinely useful to
others until we attend to our own
345 needs— for
instance, the mother who grinds her emptional axes on self-sacrifice and
suffocates her children with, attention in the process. But it is hardly
always the case that we serve others best by serving ourselves first....
350    7. Maslow and
Rogers were primarily concerned, of course, with the welfare of the individual,
not society at large, and for this they felt that freedom and autonomy in
development were essential. But they seem to have confused freedom and autonomy
with a preoccupation with oneself. In fact, we can autonomously aim at goals
outside ourselves....

VI. ALTRUISM AS
THE BASIS OF AN ALTERNATIVE THEORY OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING
355
1. It is part of folk
wisdom, and of the healing traditions of many cultures, that one path out of
our own problems lies in dwelling upon them less... . Respectable opinion today
tends to denigrate such views.
360
Yet it's just possible
that they are rooted in a psychological truth that today's healers — the
clinical psychologists and psychiatrists — tend to overlook. A number of
practitioners are convinced that encouraging ever more attention to the self,
as psychiatrists and psychologists are doing, has become a part of the
problem.
365
    2. Viktor E.
Franki, a psychotherapist, is an example. Interred by the Nazis at Auschwitz
and Dachau, Franki found that what kept himself and other inmates going was a
sense of purpose outside themselves. Franki helped deter fellow prisoners from
suicide by stressing such commitments. In one case, it was
370
scientific work to be
completed; in another, it was the prisoner's child waiting safely elsewhere.
What proved helpful was not getting «in touch» with their true feelings, but
regaining a sense of connection with something larger than themselves.
375
    3. While most in
the profession invite patients to dwell upon their problems, Franki believes
that patients probably do too much introspecting about their symptoms and
feeling states already. His aim is to move patients out of their self-involvement...
. This therapeutic insight is a central part of Alcoholics
380
Anonymous. Members of
A.A. undertake a personal commitment to help fellow alcoholics through
participation in weekly meetings, «Twelve Step Calls», and working with new members
for whom they take responsibility.
Helping others stay off the bottle assists them in
doing so themselves... .
385
4. Moreover, it is not
naive to suggest that we can do more to encourage altruism rather than accept
selfishness as the inescapable core of our nature. It is well demonstrated,
for example, how young people can be influenced by the prevailing values in
their families. Studies of the most committed civil rights
390
activists during the
sixties found that they were more likely than their cohorts to have parents who
had shown just such social commitment during their children's formative years.
We-thinking can be nurtured just like
me-thinking can — and if in families, why not in the culture at large?
395
5. Wherever altruism is
an essential element of early education, helping simply becomes part of the
way people act. On occasion, a culture such as this can rise to the heights of
heroism, as when the people of the French Protestant village of Le Chambon
risked annihilation by the Nazis during the Second World
400
 War in order to
shelter Jews. As Protestants in a Catholic country, their ancestors had
endured centuries of persecution, and almost instinctively the Chambonnais
came to the aid of others who suffered this fate.
405 «Things had to be done, that's all, and we happened
to be there to do them», was one typically matter-of-fact explanation. That
selflessness can come to seem ordinary and mundane is itself a telling point
against those who persist in giving sanction to greater indulgence of the self.
6.An old tailor in his eighties once recalled what had given him the
most satisfaction in his work: enabling the poor people in his neighborhood to
buy well-constructed clothing that would keep them warm. «A coat is not a piece
of cloth only», he explained. «The tailor is connected to the one who wears it
and he
410
should not forget it».
Our colleagues in the psychology profession should not forget it either. They
should encourage more thinking about the people who will wear the coat — those
affected by our daily thoughts and actions — and less about how we feel while
making it, or about the personal rewards.

EXPLAINING
REVOLUTIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY THIRD WORLD
by Jeff Goodwin and Theda Skoopol
(An Edited, Theoretically-Based Academic Article)
In this article, we point to what we consider the most
promising avenues for comparative analyses of contemporary Third World
revolutions. In particular, we shall oner some working hypotheses about the
distinctively political conditions that have encouraged revolutionary movements
and transfers of power in
5     some, but not all, Third World countries.
SOME PROBLEMS
WITH EXISTING EXPLANATIONS
1.
Two myths have long
colored popular views about revolutions in the Third World: that destitution,
professional revolutionaries, or perhaps both are sufficient to precipitate
revolutions; and that
10  local events in Third World countries
are easily manipulated by imperialist Great Powers. Thus, in attempting to
explain Third World insurgencies, many people point to the incredible poverty
found in large parts of Latin America, Africa, and Asia — the sort of sheer
misery that capitalist industrialization and
15
redistributive welfare
states have largely eliminated, contrary to Karl Marx's expectations, in the
advanced capitalist countries. Others have emphasized the role that
professional revolutionaries, often backed by foreign powers, have played in
«subverting» Third World regimes with the «organizational weapon» of the
20
disciplined
revolutionary party. Indeed, many see the hand of Moscow (or Beijing, Havana,
or Teheran) behind Third World insurgencies, exploiting the social problems of
these societies for their own nefarious purposes. Still others see the prime
foreign influences on Third World nations as emanating from capitalist
25   powers, especially the United States.
When revolutions do not occur in poor nations, it is often suggested, it is
because the United States has artificially propped up local agents of
capitalist imperialism.
2.
These ideas, however,
do not take us very far toward an explanation of just why and where
30
revolutions have
occurred in some countries of the contemporary Third World, but not in others.
Very many Third World countries are poor, for example, but revolutions have
occurred in only a few of them, and not necessarily in the poorest. Why did
China and Vietnam have social revolutions, but not India or
35
Indonesia? Why Cuba,
one of the more developed Latin American countries when Castro seized power,
but not Haiti or the Dominican Republic? Why Nicaragua, but not Honduras? One
need merely raise these questions in order to realize that the «misery breeds
revolt» hypothesis does not explain very much. Leon
40
Trotsky once wrote that
«the mere existence of privations is not enough to cause an insurrection; if it
were, the masses would be always in revolt». His point is still relevant for
much of today's Third World.
3.
Similarly, although
professional revolutionaries have certainly helped to organize and lead many
Third World insurgencies, revolutionary groups in many, perhaps most, countries
remain small and
50
relatively
insignificant sects. The Third World may be the principal threater of
revolutionary conflict in this century, but much of it remains quiescent. And
when political passions have flared in developing countries, they have more
often taken the form of ethnic or subnationalist movements than revolution.
Would-be revolutionaries, Tilly has written, «are almost always with us in the
form of millenarian cults, radical cells,
55
or rejects from
positions of power. The real question», he emphasizes, «is when such contenders
proliferate and/or mobilize». As Goldfrank argues, explanations of revolution
that focus on human misery and professional revolutionaries «are not wholly
illusory, but as theory they do not take us very far. Both
60
widespread oppression
and inflammatory agitation occur with far greater frequency than revolution, or
even rebellion».
4.
The great capitalist
powers, furthermore, obviously cannot prevent — or reverse — all Third World
65
revolutions, as seen in
the difficulties confronted by France in Vietnam and Algeria and by United
States in Vietnam, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Iran. Imperialist interests certainly
exist, but they must operate through local regimes or through private agents
whose activities are underwritten and strongly shaped by the local
70
regimes. And particular
types of regimes in the Third World do not always reliably produce the sort of
antirevolutionary stability desired in Paris or Washington, D.C. — any more
than local revolutionaries can always produce the changes desired by Moscow,
Havana, or Teheran.
75
     5. Recent academic
analyses of Third World insurgencies have helped to dispel myths such as the
ones we have just criticized, yet the academic analyses have not replaced the
myths with completely adequate arguments. Much of the recent comparative and
theoretical literature on Third World revolutions
80
including the important
work of Wolf, Paige, Migdal, Scott, and Popkin — investigates the role of
peasants in these upheavals. This body of work examines the specific grievances
and motivations for peasant rebellion or peasant support for avowedly
revolutionary guerilla movements, emphasizing that much more
85
than poverty or the
activities of professional revolutionaries alone is involved. These writings
argue that certain sorts of peasants — not usually the poorest — are more
willing or able to rebel than others.
6. To be sure, the scholars who have recently analysed
Third World revolutions as peasant-based
90
conflicts have their
disagreements. At least two important and ongoing debates have come out of this
work: the Wolf-Paige debate about just what sort of peasants are revolutionary,
and the Scott-Popkin debate on the relative weight of economic,
organizational, and cultural determinants of peasani behavior, and on the
95
nature of peasant
psychological motivations for rebelling. We do not propose to rehash these
debates here, however, because we believe that they have overemphasized the
situation of the peasantry alone. Although the debate about peasants and revolution
enriched our understanding of agrarian socioeconomic relations
100
and peasant political
behavior, these debates have focused insufficient analytic attention on two
other issues— themselves closely related — which can take us further toward an
understanding of revolutionary
105
movements and transfers
of power in the contemporary Third World. The first issue is the formation of
revolutionary colalitions that invariably extend well beyond peasants alone.
The second issue is the relative
vulnerability of different sorts of political regimes
to the formation of broad revolutionary coalitions and,
110 perhaps to actual overthrow by
revolutionary forces. Drawing from our own recent comparative studies, as well
as from political analyses by other scholars, we can explore these matters and
suggest a fruitful theoretical approach to explaining why revolutions have
happened in some Third World countries but not in others.
FROM PEASANTS TO
REVOLUTIONARY COALITIONS
115
7. Although peasants
have undoubtedly been as central to most Third World insurgencies as they were
for the classical social revolutions, the characterization of Third World
revolutions as peasant wars or agrarian revolutions a characterization that
sometimes carries an implication of homogeneous peasant
120
communities rebelling
spontaneously — has shifted our attention away from the role of other actors
in revolutionary dramas. Revolutionary outbreaks and seizures of power are
often carried through by
125
coalitions, alliances,
or conjunctures of struggles that cut across divides between urban and rural
areas and among different social classes and ethnic groupings. (Of course, such
revolutionary coalitions tend to break apart or recompose in new ways if and
when they actually seize state power, but this is a subject that lies beyond
the scope of this article).
130
8. With some notable
exceptions, the literature that emphasizes the role of peasants in revolutions
tends to ignore the role of professional revolutionary organizations, groups
that tend to be disproportionately middle class in social composition. This
tendency is understandable in partas a reaction against the myth
135
that revolutions are
simply the work of small conspiratorial groups of subversives. But even
professional revolutionaries cannot simply make revolutions where they will,
they have obviously played an important role in organizing, arming and leading
many revolutionary movements. This role, moreover, is often a
140
necessary one. Indeed,
except for those peasants who happen to live in relatively autonomous and
solitary villages, as did peasants of France, Russia, and central Mexico, rural
cultivators simply do not have the organizational wherewithal to rebel in the
absence of outside leaders. Professional revolutionaries,
145
furthermore, have
usually been successful precisely to the extent that they have been able to
work with various sorts of rural folk. This is another point that tends to get
lost in debates about just what sorts of
150
peasants are most
rebellious. The most successful revolutionary organizations — including those
in Vietnam, Zimbabwe, and Nicaragua — have won the support not just of poor or
middle peasants, but also of landless and migrant labourers, rural artisans,
rich peasants, and even landlords.
155    9. What is more, as Gugler and Dix have recently
emphasized, urban groups have also played important, even crucial, roles in a
number of Third World revolutions. Indeed, the 1978-1979 overthrow of the Shah
of Iran was quintessentially an urban revolution. In Cuba and Nicaragua as well
as in Iran, students,
160professionals, clerics, and even business people, as
well as workers and the urban poor, joined or supported broadbased coalitions
against dictatorial regimes. Gugler and Dix suggest that the
participation of such people may be essential to the success of revolutionaries
in all of the more urbanized countries of the contemporary Third World.
165
10. How can
professional revolutionaries put together broadly based coalition? Not
surprisingly, revolutionary coalitions tend to form around preexisting
nationalist, populist, or religious discourses that legitimize resistance to
tyranny and, just as important, are capable of aggregating a broad array of
social
170
classes and strata.
Nationalism, in particular, has proven to be a more inclusive and powerful
force for revolutionary mobilization than class struggle alone.
Revolutionaries have fared best where they — and not conservative or reformist
leaderships — have been able to harness nationalist sentiments. Ironically
then,
175 Marxist groups in the Third World have
generally been most successful when they have deemphasized class struggle and
stressed the goal of national liberation instead — or, at least, when they have
attempted to mobilize different types of people through the selective use of both
nationalist and class appeals.
180
11. Nevertheless, it
should be emphasized that revolutionary movements are much more than simply
ideological movements. As Popkin and Wickham-Crowley have recently argued,
revolutionary
185
movements have won
broad popular support when they have been willing and able to deliver
state-like collective goods to their constituents. These may include public
education, health services, law and order, and economic reforms such as tax and
interest reductions, the elimination of corvee labor, and land
190
reforms. Popkin notes
that revolutionaries have been particularly effective in winning popular
support when they have initially focused on «local goals and goods with
immediate payoffs» before attempting to mobilize the population for more
difficult tasks — including, ultimately, the overthrow of the incumbent
195
regime. In Vietnam, for
example, peasants «in the late 1960s still laughed about the early attempts by
young Trotskyites and Communists to organize them for a national revolution,
for industrialization, or even for a world revolution! Only later, when
peasants (and workers) were organized around smaller and more immediate goals,
were larger organizational attempts successful». During the 1960’s, a number of
Latin
200
American revolutionary
groups, which attempted to replicate the Cuban Revolution — including the
Sandinistas of Nicaragua — failed to make headway, largely because they were
too quick to engage incumbent regimes in armed struggle, well before they had
solidified bread popular support through 205
205
the provision of
collective goods.
In addition to collective goods,
revolutionary organizations may also oner selective incentives to encourage
participation in various sorts of activities, particularly dangerous ones like
actual guerilla
Figure 1.
210 warfare. Such
incentives for actual or potential cadres and fighters, and their families, may
include extra tax or rent reductions or an additional increment of land beyond
that allocated to supporters in general. In any event, it is the ongoing
provision of such collective and selective goods, not ideological conversion in
215 the abstract,
that has played the principal role in solidifying social support for guerrilla
armies.
13. The argument we have just made does
not, however, support Tilly’s claim that the sudden withdrawal of expected
government services drives people to revolt. In many Third World countries, few
220 government
services have ever been provided to the bulk of the population. In fact, the
evidence suggests that those governments that do not deliver collective goods
in people, and then repress reformers who try to do something about the absence
of such services, are the governments most likely to generate support for
225 revolutionaries.
This analysis, moreover, accords with what we are beginning to leam about
ruling revolutionary parties. Walder has recently shown that such parties
obtain popular support or compliance not
230 simply through
coercion or through impersonal ideological appeals to atomized individuals (as
the «totalitarian» image would have it), but through patronage and the
development of networks of loyal clients. Revolutionary movements that have to
build social support over a long period of time operate in a similar way. In
terms of what they are actually doing (and not simply what they are saying),
revolutionary
235 movements can
usefully be viewed as proto-state organizations, or what Wickham-Crowley calls
«guerilla governments.» The presence of revolutionary movements offering
collective services in territory claimed by the official state implies a
situation of «dual power», in Trotsky'’ classic phrase.
240
14. Revolutionaries are
most effective in creating such situations of dual power when they are willing
and able to organize precisely those social groupings that the incumbent regime
has not incorporated into its own political system. Moreover, the breadth of
revolutionary coalitions is determined, not just by how
245
many groups the
revolutionary cadres try organize, but also by the political space the incumbent
political regime makes available to revolutionaries because of the regime’s
structural characteristics and strategies of
250
rule. Other things
being equal, the narrower the regime and the more repressive, the broader the
coalition potentially available to be mobilized by revolutionaries.
15.
This brings us to the
second issue largely neglected in recent work on peasants and revolutions,
255
namely, the relative
vulnerability of different sorts of political regimes to
revolutionary-coalitions. Revolutionary movements, needless to say, do not form
in a political vacuum. Indeed, political context is absolutely crucial in
determining whether such movements will or not prosper. Recent work on Third
260
World revolutions has
not convincingly demonstrated that any one class, class fraction, or class
alliance is any more consistently revolutionary than the industrial proletariat
was supposed to have been. Exactly who becomes revolutionary, and when, is a
pre-eminently political question. Revolutions are ultimately «made»
265
by revolutionaries,
but not of their own free will — not within political contexts they themselves
have chosen, to paraphrase Karl Marx, but within very specific sorts of
political contexts that are not the same for all who would make revolutions.
WHICH REGIMES ARE
VULNERABLE TO THE GROWTH OF REVOLUTIONARY COALITIONS?
16.
Revolutionary
movements, history suggests, typically coalesce in opposition to closed or
270
exclusionary, as well
as organizationally weak (or suddenly weakened), authoritarian regimes. By
contrast, multiparty democracies or quasi-democracies, even those in very poor
countries like India, Malaysia, the Dominican Republic, and Honduras, have not
facilitated the growth of revolutionary coalitions. The ballot
275
box has proven to be
the coffin of revolutionary movements. Thus far, in fact, avowedly socialist
revolutions which according to classical Marxism were supposed to follow after
and build upon the achievements of bourgeois-democratic revolutions — have
occured only in countries that never established
280
liberal-democratic
political systems in the first place.
17.
In addition to liberal
democracies, so-called «inc-lusionary» authoritarian regimes — including
fascist and state socialist regimes, as well as single-party corporatist
regimes found in some nations of
285
 Africa and Asia — have
so far been immune from revolutionary transformations. Although these regimes
lack civil rights, they either sponsor mass political mobilization or regulate
the official representation of, and bargaining among, various social groups,
including working-class and other lower-strata groups. They
290
impose controlled forms
of political participation on key social groups, coopting leaders and handing
out certain benefits in the process; this tends to undercut possibilities for
political action independent of the existing regime.
18.
Many authoritarian
regimes do not, however, bother to mobilize social groups into politics, even
in controlled ways; they leave the prerogatives of the state and benefits of
politics entirely in the hands of rulers and narrow cliques. Such exclusionary
authoritarian regimes are conducive to the formation of broad
300
revolutionary
coalitions for a number of related reasons. The first of these reasons is that
the economic grievances groups excluded from the political system tend to be
quickly politicized. Another reason is that closed authoritarian regimes
provide a highly visible focus of opposition and a common enemy for groups
305
and classes that may be
nursing very different sorts of economic and political grievances (including
grievances about one another). Political legitimacy is usually very problematic
for authoritarian rulers, especially when religious authorities distance
themselves from, or even outright oppose, such regimes,
310
after having previously
accepted them. Similarly, the political legitimacy of authoritarian rulers has
sometimes been undermined simultaneously in the eyes of many groups when the
rulers have orchestrated blatantly fraudulent elections in an effort to
justify their continuing power.
315
     19. Most
importantly, perhaps, exclusionary regimes tend to radicalize, or at least
neutralize, moderate and reformist politicians, including those choose to
participate in proforma elections. Such moderates might compete with
revolutionaries for popular support, or else initiate a gradual transition to a
more open
320 or inclusionary political system,
typically through  alliances with the armed forces. But exclusionary regimes
tend to attack and undermine exactly these moderate elements.
19.
Finally, closed authoritarian
regimes, without intending to do so, valorize the potential oppositional role
of armed revolutionaries. Because such regimes are closed, they readily turn
to vicious repression
325
when faced with demands
for even the most moderate political or economic adjustments. Thus closed
authoritarian regimes place a premium on the things armed revolutionaries are
best prepared to do
330
namely, provide opponents
of a regime with the means of self-defense, such as guns, clandestine networks,
safehouses, and even liberated territory within which to survive and carry on
oppositional politics. On the other hand, authoritarian regimes that are
militarily and organizationally strong and have secure borders
335
generally do not
provide sufficient leeway for armed revolutionaries to mobilize mass support,
even though they too tend to radicalize their opponents. Like it or not, then,
some of the most brutal and repugnant authoritarian regimes in the Third World,
such as those found in Latin America'’ southern cone, in various
340
East Asian and Middle
Eastern countries, and especially in South Africa, are probably too powerful
and ruthless to be toppled by armed struggle.
20.
From the viewpoint of
would-be revolutionaries, the ideal situation is to face an exclusionary and
345
repressive authoritarian
regime that lacks strong control of its entire territory or borders (or else
suddenly loses such control). During World War II, parts of Nazi-occupied
Europe fit this formula. More to the point for this analysis of the
contemporary Third World, quite a few states in Southeast Asia, Central
America,
350
and Africa fall into
this category: they are simultaneously, politically exclusionary repressive,
and not fully in control of their nominal territories. Facing such regimes,
revolutionaries can build broad coalitions among many groups fundamentally opposed
to the existing political arrangements and authorities, because
355
many groups in society
need the coercive means and uncompromising political formulas that the
revolutionary cadres have to offer.

Figure 1. A graphic representation of
states according to degrees of(l) penetration of national territory, (2)
incorporation of socially mobilized groups, and (3) bureaucratization of the
state administration and armed forses.

CONCLUSION
22. Our analysis (summarized in Fig. 1) suggests that
revolutionaries in the contemporary Third World
360
are most likely to
succeed when civil society as a whole can be politi-cally mobilized to oppose
an autonomous and narrowly based direct colonial regime or a Sultanistic
neo-patrimonial regime In her recent comparative study of the Iranian and
Nicaraguan revolutions, Farhi suggests that the «most
365
important
characteristic of the Iranian and Nicaraguan pre-revolutionary states was their
almost total autonomy from internal classes» This has been characteristic, in
fact, of virtually all Third World states that have been toppled by
revolutions. In contrast, when radicals confront a state with significant
social connections — even if the state is authoritarian and its ties are
restricted to the middle and upper classes —
370
then revolutionary
coalition building becomes very difficult. Furthermore, if a state traditionally
allied with economic elites can politically incorporate at least some popular
sectors or organizations, then the prospects for revolutionary success become
still more remote.
375
23. It follows from
what we have argued that the Third World has been the principal site of social
revolutions in this century, not simply because of the poverty or socioeconomic
structures one finds there. The Third World is also where one finds most of the
world's exclusionary and repressive political
380
systems, based in
administrative organizations and armies that do not fully penetrate civil
society or control the territories they claim to rule.
24. Our analysis of the conditions conducive to the
formation of revolutionary coalitions and actual
385
transfers of power in
the Third World has shifted away from the emphases on the peasantry and the
effects of commercial capitalism that characterized earlier comparative
approaches. Instead, we have suggested that the structures of states, as well
as the political relations between states and various sectors of society,
390
provide the keys to
explaining revolutions in the Third World. Revolutionary uoalitions have
formed and expanded in countries in which one finds not only poverty,
imperialism, professional revolutionaries, and peasants of a certain sort, but
also political exclusion and severe and indiscriminate (while not
395
overwhelming)
repression.
     25. Revolutionary movements will undoubtedly
continue to emerge in the Third World, where many states are not only
exclusionary, but also fiscally, administratively, and militarily weak. And if
the past is
400
any guide, such
movements will be  especially likely to triumph where the political regimes
they oppose remain narrow as well as repressive.
From: Politics and Society, vol. 17, No. 4, Dec. 1989.

PART V
EXERCISES on Texts in Parts III and IV

ANNUAL
REPORT ON SPACESHIP EARTH

Exercise:
1 .This text was written as if it were a ___________
2.You/ we/I/ refer to: ___________________
3.Тhе writer uses an analogy between planet
earth and a spaceship. List some of the features characteristic of both the
earth and a spaceship.
4.What aspects of the earth's life support system are
mentioned in the text?
5.A. Compare the life situations of those who
represent 5% and those who represent 75% of the world's population. Consider
the following:
a. quality of the living quarters each group inhabits:____
b. percentage of available resources that each group
consumes:
c. percentage of each group suffering from lack of:
(a) food _____ (b) water ____.
d. relative impact of each member of each group on the
lifesupport system:
B. In what sense are the tourist and first-class
sections «over-populated» (1.28)?
6.In the author's report to the passengers on earth,
what overriding concerns does he have?
7.Is the author optimistic or pessimistic about the
outcome of the interlocking crisis (11.44)?_______________
(Support your answer by reference to the text. (Quote
first and last word of relevant passage/s and give line numbers.)
8. Below is a list of markers of information in the
text.
Indicate what kind of information is signified.
a. 1.1: «As you know...»
b. 1.7: «Let me briefly summarize. . . »: (Where does
this brief summary end?)
c. 1.13: «In fact ...»
d. 1.24: «However...»
e. 1.25: «There is a second type...» Review paras. 4,
5, and 6 for additional markers of information and indicate the kind of information
signified.

CHIMPS
EAT CHIMPS,
Dvora Ben Shaul
l.What kind of a text is this? Essay? Book Review? How
far do you have to read into the text to find out? What words or phrases helped
you decide?
2.According to Ben Shaul, why is Jane Goodall «to be
highly complimented» (line: II)?
3.At what audience is this book directed? (i) laymen;
(ii) professionals (in what?)______; (iii) both On what words or phrases in the
text did you base this answer? Lines:_______________________
Words:________________________
4. List some of the special features of this book
which Ben Shaul brings to our attention.
5.(INFERENCE) List two beliefs about chimp behavior
that were generally held before this book was published and have now been
toppled. People previously thought that:
(a.)____________________________
and that (b.)_
6. Goodall also makes some observations about chimps
based on sources other than her own observations.
(a.) List the sources:
(b.) State the observations
7.What are Goodall's qualifications for writing this
book?
8.Is there any evaluation of this book either spread
throughout the text or at the end? If so, indicate lines and words or phrases.
Does Ben Shaul evaluate Goodall's book positively or negatively?
9. List the vocabulary words you had difficulty with
in reading this text. Place a «*» before the words you feel you absolutely
must know in order to understand this reading.

SIGNS IN
THE WILDERNESS
by Eugene Linden
Para. 1 (rearranging facts in chronological order)
1. Lucy was bom in ________ (year).
2. When the article was written, Lucy was ________
yrs. old.
3. If she survives for the normal lifespan of a chimp,
she will, die in ________ at me age of_______.
4. She lived in Oklahoma from ______ until _____
(between the ages of_______ and________ ).
5. She first met another chimp in _____, at the age of
6. She became
famous in ___________ when she
was_________.
7. She
was taken to the wilderness in________, at the age of
8. When the article was written she had been living in
the wilderness for_________ years .
Final paragraph (implications)
1. Describe the ethos of our time. (What does the
writer tell us about it, by implication?)
2. Language is something ______,(whereas we normally
think of it as _______ ).
3. We use language as a way of distinguishing between
ourselves and_______; (the proper function of language is_______).
4. «Being a chimp» or «being human» is not a condition
determined by_________(as we normally think it is) but rather,____ (and this
fact is_______)
5. Human beings have the power arbitrarily
to___.(Should we have this power?______________)
6. The relationship between the human species and the
rest oftheanimals is________________________)
This relationship should be______________.)
7. We played a role in determining Lucy's fate that is
properly the role of_______________________.)

MIGHTIER
THAN THE PEN
Exercise
1. In para.2, the sentence beginning «I swiftly
replaced...» (1.13) lists a series of related activities. The immediately
preceding sentence refers to all of these activities in a single, all-inclusive
phrase. What is this phrase?
2. In para.3 (11. 22-24) the sentence «To the more..
.matter» refers us back to a previous sentence earlier in the text.
The sentence it refers us back to is at the end of the
first paragraph, where the writer tells us how he originally felt about using a
word processor.
What phrase occurs in both sentences, calling our
attention to the change in his attitude?
3. What «more critical question» is being referred to
in line 24?
4. Para.5 is an elaboration of the answer to what
question?
5. Para.6 is an elaboration of the answer to what
question?
6. The last sentence in para.5 and the first sentence
in para.6 set up an opposition between two aspects of writing. What are these
two aspects?
7. Para.7 is a comic dramatization of the act of______
8 Why might you prefer not to end one sentence and
start a new one once «you're really well launched into the thing» (1.60)?
9. The writer's attitudes toward the Wordprocessor
shift from paragraph to paragraph. For each of the paragraphs listed below,
decide whether his attitude is :-
a. positive        b. negative с.
«noncommital» (1.29)
Para.l____________  para. 6_____________
Para.2____________ para. 7_____________
Para.3____________ para. 8_____________
Para.4 ___________  para 9______________
Para.5____________
10. Explain the relationship between the subtitle of
the article and the shifts in the writer's attitude recorded in your answer to
question 9.
11. Writing that is «redundant» is characterized by
the use of more words than necessary to express the idea/s communicated.
Examples in this text are:
a. «lines of words» (1.13)
b. «processing process» (1.51)
(1) Which words seem unnecessary in each of the above
phrases?
a.                                           b.
(2) What special effect, or extra meaning, is conveyed
by the use of redundancy in each of the above: (a) and (b)?
CRIME AND POVERTY
Exercise
1. «Different eras will sometimes have differing
facets of the same explanation to explain away the evil in men's
hearts.»(11.4-5) In paras. 1 and 2 Koch gives us two «facets of the same
explanation (11.4-5)»for the evil that men do. At first, these «facets» seem
like two different types of explanations. 1) Instructions: Fill in the chart
below, providing the appropriate explanations in each of the blank spaces.

                                   Type
A                  Type B
                            ( psychological)    (
Socio-Economic )

17th centry

end of 18th centry

19th centry

20th centry

2. What do explanations A and B have in common? (Where
does Koch give the answer to this questions)?
3. Who is the «average person» (11.30, 119)? What does
he believe?
4. Who are the «elitists» (1.33)? What do they
believe?
5. With whom does Koch assume that his reader
identifies (i.e., with the average person or with the elitists)? Where and how
does he suggest this? (Cite relevant passages, giving line numbers).
6. With whom does Koch imply that he identifies? Where
and how does he imply this identification? (Cite passages, giving line
numbers).
7. Consider the various sources of the evidence Koch
uses to support his view. Would you say he used a representative sample of all
the research done in this area? (Or was his sample biased)?
1) Later Koch tells what they have in common.

BANALITY AND TERROR
Exercise
1. Explain briefly the comparison or parallel between
what is discussed in para.l and para.2.
2. The bombing of the Brighton Hotel and the Air India
Hight are best described as examples of...
3. According to Jenkins, what factor has contributed
to the escalation of terror?
4. «Even more alarming» (1.28) ; even more alarming
than what?
5. How can the «sheer frequency of terrorist attacks
become selfdefeating»? (11.47-48)
6. What is the difference between «describing» and
«prescribing» as used in 1.54-55?
7. The Naples-Milan express train incident is an
example used by the author to illustrate...
8. What is the one possible consolation Jenkins finds?
Is it a fact or an opinion?
9. Is Jenkins pessimistic or optimistic about finding
a solution to the problem of terrorism? Support your answer from the text .
Lines:___ Quote first and last words:__________
10.What is the prediction for the immediate future as
regards the public reaction to terrorism?
11.According to the writer, what is the relationship
between «banality» and «terror»?

Vocabulary: A. Find 4 to 6 terms in the text which
mean the elimination or complete destruction of someone or something.
Word:_____ Line:______ Word:____ Line:____
B. Which word in the text means
daily______ yearly______ every 10 years____?
C. What is the meaning of oversee (1.15)_________?
What is an oversight ___________________?
*Caution: do not confuse the two
D. Find a synonym for each of the following words.
precedent __________ deter____________
commonplace________ respite___________
epidemic ___________ reprisals___________
resist_____________ combat___________
controversy_______________

E.Fill in each blank with
one of the words in (D) above.
1 There are at least two
points of view in every _______.
2.The way to_______terrorism has not yet been found.
3.There has been no _______ for this in all of
history.
4.The ________ is spreading rapidly in every country.
5.Terrorism has become so______ that we can no longer
resist it
6.Even_____ do not give us a long_________from terrorist
attacks.

THE TASK
OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY
Exercise
1. What do the inventions of agriculture and weapons
have in common with machine production?
2. «In the old days, mountains and waterfalls were
natural phenomena; now, an inconvenient mountain can be abolished and a
convenient waterfall can be created.» (11.9-11). What point is Russell trying
to prove?
3. «Now» (11.10,12,20): Is the writer referring to a
specific year? (What does «now» mean here?)
4. What is the difference in the effects of education
in the machine age as compared with pre-machine times?
5. The writer has some reason to believe that «the
mentality of agriculturalists» (1.21-22) has been transformed in one generation
in Russia. Circle TRUE or FALSE.) Justify your answer by quoting from the
text.
6. What is the result, as regards man's outlook on
life, of his new sense of power?
7. Name two elements which rulers nowadays regard as
raw material upon which power can be exercised.
    8.«It has already produced ...» (1.37-38).
     What does «it» refer to?__________________
9. What is the grammatical subject of the verb «is» in
line 41?
10.What, according to Russell, is the most urgent task
of our time?

LEARNING
THE HARD WAY
1. Read the sub-title — What does it tell us about the
author's purpose in writing the article?
2. A. What are the various terms, that the (D) in (LD)
is said to stand for?
B. Which of these terms (according to the writer) does
not cause the child who is so labeled to be «stigmatized» (1.44)?
С.
Why doesn't the writer care about the fact that the terms «dyslexia» and
«learning disability» are often used interchangeably (11. 76, 77)? (Cite a
phrase from the same paragraph in answering this question.)
3. What does some of the current neurological research
suggest about the reasons for LD problems?
4. What are some of the common traits exhibited by
children with LD problems?
5. Why should the problems of an LD child increase dramatically
after he starts going to school?
6. What other problems are likely to result if
children with LD problems are not recognized, acknowledged and given appropriate
help?
7. Does the writer actually tell us «how to help
children triumph over learning disabilities»? What advice does he give? To
which groups of people is this advice directed?
8. A. «discern» (1.192) means_______________________
B. What «area of meaning» do these words all belong
to?
a. to discern
b. to distinguish (1.166)
с. to
discriminate between
C. Use each of the three words in a sentence of your own.

MAN OF
WISDOM
by Robert Jastrow
1 The use of many questions in the course of this text
is a rhetorical device by means of which the writer achieves a certain effect.
A. What effect does he achieve with this device?
B. Make a list of the questions in the text. (Give
first and last words and line numbers). Next to each question, specify whether
it fits any or several of the following descriptions:
a. A question designed to make the reader himself come
up with the answer, based on his own prior knowledge of the subject.
b. A question designed to prepare the reader for the
answer (which the author is about to supply immediately).
c. A question designed to prepare the reader for the
answer which the author will eventually supply (later in the text).
d. A question for which neither the reader nor the
writer could possibly be expected to provide the answer. (If you find a
question of this type, state what you think the writer's purpose in asking it
might have been).
2. List the various factors involved in the answer to
the question: «What pressures generated the explosive growth of the human
brain?» (11. 10-11) (Give line numbers for the relevant passages.)
3.Which «law» accounts for the evolution of human
intelligence, according to this text?
4.What is the relationship between the «law» (see your
answer to question [3]) and the factors listed in your answer to question (2)?
5.A colloquial equivalent of the scientific phrase
«the evolution of human intelligence», which is used elsewhere in this text,
is________________.
6.The writer's purpose is primarily to__________the
reader.
a.
convince
b.
inform
JAPANESE
EDUCATION
by
Thomas P. Rohlen
I. Read paragraphs 1-3, which constitute an
introduction to the article. What information do you learn about Japanese society
that is relevant to education?
II.
Read paragraph 20 which is a summary and chart the advantages and disadvantages
of Japanese education.

advantages
a.

disadvantages

b.

c.

d.

e.

III. Divide paragraphs 4-19 into two sections. Assign
the following sub-titles to these sections :
A. Explanation For The High Level Of Accomplishment Of
Students In The Japanese School System (Paras. 4-6)
B. The Relationship Between The School System and The
Class System of Adult Society (Paras. 9-19)
IV. Answer the following questions about the text.
Always indicate the line numbers in which you found your answers.
1. In Japan today a good education is necessary for :
a.________ b._________ c._________ .
2 . The Japanese economy needs so many highly skilled
people because________________________.
3. Paragraph 2 deals with_________________ .
4.A. «These accomplishments» (lines 37) refer to______
B. What are some of the signs of the superiority of
the Japanese system which the author mentions?
5. The table in paragraph 3 indicates that__________
6. What five explanations does the writer offer (in
paras. 4-6) for the high level of Japanese education?
i.
_______________
ii. _______________
iii._______________
iv. ______________
v. ______________
7. «Acknowledging this» (1.58) What is the writer
willing to acknowledge?
8. «Despite such problems» (line 101) What problems?
9. What information does paragraph 10 provide about exams:
a. types of questions — ___________________
b. content of exams — __________________
c. kinds of skills tested — __________________
d. necessary attributes for students — ___________
10. What does each of the following words (markers)
signify?
a. «in sum» (1.145) _____________________
b. «but» (1.139;!. 147)____________________
c. «furthermore» (1. 148)__________________
11. What is a «juku»?____________________
a. How do juku differ from the official Japanese
public schools and why are they necessary?
b. Explain in your own words lines 166-175.
12. How does the author answer the question asked at
the beginning of para. 12?
13. Give 2 examples of figurative language found in
para. 14 and explain them.
a.
b.
14. In his own research, what changes has the author
noted regarding the relationship between the student's family background and
the academic rank of the school he attends?
15. According to Para 17, what do the American and
Japanese school systems have in common?

16. Circle true or false
and justify your answer by quoting from the text. «Japanese males are given
preferential treatment with regard to university entrance requirements».

Lines:______»____________________»
17. Do you think Rohlen would advise us to adopt the
Japanese education system? Yes/No, Justify your answer by quoting from the text
(first word _________; last word
_____; line numbers________ ).
IV. Vocabulary:

achievement accomplishment
diligence
delinquency
consideration
ordeal

capacity
entrepreneurship
correlate
idiosyncratic
pre-occupation
calibration

excessive
disenfranchised

meritocracy
correlate

interpretive

GREEN BRIEFS AND
TOXIC TORTS
EDUCATING LAWYERS WITH
ENVIRONMENTAL SAVVY
Exercises:
1. Read the sub-heading and single out the social
problems which might be discussed in the article.
2. Para. 2. mentions that the students' interest in
environmental law has been increased since 1988. Prove it.
3. What is important to consider from the author's
point of view (para. 3)?
4. «In the late 1980s, law schools again responded to
an extraodinary new burst of student interest in environmental law» (para. 4,
60-61). Give examples of the growth of environmental courses and increased
employment opportunities after graduating from such schools:
A.
B.
5. Skimming. Skim «Changes in Teaching» and report on
them.
6. «Teaching
environmental law» enormously challenging (II, 1, 146, 147), «The field»
has now reached maturity», «is thriving» (II, 1, 148-160), «to tackle new and
more complex regulatory statutes» (II, 1, 165, 166), «to revel in the challenge
of teaching such a difficult course (II, 3, 177, 178), «environmental law has
begun to matter in other fields» (II, 4, 192, 193), «cross-cutting themes» (II,
5, 207), «a diverse statutory jumble» (II, 5, 208).
Explain these phrases.
7.
Para. II.7 (239, 240) points out «reasons for renewed optimizm». Cite them:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
8. Some professors «express the sense of mission»
(II,9,273). A. Why do they do so? B. How do they explain it?
9. The author has some reasons for believing that not
everyone, however, is convinced that increased specialization in the law
school curriculum is desirable» (III,2,298, 299). Circle true or false. Justify
your answer by quoting from the text.
10. Para. III gives different points of view on
specialized programs in environmental law, health law, etc. Name some of them.
Express your attitude.
11. Para. IV. lines 388, 389. «Some efforts are
underway to increase the exposure of environmental law students to other
disciplines». Prove a) the importance of science, economics and others for
these students; b) the benefits of coteaching; c) and receiving joint degrees.
12. Para. V. lines 447-457. With the view to preparing
the students for the subject matter of environmental law a few schools are
beginning__________________ while
in other schools faculties and professors are
recomending__________ or _____________.
13. What are the two benefits the contemporary law students
gained from the public environmental concerns:
А.
В.
THE GENESIS OF THE MODERN TOY
PART I: FIRST PARAGRAPH
1. Vocabulary in Context

WORD               PART OF SPEECH     PROBABLE MEANING,

(Noun, Veib                     IN CONTEXT

Adjective or Adverb)
a. commonplace (1)                    a.
a.
b. artifacts (2)                             b.
b.
c. material culture (3)                 с.                    с.
d. embryonic (4)                         d.
d.
e. bulk (11)                                 e.
e.
f. ranked (12)                              f.
f.
g. differentiated (13)                  g.
                  g.
h. not invariably (15)                  h.
h.
i. mirror (17)                               i.
                 i.
j. conversely (18)                       j.
j.
k. prevailing (19)                        k.
k.
1. ambiguous
(23)                     1.                    1.
m. revealing
(23)                       m.                    m.
2. Two products of «material culture» mentioned in
para.l are:_________ and_________. Two products of
«high culture» mentioned are______and_________.
3. The general term used by
the writer to include the products of
both types of culture is__________________.
4. The connecting word «yet» (1.8) is a marker of
«concession.» The writer concedes (admits) that some piece of information he
gives us is surprising in the light of some other piece of information that he
gives us; and he insists that, nevertheless, both are true.
A. What fact is surprising but nevertheless true? It
is surprising but true that __________________.
B. This fact is surprising if we consider that
5. «Toys are equally revealing» (1. 14) means that
they are just as revealing as something else.
A.
What is that «something
else» that is also revealing?
B.
B. What do both things
reveal?
6. The parenthetical phrase «(often though not
invariably parents)» (1. 15, 16) conveys the somewhat surprising implication
that the choice of a particular toy for a particular child may be determined by
__________, and not necessarily by _____________.
7. «conversely» (1. 18) is a connecting word
indicating that you can turn something about or reverse the order of something
in the preceding statement or proposition and get another proposition that is
also true.
A. The initial proposition here tells us that we can
learn about _________ by looking at___________.
B. The second proposition (following «conversely»)
tells us that_____________________________
PART II:
PARAGRAPHS 3, 4, and 5
l.In Para. 3, two reasons are suggested for the
attitude of parents towards their children in 16th and 17th century England
and America.
What are these two reasons?
2.The main topic of Para.4 is:
a. The gradual emancipation of the child.
b. The harshness of 17th century childhood.
с.
The history of child care in the U.S., England and Europe.
d. Infant mortality rates in the 17th century.
3.From para.5 we learn that the harsh picture of 17th
century childhood demonstrated parental indifference.
true                                                                    false
Underline the correct answer and justify it by quoting
from the text: first word______; last word______; line
nos____.
4.There is a connection between the fact that —
between the late 17th and early 19th century — Angle-Saxon culture developed «a
new conception of man» (1.110), and the new emphasis on pleasurable teaching
techniques (including the use of play «didactically» [1.133].
A. What was new about this «new» conception of man?
(How did it differ from the earlier one?)
B. Why did pleasurable teaching techniques seem more
suitable than painful ones (such as corporal punishment) to the new conception
of man?
5. «Man came to be seen as a malleable and
manipulative creature» (II. 111, 112).
A. What do the underlined words mean?
B. What used to describe a way of seeing other human
beings, what sort of connotation (positive or negative) do they have today?
C. What sort of connotation do you imagine they had
for Locke and his followers?

PART III:
PARAGRAPHS 10 and 11
1. «remarkably circumscribed» (II.168) has a
(positive) (negative) connotation. Underline the correct answer and justify
it.
2. «Nevertheless (1.167) is a connecting word that
indicates (like the word «yet» — see question 4 above) something surprising
about one of the propositions that it connects: something surprising in the
light of the other proposition.
A.
In
this context, which proposition is surprising?
B.
Why
might it surprise us?
3. What is the implied attitude of the writer with
respect to the «transformation» (1.173) of the middle class woman? Justify
your answer by citing some part/parts of the text.
4. A. Some form of the word «control» appears three
times in these last two paragraphs (II.169,184-186) It has a (positive)
(negative) connotation. Underline the correct answer and justify it.
B. How is his use of «control» here similar to his
earlier use of «manipulative» and «manipulation» (II.112, 125)
5. A. Does the writer object to using play as «a means
of teaching individuals social and moral principles? (II.190)? (Yes) (No). Underline
the correct answer and justify it.
B. Does the writer believe play should be used
exclusively as a means to an end, rather than as an end in itself? (Yes) (No) .
Underline the correct answer and justify it.
6. A. «means» (1.192) here is the equivalent of what
other word in the same sentence________________.
B. By italicizing the word «means» (1.192) the writer
emphasizes the fact that______________________.

7. What is ironic about the fact that «play... was
looked on as an individualistic endeavour even when it involved other children»
(11.193-195).

HUMANISTIC
MEDICINE
IN A MODERN AGE
(Exercise A)
Outline and summarize by using this chart:
l.The crisis is _____________ __

3.The author's explanation of the crisis:
4.The author's solution to the crisis:

HUMANISTIC MEDICINE
(Exercise B)
Exercise:
1.The articles, books and institutes mentioned in line
11 are striking proof of_______________________
2.Explain why the writer thinks the phrase «humanistic
medicine» «logically should be redundant». (1.13)
3. There are 2 contrasting points of view mentioned in
para.2. what are they?
(a)___________________ (b)____________________
4. What kinds of «defects» (1.33) is the writer
referring to?
5. In the 5th para. («The view that..(1.40) the writer
suggests that people who do not have an open mind might deny the association
between humanism and___________(one word).
6. He mentions the CT scan (11. 56) to prove his
thesis that
7. According to the writer, what role should the
humanities have in the physician's education?
8. «A paradox indeed»(1, 118)! What paradox does he
have in mind?
9. «Such a goal»(II.133) What goal is he referring to?
10. According to the writer, medical training can sometimes
have a bad effect on the development of a student's character. True False
(circle your answer and justify it).
11. «... have failed
miserably in these goals» (11.143, 144) 427
(a) Which goals is he referring to here?
(b) Which 2 types of societies have made the attempt
to achieve these goals?
(1)______________(2)______________.
12. In para.11 (II.145-154) he places the blame for
the crisis in the present state of medicine on_______________.
13A. «the solution is relatively easy» (1.177, 178).
What is the solution?
B. What does the writer believe is often wrong with
formalist religious training? (para. 13)
14. How is «alienation»(1.188) related to the crisis
of modem medicine?

HANDS: A CASE STUDY
WHAT METHODOLOGY
DOES SACKS USE TO ARRIVE AT CONCLUSIONS?
Complete the following statements by listing the
information called for:
1. He made the following observations concerning
Madelaine's history and her physical and mental
condition:________________________________________
2. He formulated the following hypothesis concerning
the «uselessness» of Madeleine's hands and the possibility of making them
usable: ______________________
3. He sought support for his hypothesis by considering
the following case studies previously reported on by other scientists, along
with the conclusions these scientists reached:____________________________
4. He observed the following significant difference
between Madeleine and the patients in the other case
studies:_____________________________
5. In devising a plan to help Madeleine gain the use
of her hands , he first conceived of an analogy between Madeleine
6. His method of helping Madeleine gain the use of her
hands was the following_____________________
7. The following were the steps in Madeleine's
progress toward gaining the use other hands:______________
8. He arrived at the following conclusions concerning
the «basic power of perception» based on Madeleine's experience
:______________________________
9. Some of the implications suggested to him by this
case study were:__________________________

ECOLOGICAL
ARMAGEDDON
                by Robert Heilbroner
                From the Abstract preceding the text:
From the abstract preceding the text, we can
understand that the text will deal with________________from
the point of view of_________________such
as______________________________.
1. Divide
the article into three (3) main sections, beginning with paragraph (1).
Provide
each section with a sub-title, and give paragraph numbers for each section.
Section
Sub-title                Paragraph numbers
1.
1.
2.
2.
3.
3.
2. The first sentence of para. 5 refers to «three
distinct developments».
a.The first of these developments is discussed in lines___to
___.
b.The second is discussed
in lines___to_
c. The third is discussed
in lines___to_
3. In the first sentence Para.6 Heilbroner promises to
«return to the population problem later.» Where does he do this? (Give
paragraph numbers):

4. The first sentence of
para.5 refers to «iffy» scenarios.
a. What «scenarios» does
the writer have in mind?
b. Why are they «iffy»?
5. In the first sentence of para. 10 Heilbroner
promises to «revert later to the consequences of this prospect.» Where does he
do this? (Give paragraph numbers):
6. «nuclear radiation» (1.120), «pesticides» (1.132)
and «fertilizers» (1.149) are given as examples of___________________________
7. In para. 12 Heilbroner is reminded of a cartoon
(11. 159-163) that stresses man's reaction to the threat to our survival. What
does the cartoon suggest about that
reaction?______________________________________
(not more than 5 words)
8. a. What was the
Malthusian prophecy?________________________________________

       (not more than 12 words)
b. Mention two ways in which the Eriichs have
«corrected» Malthus :
i .
ii.
9. To what extent does Heilbroner accept the Eriich's
views as presented in the first 17 paragraphs? Support your answer by quoting a
sentence from the text. Lines:_______Quote relevant
words»:________________________.
10.Of the problems facing the planet earth, Heilbroner
considers the ___________ one the most serious threat to people.
11.A. In para.21 the cult of disposability is
contrasted with the cult of___________________________.
B. Explain what each of these terms means.
12.Para.24 begins with the question: «Is the Millian
or the Marxian view correct»?
a. Which of the two views predicts the eventual
transformation of capitalism into an ideal economy? (Give line numbers and
first and last word of the passage in which the answer may be found): lines
__to__:first word:____last word:____
b. Why is the idea of a «stationary» capitalism, from
a Marxian viewpoint, a contradiction in terms»? (II. 278), (Give line numbers
and first and last word of the passage in which the answer may be found)
:lines:____to____:  first word:______last word:____
c. Does Heilbroner tell us there might possibly be
some hope that the capitalist class would agree to «the elimination of the very
activities that sustain it»? (II.302, 303). 1. Circle. Yes or No 2. Give line
number and first and last word of the passage in which the answer can be
found. Lines___to__.
13. Heilbroner uses an analogy which he develops
throughout this text (see especially para. 17). In the analogy he compares
______________ to_______________.

WATER, WAR AND PEACE
IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Exercises:
1. «What disputes» go hand
in hand «with water — related tensions? (1,8-9)
a)_____________, b)______________,
c)_____________.
2. Explain and find synonyms for «go hand in hand»(l,8
) _______________,«to come under pressure»(l 1)
(1,18)_____________, «explicit discussion»(2,22)
________________, «to fight over»( 1,12, 13)
3. Skimming. Skim Box l"Water and the Middle East
Peace Talks» and 1) find out a)what kind of talks are held between different
countries________________________
b) What are their official aims________________
2)Name a) five separate working groups:
____________________________________________________________________________

b) four sets of multilateral water negotiations:
_____________________________________________________________________________

c) separate independent, unofficial discussions
_____________________________________________________________________________
4) Scanning. Scan Box 2 «Conflict over water in the
myths, legends and ancient history of the Middle East» and say what are the
most intriguing legends or myths from your point of view, when they took place
and why you are interested in them.
5) Para.6. is about «the most pressing water conflicts
in the Middle East». Where are they centered?

The Water
Resources (II).
6. What are the major shared surface water supplies in
the Middle East (II,2) and how do problems of water quality affect the
region(II,4,95)
Climate Changes
(III).
7. Lines 109-124 (III,1) mention that «climate change
could either increase or decrease overall water availability» and «... even
slight decreases in long term water availability would place severe political
strains on the region». Prove these statements.
Reducing
Conflicts over Water (IV).
8. Give a definition of «equitable
utilization»(IV,l,151) Where in the worlds is there a similar water situation?
New Supplies(V).
9.List different ways of increasing water supplies:
______________________________________________________________________

10. Skim the passage and point out all the pros and
cons of each new source of supply from the authors point of view.
Politics and
International Law(VI)
11. Para. VI,( 1,270-274) different factors affecting
the successful negotiations «are included».Name them:
a.
b.
c.
d.
What were the previous attempts (para. VI,3)? What can
reduce the risk of conflicts over water (para VI,4,325, 326)?
Toward Peace and
Cooperation (VII)
12. On Para. VII,2 four «enormous differences» among
the parties are suggested concerning access to water.
What
are these differences?
1.
2.
3.
4.
13. «Some of the goals...» (VII, 3, 376). What goals
is the writer referring to?
14. List the vocabulary connected with the solution of
the problems.

LEADERSHIP
by Fred E. Friedler and Martin N. Chemers
Exercise
1.What common assumption regarding leadership is
called into question by the writer in para.l of the text?
2.How do the writers refute this assumption? (cite
first and last word, and give line numbers, for the relevant quotation).
3.A. Para. 2 tells us that it is difficult to evaluate
the __________(one word) of a leader or manager.
B. What elements must be measured when such an evaluation
is made?
4. (line 16-17) The phrase — «to nail jelly to a wall»
is used
by the writers to suggest that __________________
5. What do the findings of Webster, Wagner (1949),
Mayfield (1964) and others show regarding the assumption mentioned in lines 1
and 2 of the text?
6. What proved to be the best predictor for future
behavior on the job in the Kelley and Fiske (1951) study?
7. The authors state that «good performance criteria
are essential for rational selection (11.65-66). What are some of the problems
involved in establishing these criteria?
8. What is the main focus of Part 1 of the Leadership
text?
9. «in comparison»
(11. 161)
What
two factors are being compared here?
1.
2.
10. «the managers who
switched and failed» (11. 194)
a.
What
did they «switch»?
b.
How
did they «fail»?
1 l.The statement «Someone who is intelligent,... for
a leadership position» (11. 216-219) explains what the writers mean by the
word_____________in the preceding sentence.
12. From paragraphs 18 & 19 we leam that having
leadership traits
can help a person to__________________, but
not necessarily to______________________.
13. What are the implications of the fact that «very
often the choice of a particular individual [for a leadership position] is
quite fortuitous? (11. 243-244)

14. From paragraphs 23-28 we leam that whether or not
a particular person will be an effective leader depends upon the
___________(one word).

THE ROLE
OF ELITES
Exercise
1. From the opening paragraph it becomes clear that
the article will deal with specific types of «elites», in specific places, and
under specific conditions.
A. Define the category of «elites» as the term is used
in this text?
B. Where are/were these elites to be found?
C. What political situation do the countries involved
have in common?
2. A. Which problem of the elites is the writer
primarily interested in?
B. Why did each of the following professions fail to
offer a solution to the problem?
i. Journalism
ii. The Medical Profession
iii. Teaching (at the lower levels)
iv. Teaching (at the secondary and higher levels)
3. Why did the legal profession offer an effective
solution to the problem of the elites?
4. A. Why is it that «a person need not earn a living
by legal practice in order to be a lawyer?»(11.92-93 )

B. How does this fact explain the large number of
underemployed lawyers?
C. How does it explain the relationship between the
lawyerintellectuals and the political elites of the new states?
5. A. Why does the writer bother to justify including
the category of «students» among the intellectual elites.
B. How does he justify it? (Where, when and why were
even high school students regarded as «intellectuals?»)
6. A. When were the first student movements organized?
B. When and why did students first become politically
active? intellectuals of underdeveloped countries?
C. How did it happen that The London School of Economics
(which is not located in an underdeveloped country) contributed more than any
other educational institution «to the excitation of nationalistic sentiment»
(11,142-146)
D. «... were themselves formed in these milieux
(1.156). In which milieux were these leaders formed?
E. Why was it necessary for future Third-world leaders
to come to London or Paris to «acquire some degree of national consciousness,»
and «to feel how retrograde their own countries were» (11.152, 153)
7. Paragraph 16 gives us three explanations for «the
political propensities of students.» What are they?
1.
2.
3.
8. A. In what way were India and Egypt worse off than
Ghana, Nigeria, and Pakistan at the time this article was written?
B. Why was this situation relatively bad in India and
Egypt?
    С. Why was it somewhat better in
Pakistan?
    D. Why wasn't it at
all bad in Ghana and Nigeria?
9. A. What is the difference between under— (or mal-)
employment and unemployment?
B. How is this distinction related to the phenomenon
of «hidden unemployment»?

ISOLATION
1.
«this
combination of natural and artificial isolation» (II.28)
a. The «natural» isolation
was the result of________.
b. The «artificial» isolation was the result
of_______.
2. A. «Thus natural geographic isolation at first
compounded later by human design, forced the Japanese to live more separately
from the rest of the world than any other comparably large and advanced group
of people.»(II.24-27)
В.
«or perhaps one should say that this combination of natural and artificial
isolation enabled them more than most other peoples to develop on their own and
in their own way». (11.27-30)
The two statements, A and B, represent different ways
of conveying essentially the same information.
They differ significantly, however, in point of view.
1. Explain this difference.(What is the point of view
of A? -of B?)
2. In what respect is the above statement — and — restatement
(A and B) similar to the following statement.

 «It has made other people, even the nearby Koreans
and Chinese, look on the Japanese as being somehow different, and has produced
in the Japanese a strong sense ofself-dentity».
3. Why do you suppose the writer keeps shifting the
point of view in this way? (What is he probably trying to tell us by
implication?)
3. What combination of characteristics makes Japan
«unique» (1.34)?
a. It is____________.
b. It is_____________.
4. Why is it «ironic» (47) that isolation has «caused
the Japanese to be acutely aware of anything that comes from outside and to
draw special attention to its foreign provenance»? (11.47-49) (i.e., what
ironic effect has this had on Japan's reputation?)
5. The British Isles are mentioned (1.74) to
illustrate the point that_________________.
6. «But prolonged separation ... terrain». (II. 74-76)
A. The internal barriers would normally prevent_______.
B. In Japan these internal geographical barriers did
not have the effect they have had in other parts of the world. Why not?
7. A. There is «a diversity of facial types in Japan».
(II. 82, 83)
B. There «are few important physical variations» among
the Japanese.(II.87, 88)
a. How does the writer manage to reconcile the above
facts, which are seemingly contradictory?
b. Both facts are part of the evidence supporting the
main idea in paragraph 7. What is that idea?
8. A. What do we learn from paragraph 9 about the
ethnic origins of the people of Korea and North China, as opposed to those of
South China?
B. Which of these groups do the Japanese resemble more
closely in their physical characteristics?
C. Which group are they «basically» (line 114) closest
to?
9. Why is the eighth century of considerable
importance in the ethnic history of Japan?
10.The fact that the Japanese are a product of «racial
mingling» (II. 136,137) contradicts the myth that they are____.
11 .A. For which two reasons would it have been
natural for the Koreans to have become absorbed within the Japanese population
both culturally and racially?
12. Explain the irony in the lines 184-189: «Clearly
they included people engaged in leather work or butchery, since the Buddhist
prejudice against the taking of all animal life made others look down on such
persons, though... not on the butchers of human life in a feudal society dominated
by a military elite».
13. In drawing his «population and G[ross] N[ational]
P[roduct] maps»(ll. 220) the writer distorted the actual (geographic) setting
of Japan in two ways. Define these two distortions and give his justification
for each.
a.
b.
14. «attitudes and skills once suitable to their
position in the world do not serve them as well today» (II. 239, 240)
A. What is their position in the world today?
B. What aspect of their culture has he mentioned that
might not «serve them as well today» as it did in the past? (And why not?)
15. «Isolation and homogeneity do not necessarily go
together» (1. 70-71).
A. Which of these two qualities have been
characteristic of Japan in the past?
B. What changes, if any, has Japan undergone with respect
to these two qualities in recent times?

THE OUTSIDERS

(Exercise A)
Rart I
1. In para.l: Why are «right» and «wrong» in quotation
marks?
2. In paras.4, 5 (II.20-32):
A. What are the three types of rules mentioned?
1.
2a.
2b.
2.      What
types of agents of «enforcement» are mentioned?
la.
1b.
2.
4. «... the rule-breaker may feel his judges are
outsiders.» (1. 10, 14) In which lines (further on in the text) does Becker
give us examples illustrating this point? (Give first and last words and line
numbers).
5. A. Para 6 (II.33-39) categorizes outsiders
according to the degree to which we________________.
B. Para 7 (II.40-48) categorizes rule-breakers
according to the degree to which they____________.
6. For the section sub-titled «Definitions of
Deviance».
A.
Describe the different
definitions of «deviance» which the author rejects. After each description cite
the writer's criticism/s of that particular view of deviance.(Give the line
numbers for the sections dealing with each view).
Definition 1 (line numbers _______) :
Criticism/s : Definition 2 (line numbers_______) :
criticism/s Definition 3 (line numbers________) :
criticism/s Definition 4 (line numbers________) :
criticism/s Definition 5 (line numbers__________)

Criticism/s :
7. «Another sociological view is more relativistic.»
(1.158) In what sense is it more «relativistic» than the preceding view (which
concerns itself with that which is functional or dysfunctional within a given
society)?
8. The sociological view that «is closest to [the
writer's] own [view] (1.163) cannot deal adequately with_________ situations.
(one word)
9. What is Becker's definition of deviance? (Give
brief summary and line numbers.)
10. «Some people may be labeled deviant who in fact
have not broken a rule» (II. 203, 205)
«Many offenders may escape apprehension and thus fail
to be included in the population of «deviants». (II.210, 211)
Both of the above facts are cited by Becker as proof
of the inadequacy of certain views of deviance. Which views? In what sense can
they be considered proof of the inadequacy of these views?
11. What function is served by the long quotation from
Malinowski?
12. A. What sub-title might be given to the section
beginning with line 297 and ending with line 347 (The degree ... the mother)?
B.
How many different «variations»
does the author cite in this section? (List them and give line numbers for
each).
a. (lines ): variations related to ___________.
b. (lines ): variations related to ___________.
e. (lines ): variations related to ___________.
13. «Crimes committed by corporations are almost
always prosecuted as civil cases, but the same crime committed by an individual
is ordinarily treated as a criminal offense» (II.334-337) This illustrates the
author's thesis that__________.
14. Vincent's note on unmarried fathers (II.340-347)
is cited by Becker as an example which supports which thesis?
15. A girl who becomes pregnant as a result of an
illicit sexual relationship (II. 342-347) suffers severe condemnation for which
two reasons?
A.
B.
16. Becker's view of deviance has been labeled «The
Interactive Approach». Which sentence in the text makes clear why this label
has been applied? (Give 1st and last words and line numbers). Who (or what) are
the factors that «interact» in this view?
THE OUTSIDERS
                (Exercise B)
           Events in the Narrative and their Sequence (II.)
The following statements represent events which
occurred in the narrative. Rearrange the statements according to the order in
which they occurred (NOT necessarily the order in which the author relates
them). Number the statements from 1 to 11.
 __a. The quarrel was repeated during the funeral.
 __b. Kima'i broke the rule of exogamy.
     __c. Later he
insulted the culprit in public and accused him in the hearing of the whole
community of incest.
     __d. It became the duty of his clansman to avenge
him.
     __e. Among the Trobrianders there was a rule of
exogamy.
 __f. The girl's discarded lover, who had wanted to
marry her, felt personally injured.
 __g. Before jumping to his death, he explained the
reasons for his desperate deed and launched forth a veiled accusation against
the man who had forced him into this situation.
__h. The partner in his crime was his maternal cousin,
the daughter of his mother's sister.
__i. He took the initiative and first threatened to
use black
magic.
__j. There was a general feeling of hostility between
the villages.
__k. After having been publicly insulted, the
unfortunate guilty youth had only one means of escape.
__1. There followed a fight within the village in
which the rival was wounded.

STUDENT
POWER IN THE MIDDLE AGES
by Alan B. Cobban
I. Preview:
1. If you had to write an article today,or to tell
someone in the year 3000 about what happened in the world in the 1990's with
respect to student power or student protest — what would you tell them?
2. This text is from History Today (February 1980).
Which of the following points of information would you expect to find in the
text? Place a (+) in front of the information you can reasonably expect to find
and a (?) in front of information you are less certain to find.
__1. Where student power first got its start
__2. When student power first got its start
__3. What conditions or steps led to the rise of
student power
__4. How student power manifested itself (What forms
it took)
__5. Whether student power was the same everywhere —
at all universities
__6. Whether there were any changes in student power
over time
__7. How student power in the Middle Ages compares
with student power today
Read the text and indicate where you located
information about any of the above topics (put the paragraph and/or line
numbers after each topic) . What additional topics does the text discuss?
II. Student Power — Review Questions — Para. 1 -3
1. According to para.l, there were «important
dissimilarities»
(1.6) between________and_____________.
2. List some of these dissimilarities:
i.
ii.
iii.
3. How did the students of the Middle Ages view the
function of university?
4. What was the purpose of medieval student rebellion?
(How was it similar to or different from student activities today?) Para.4-9
5. At which university and in which century did
student power first manifest itself? i. university:________; ii. century:____________.
6. What were the two main factors which led to the
establishment of the student guilds?
7. Was the original intention of the student
organizations the turn-over of the university? yes/no? Quote from the text to
justify your answer. Lines:_______ (Quote relevant words)
8. Did the university doctors willingly accept the
form student power took? (Yes) (No) Why (or why not)?
9. What characteristic of medieval students makes it
easier to understand why the students were able to gain so much control over
the universities?
10. Para. 10 — True/False -Justify your answer by
quoting relevant words or phrases from the text. (Give first and last word and
line numbers).
__ 1. Teachers were able to participate and vote in
the student government system.
__________________________________________________________________
__ 2. Students chose their own theachers for the
university staff.
__________________________________________________________________
__ 3. The student rector was in charge of all teaching
matters.
__________________________________________________________________
__ 4. Lecturers were not held responsible for laws
decided upon by the students.
__________________________________________________________________
__ 5. Teachers set the schedules and determined the
course content.
__________________________________________________________________
__ 6. Students were obliged to boycott a lecturer who
had outstanding fines to pay.
__________________________________________________________________
__ 7. Teachers were obligated to hold class no matter
how many students failed to show up.
___________________________________________________________________

ARE
CRIMINALS MADE OR BORN?
by Hermstein and
Wilson
MAKING AN OUTLINE
Fill in the blanks in the following outline:
I. CAUSES OF CRIME - SOCIAL (Paragraphs____)
1. supported by_____________.
2. When did this viewpoint prevail?___________.
3. The basis for this viewpoint is___________.
II. CAUSES OF CRIME - SOCIAL AND BIOLOGICAL
(Paragraph/s____)
1. most offenders are____________________.
3.
proofs that social explanations
alone are insufficient
a.
b.
3. Macccoby-Jacklin findings:
a.
b.
c.
III. BIOLOGICAL FACTORS IN CRIMINALITY
A. Studies of________________________.
a. Christiansen findings:________________.
b. Rowe findings:____________________.
B. Studies of adopted children: findings:__________.
C. Genetic contribution to crime
a. Question one (para.__)_______________.
b. Question two (para.__)_______________.
c. Answer to Question One: (para.__)_________.
d. Answer to Question Two: (para.__)_________.
D. Issue of Intelligence (paras. 16-19)
a. correlation with crime (para.__)__________.
b. social explanations for correlation (para.
17)______.
c. counter-arguments:
1. para. 18:____________________.
2. para. 19:____________________.
3. para. 20 refers back to_____________.
E. Issue of Temperament: Sociopathy (para.__)
a._____________.
b._____________.
F. Early signs foreshadowing criminal behavior
(para.__).
G. Sex factor (nature or nurture?) (para.__)
H. Prematurity and low-birth-weight:non-genetic factor
(nature and nurture) (paras.__ and__)
a._____________.
b._____________.
I. Positive implications of study of biological
factors (paras.__)
IV. DEFINING CRIMINALITY AND PINPOINTING POTENTIAL
CRIMINALS
(paras.___)
1. Problems:_______________________.
2. Importance:______________________.
3. Qualifications of these problems:
QUESTIONS ON: ARE
CRIMINALS MADE OR BORN?
(paras. 1-14)
1.According to para.l, what is the answer to the title
question?
2.According to para.2, what is the answer to the title
question?
3.What is the author's answer to the title question?
4. Summarize the research findings in paragraph 3 in
one sentence.
5.According to paragraph 4, what are the two main
social explanations for the effects of age and sex on crime? (This involves
generalizing)
a.
b.
6.According to para.4, social scientists eventually
questioned «purely social explanations» (1.41) for the effects of age and sex
on crime because:_________________________
______________________________everywhere despite the
fact that____________________
7. Line 69 states, «There is evidence». Para.6 gives
us evidence that_____________________________
8.When trying to find out if a trait is genetic, it is
helpful to compare identical twins with fraternal twins because
a. while both sets of twins have_____________
b. identical twins also have_________________
9.Thus, if the identical twins are more similar in
behavior than the fraternal twins, we can conclude that the similarity was
influenced by_______________________.
10 Para.ll, lines 135, 136, says «essentially the same
results are found in studies of adopted children».
a. the same results as____________________.
b. In what way are they the same?
11. Give three reasons why researchers would hesitate
to say genetic contributions are responsible for crime.
a.
b.
c.
12. Find and list 10 synonyms for cause/effect/reason
and result or verbs that are associated with cause-effect relationship
Line(s):                        Word or phrase:
ARE CRIMINALS MADE OR BORN? (paras 15 - end) IQ as a
HERITABLE BASE for CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR
1. List 3 reasons why some criminologists have
objected to the view that low IQ is a cause of criminal behavior.
а.
b.
с.
7.
How does the writer
counter their objections?
a.
b.
c.
8.
What may explain the
link between IQ and criminality?
a.
b.
c.
4. (Inference) Tne statement, «some highly intelligent
criminals may be good at eluding capture is fully consistent with the belief
that offenders, in general, have lower scores than nonofienders» (11.215-220).
This statement implies that the number of intelligent
criminals is________________.
TEMPERAMENT as a HERITABLE BASE FOR CRIMINAL BEHAVIOR
(paras. 21-25 )
5. What aspects of temperament associated with
criminality seem to be biological?
6. How do these characteristics have a negative
influence on the social context in which the child is reared?
7. What social contexts can give rise to biological
characteristics which are associated with criminality?
REACTIONS TO THE
STUDY OF BIOLOGICAL FACTORS IN CRIME
8. What forms has the «political or ideological
reaction» taken?
a.
b.
c.
9. Lines: 314, 315 mention «the higher crime rate of
black compa- red to white Americans». Do the authors accept that this has a
genetic basis? Yes/No quote a sentence from the text that expresses their opinion.
10. In Para.28
a. criminality is compared with what other
biologically based disorders?
b. For what purpose
11. a. What makes
crime admittedly ... a more difficult program» (1.343)?

WHAT IS A HISTORICAL FACT?
(Exercise A)
Figurative Language
In Column 1 you will find 10 examples of figurative
language used by the author.
From Column 2 choose the sentence that best reflects
the meaning of the quote from the text. Record the letter of your choice in the
space provided before the sentence in Column 1.

COLUMN 1
what the author says...
1. certain basic facts... form
2. To praise a historian for his   accuracy is like
praising architect for using wall-seasoned timber … in his building (13-16).
3. These so-called basic facts ...   belong to the
category of the raw materials of historian (25-27).
4. The facts speak for
themselves (31-32).
5. The facts speak only
when the historian calls on them (31, 32).
6. A fact is like a sack — it won't stand up until you
put something in it (34-36).
7. The records of...history are starred with lacunae.
8. History has been called an ennormous jig-saw with a
lot of missing parts (70-71).
9. The dead hand of vanished generations of
historians...has determined beyond the possibility of appeal the pattern of the
past (99-101).
10. They (the facts of
history) are always refracted through the mind of the recorder (103-104).

COLUMN 2

he means...
a. The facts are important  when the historian thinks
they are.
c.
There are some
qualities an in the facts themselves which make them seem important.
d.
There are certain facts
which the historian can make use of in developing his theories.
d. There are certain essential facts which give
history its structure.
e. The facts of history are influenced by the mental
processes of the historian.
f. Historical writing presents an incomplete record.
g. A fact is meaningless until you interpret it.
h. One expects the historian to use verified, reliable
facts in his writing.
    d.We cannot challenge conceptions of the past
because we are limited to the facts presented by writers of the past.
 j. History is an attempt to reconstruct the past
without having complete information.

WHAT IS A HISTORICAL FACT
(Exercise B)
1. What is the «commonsense view» of the title
question?
2. What are the author's two observations regarding
the commonsense view? Quote the sentences that best sum up his points and give
line numbers.
i.lines:_________»________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

ii.lines:________»_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
3. According to the author, accuracy for a historian
is (circle one) :
a.
a virtue but not a
necessity
b.
necessary and therefore
a virtue
c.
necessary but not
sufficient
4. a. What are the «auxiliary sciences» (1.19) for the
historian?
b. What is the role of these «auxiliary sciences» for
the historian?
5. The reader's arrival in «this building» (1.42) is
an example of what? .
6. According to paragraph one, what makes a fact
historical?
7. What single sentence in paragraph one best states
the main idea presented in the paragraph? lines:_____ First three words:
Para.2 — end of text
8. When he was a student, Carr never thought about
those facts that once must have been known but were________
9. What distinction does Carr make between the study
of ancient or medieval history and modern history?
10. In 11.72 Carr says «But the main trouble does not
consist in the lacunae». In what does the main trouble consist?
11. a. According to paragraph 2, why might students of
history think the people of the Middle Ages were deeply concerned with
religion?
b. Why does Carr say he wonders if perhaps the people
of the Middle Ages were not deeply concerned with religion? (11.85-86)
12. The «intelligent undergraduate» who consults with
his fellow student about «Jones» (1. 113-114) is following what recommendation
of Carr's?
13. Express Carr's «second point» (1. 132) as a
recommendation to a historian.
14. Burckhardt, in making the remark about the Thirty
Years War (11.140-143), is an example of (circle one):
a. a historian bound by the views of his own age
b. a historian entering the minds of the people he is
studying
15. One problem of the historian is that man is
neither_________________________________________
nor__________________________________________________________________________________
16. Indicate whether Carr would AGREE or DISAGREE with
the following statement. (Quote the lines in the text which support your
answer).
Using the language and concepts of the period he is
writing about enables the historian to be objective, first word______; last
word________ — lines:_____
17. Based on this text, what advice do you think Carr
might give to a young historian starting out today?
18. Read «What is a Journalist's "Fact"?» in
Part III above.
a. What similarities do you see between Carr's ideas and
those of Cockbum?
b. What similarities do you see between the writing
styles of Carr and Cockbum?

MORALITY
AND FOREIGN POLICY
1. Kennan claims that he has written this article in
order to______________________________
2a. In lines 29 to 35, Kennan clarifies the duty of
the government to the national society by comparing it to that of_______________________________
2b. The basis of the comparison is that they
all________
3. What are the «unavoidable necessities of a national
existence» (lines 42)
4. According to paragraph 4, once the government
«accepts the responsibilites of governing» (lines 46, 47), it no longer___
5. According to paragraph 5, in order to avoid «moral
reproach» (line 64), we must allow both___________and______the right
to_____________________
6. «these blessings» (lines 68) were identified
earlier in lines:_____________________________
7. The Yalta Declaration and the Kellogg-Briand Pact
are mentioned as examples of ________________international agreements.
                                                                                [one
word]

8. In paragraphs 8 and 9, the writer emphasizes the
REALISTIC/ UNREALISTIC [circle one] nature of various international
documents. Support your answer by quoting a sentence from the text.
Lines:____         Quote               relevant
words:____________________________
9. Kennan concludes by denying the American government
the right to take retaliatory action when_____________
GENERAL QUESTIONS
10A. Does Kennan support an amoral foreign policy?
[yes/ no?] Quote from the text to support your answer. Lines:_________Quote
relevant words _________
10b. Under which conditions might foreign policy be
considered «immoral» (line 13).
11. Kennan's position on the Helsinki accords in para.
9 shows that basically he HAS REVISED/CONTINUES TO SUPPORT [circle one] his
observations of nearly 35 years ago. Quote a sentence from para. 9 to support
your answer.
lines:__________ First three words________ last
word:_______.
12. Summarize each of the distinctions (line 18) in
one sentence.

HUMAN
MIGRATION
Exercise
1. (para.5) What are the defining characteristics of
«these civilized diseases?» (1,60) __________________
Cite two examples of «civilized diseases»
(a)________________(b)
2. (para. 6) Why was it once necessary to recruit
urban population from the countryside?
3. A. (para. 7) How does the language «shift» (1,83)
in ancient Mesopotamia seem to illustrate the effects of «civilized diseases»?
B. What language was originally spoken by the
«in-migrants»? (1, 87)
С.
What language did they speak after they migrated?_____
4. What other examples does the writer give of
language «shifts»
related to the effects or «civilized diseases»?
A. In_________, the language shifted from__________to
           (city)                                                   (language)
(language)
B. In_____, the language shifted from ________to
(city)                             (language)
(language )
5. (para. 8) «Armies constituted another significant
population sump». (11. 101)
A. What else constituted a
significant «population sump?» B. How does a «population sump» function?
6. (paras. 9-10) Peasants who left the countryside
migrated to one of these 3 destinations.
a.________b.__________c.__________
7. (para. 10)
A. What health advantage did city people have over
country people?
B. How was this advantage useful in making lands available
for settlement?
8. (para.15) «Two more migration patterns» (1,189)
These involved
1._______who moved toward the________.
2._________who moved toward the_______.
9. (paras. 17-18) Give 2 examples of elites who moved
away from the cities.
a.______________b._______________.
10. (para.19) Raiding and robbery are directly related
to the phenomenon     of     (limit     2     words)
________________________________
11.(para.21)
A. «Effors at defense»(l. 273) were made by
____elites.
B. The war chariot (1. 276) is mentioned as an example
of
12 (para. 26) Two sources of the manpower needs of
civilized elites were
a:_______________b:_______________
13 (para. 27) The Jews and Visigoths and Vandals are
examples of
_________________________________
14 Para. 28 mentions populations who moved from____
to________________________.

INTERGRATING
RISK ANALYSIS INTO PUBLIC POLICYMAKING
Exercise:
1. If you had to answer the question: Does, can and
should risk analysis affect public policy, what would your answer be?
2. In para. 2 some issues and topics for which risk
analysis could, should or may be important are suggested.
What are
these issues and topics?
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
3. What
is the «scientific literacy» of the US public from Jon Miller's point of view?
Give his definition scientific literacy.
1.
2.
3.
Prove that the US public lacks the necessary
understanding.
4. In Para. 5 it
is said that an important question in the nuclear industry has been how to
describe the nuclear power plants to the public and it is suggested that the
industry has been searching for more descriptive language. What terms have been
picked out by the people and why?
1.
2.
3.
4.
What was driving public opinion?
5. From para.6 we learn that the question was asked:
Which would the people choose for their state — more jobs or stricter
environmental laws? What was their answer and what would you answer?
6. Skimming. — Skim paras. 12-13 and determine the
role of the Media and of the Government in accordance with risk analysis.
7.
There are some
abbreviations in the article.
Explain them:
1.DOE( 8.135)________________________
2.РСВ(11.169)________________________
3.0MB(14.207)________________________
4.EPA(14.211)________________________
5.RFF(16,231)________________________
8.Explain how you understand «We are literally not
watching the fiddler fiddle while Rome bums, we are watching the entire
orchestra». (13.199, 200)
8.
«More research
needed(para.l7)
Which areas need further research?
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
Give full answers.
10. «Technical people do have credibility. They also
have a responsibility» (18,268)
Summarize responsibility in Thomas Jefferson's words.

EDUCATION
AND POLITICAL TOLERANCE
Exercise
1.What is the relationship between the researchers
" objectives (paragraphs — and —) and their hypothesis (paragraphs -and
-)?
2.Which paragraph gives us a plan, or map, of the
first part of the text (until the Data and Measures section)?
3.The writers divide all the previous researchers
whose work they cite into two broad categories. What are these categories?
a._____________of the education-tolerance hypothesis.
b.______________of the education-tolerance hypothesis.
4.In what sense are the studies cited in paragraphs
6-8 generally optimistic?
5.Why might Merelman's conclusions (para. 13) be
described as highly pessimistic?
6.Jackman (in para.9) suggested that the studies
supporting the education-tolerance hypothesis failed to take account of an
important factor. What factor was that?
7.How are the findings of Prothro and Grigg (in
para.7) and Jackman (in paras. 10 and 11) related?
8. Sullivan, Piereson and Marcus (in para. 12)
maintained that Stouffer's findings indicated something different from what
they had been thought to indicate.
a. What had they been thought to indicate?
b. What did they actually indicate?
9.In para. 15 the writers define what they mean by
«cognitive sophistication.» How do they define it?
10.In what way did Sullivan's work (paras. 12 and 16)
influence the work of the writers of this article?:
11.Which paragraph gives us a plan of the research
procedures used by the writers of the article? (para. 19)
12.The findings of one of the two categories of
previous researchers (see question 3 above) are to some extent refuted by the
findings reported in the Discussion and Conclusions section. Which category is
that?
13. A. How do the writers try to account for the
difference between their own findings and those whose findings they seem to
have refuted? In which paragraph is this explanation suggested? (para. 22)
В.
How do they suggest that their own findings are more significant than those of
Sullivan and his colleagues? (answer in para.22)
14. How do the writers manage to suggest that
Jackman's findings (para. 10,11 ,and 24) were right, but wrongly interpreted?
15. Para.25 suggests that the findings of the
advocates and the critics of the education-political tolerance theory do not
contradict each other. Rather, some researchers ______
the same findings optimistically, while others
_________
them pessimistically.
A TECHNOLOGY OF BEHAVIOR
                       by B.F. Skinner
 Exercise :
1. What does Skinner mean by a «scientific analysis of
behavior»?
2. Do you believe it possible to change human behavior
to such a degree as to create a stable, nondestructive society?
3. What might Skinner recommend to facilitate this
change?
4. According to the author, why hasn't there been a
development of a science of human behavior comparable to that of physics and
biology?
5. Note the repeated use of the words physical and non-physical
in paras 10 and 11. What is the intent of this?
6. How does the rhetorical
question posed in paragraph 15 strengthen Skinner's argument?
7. Where does Skinner state his solution to
the problem stated?
8. Discuss the following statement made by Skinner: «Twenty-five
hundred years ago it might have been said that man understood himself as well
as any other part of his world. Today he is the thing he understands least».
9. Do you agree that it is not enough to
«use technology with a deeper understanding of human issues»?

ОГЛАВЛЕНИЕ
BOOK I
PART I. WORD POWER (VOCABULARY STUDY)
SECTION  1. INTRODUCTION TO WORD POWER (WP).......................................................................................................................... 5
SECTION II. WORDS ON WORDS.................................................................................................................................................................... 5
SECTION III. EVALUATE YOUR WORD KNOWLEDGE......................................................................................................................... 8
SECTION IV. THE WORD IN THE DICTIONARY....................................................................................................................................... 9
SECTION V. CONNOTATION......................................................................................................................................................................... 12
SECTION VI. A STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO WORD
STUDY......................................................................................................... 13
SECTION VII. A CONTEXTUAL APPROACH TO WORD
STUDY....................................................................................................... 15
SECTION VIII. SEMANTIC FIELDS.............................................................................................................................................................. 17
UNIT A: AREAS, SCRIPTS, TOPICS, CATEGORIES............................................................................................................................... 17
UNIT B: LANGUAGE OF RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS
IN SCIENTIFIC ARTICLES (“Hedging”)....................................... 20
UNIT C: TERMS USED IN STUDY AND TEST
SITUATIONS................................................................................................................ 21
SECTION IX. FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE.................................................................................................................................................... 21
SECTION X. APPNDIX...................................................................................................................................................................................... 22
UNIT 1: PREFIXES, STEMS, (ROOTS) SUFFIXES.................................................................................................................................. 22
A: PREFIXES.................................................................................................................................................................................................... 22
В: NUMERICAL PREFIXES USED IN MEASUREMENTS..................................................................................................................... 24
C: QUANTITATIVE PREFIXES.................................................................................................................................................................... 24
D: STEMS/ROOTS........................................................................................................................................................................................... 25
E. Suffixes used to form (and sinify) the
various parts of speech............................................................................................................. 29
UNIT 2: REFERENCE WORDS AND ABBREVIATIONS........................................................................................................................ 29
UNIT 3: VERBS FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES........................................................................................................................................... 32
UNIT 4: TERMS USED IN TEXT ANALYSIS.............................................................................................................................................. 33
UNIT 5: THE UNIVERSITY WORD LIST.................................................................................................................................................... 34
PART II. AN APPROACH TO READING
SECTION I. INTRODUCTION TO AN APPROACH TO
READING................................................................................................... 41
UNIT 1. VARIETIES OF MEANING............................................................................................................................................................. 41
UNIT 2. WHAT THE WRITER MEANS........................................................................................................................................................ 42
(AND WHAT HE ASSUMES THE READER ALREADY
KNOWS).......................................................................................................... 42
SECTION II. DEALING WITH SENTENCE.................................................................................................................................................. 43
UNIT 1. EXERCISES ON SENTENCE PATTERNS................................................................................................................................... 43
UNIT 2. COMPLEX. SIMPLE. COMPLEX ................................................................................................................................................ 50
UNIT 3. REGISTER......................................................................................................................................................................................... 51
UNIT 4. USING RELATIVE PRONOUNS TO FORM
COMPLEX SENTENCE .................................................................................. 51
UNIT 5. STRUCTURES WITH OMISSION ................................................................................................................................................ 52
UNIT 6. THE USES OF PUNCTUATION .................................................................................................................................................. 53
UNIT 7. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN SIMILAR
SENTENCES........................................................................................................... 53
UNIT 8. INDIRECTION: NEGATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS...................................................................................................................... 54
UNIT 9. IMPLICATION.................................................................................................................................................................................. 56
UNIT 10. TYPES OF AMBIGUITY............................................................................................................................................................... 56
UNIT 11. WHAT THE WRITER MEANS BUT FOR SOME
REASONS PREFERS NOT TO SAY DIRECTLY............................... 57
SECTION III. DEALING WITH PARAGRAPHS.......................................................................................................................................... 58
UNIT 1. COHERENCE.................................................................................................................................................................................... 58
UNIT 2. OLD AND NEW INFORMATION.................................................................................................................................................. 60
UNIT 3. THE ORDERING OF SENTENCES IN A
PARAGRAPH ......................................................................................................... 61
SECTION IV. DEALING WITH TEXTS......................................................................................................................................................... 63
UNIT 1. TYPES OF DISCOURSE................................................................................................................................................................. 63
UNIT 2. READING STRATEGIES................................................................................................................................................................. 64
UNIT 3. WHAT TITLES TELL US................................................................................................................................................................. 65
UNIT 4. DIFFERENT WAYS OF PRESENTING
INFORMATION......................................................................................................... 66
UNIT 5. TYPES OF SCHOLARLY................................................................................................................................................................. 68
UNIT 6. GENERAL QUESTIONS AND ACTIVITIES THAT
CAN (AND SHOULD) BE APPLIED TO ANY TEXT..................... 68
UNIT 7. READING/WRITING ABSTRACTS............................................................................................................................................... 70
UNIT 8. READING/WRITING A SUMMARY.............................................................................................................................................. 73
SECTION V. APPENDIX................................................................................................................................................................................... 74
UNIT 1. PARTS OF SPEECH........................................................................................................................................................................ 74
UNIT 2. SENTENCE PATTERNS ................................................................................................................................................................. 76
UNIT 3. PUNCTUATION .............................................................................................................................................................................. 84
UNIT 4. THE CONJUNCTIONS OR CONNECTORS OF
ENGLISH..................................................................................................... 86
UNIT 5. THE PREPOSITIONS OF ENGLISN............................................................................................................................................ 87
UNIT 6. COMMON CUES FOR THE READER (Devices
That Further Coherence).......................................................................... 91
PART III. SHORT TEXTS
ANNUAL REPORT ON SPACESHIP EARTH.............................................................................................................................................. 92
«WHAT REALLY
MATTERED»..................................................................................................................................................................... 92
«WRITING
OF WOMEN».............................................................................................................................................................................. 94
«TO BE A WOMAN AND A SCHOLAR»...................................................................................................................................................... 94
«FILTERS AGAINST FOLLY»....................................................................................................................................................................... 96
CHIMPS EAT CHIMPS....................................................................................................................................................................................... 96
SIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS......................................................................................................................................................................... 98
MIGHTIER THAN THE PEN.......................................................................................................................................................................... 100
GETTING TO KNOW YOUR SYNCHRONIZED INPUT SHAFT......................................................................................................... 101
WHAT IS A JOURNALIST'S «FACT»?........................................................................................................................................................ 102
AN INTERVIEW WITH JOHN NAISBITT,................................................................................................................................................ 103
CRIME AND POVERTY.................................................................................................................................................................................. 104
BANALITY AND TERROR............................................................................................................................................................................ 105
TWO ANALOGIES FROM THE NOVELS OF CHINUA
ACHEBE....................................................................................................... 106
THE ECONOMETRICS SYSTEM................................................................................................................................................................. 108
SUBSISTENCE ALLOWANCE..................................................................................................................................................................... 110
SUBSISTENCE ALLOWANCE.................................................................................................................................................................... 110
IT'S ALL GREEK............................................................................................................................................................................................... 110
THE MYSTERY OF LANGUAGE................................................................................................................................................................. 111
THE TASK OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY................................................................................................................................................... 113
«PRICING THE PRICELESS CHILD»*....................................................................................................................................................... 113
«THE FRENZY OF RENOWN»...................................................................................................................................................................... 114
BOOK II
PART IV. LONGER READING
LEARNING THE HARD WAY....................................................................................................................................................................... 116
MAN OF WISDOM........................................................................................................................................................................................... 118
JAPANESE EDUCATION............................................................................................................................................................................... 120
EDUCATING LAWYERS............................................................................................................................................................................... 124
THE GENESIS OF THE MODERN TOY...................................................................................................................................................... 133
HUMANISTIC MEDICINE............................................................................................................................................................................. 135
HANDS: A CASE STUDY............................................................................................................................................................................... 137
ECOLOGICAL ARMAGEDDON.................................................................................................................................................................. 140
WATER, WAR & PEACE................................................................................................................................................................................ 143
CLIMATE CHANGE...................................................................................................................................................................................... 145
LEADERSHIP..................................................................................................................................................................................................... 151
THE ROLE OF ELITES.................................................................................................................................................................................... 155
ISOLATION........................................................................................................................................................................................................ 157
THE USE AND ABUSE OF DRUGS............................................................................................................................................................. 160
OUTSIDERS....................................................................................................................................................................................................... 164
STUDENT POWER IN MIDDLE AGES....................................................................................................................................................... 168
ARE CRIMINALS MADE OR BORN?......................................................................................................................................................... 170
WHAT IS A HISTORICAL FACT?................................................................................................................................................................ 175
MORALITY AND FOREIGN POLICY......................................................................................................................................................... 177
MORALITY AND FOREIGN POLICY: APPENDIX................................................................................................................................ 179
HUMAN MIGRATION:................................................................................................................................................................................... 179
INTEGRATING RISK ANALYSIS INTO PUBLIC
POLICYMAKING................................................................................................ 185
EDUCATION AND POLITICAL TOLERANCE........................................................................................................................................ 188
«A TECHNOLOGY OF BEHAVIOR».......................................................................................................................................................... 196
«HOW PSYCHOLOGY SANCTIONS THE CULT OF THE
SELF»....................................................................................................... 199
EXPLAINING REVOLUTIONS IN THE CONTEMPORARY
THIRD WORLD................................................................................. 205
PART V. EXERCISES on Texts in Parts III and
IV.................................................................................................................... 210
ANNUAL REPORT ON SPACESHIP EARTH............................................................................................................................................ 210
CHIMPS EAT CHIMPS,................................................................................................................................................................................... 211
SIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS....................................................................................................................................................................... 211
MIGHTIER THAN THE PEN.......................................................................................................................................................................... 212
CRIME AND POVERTY.................................................................................................................................................................................. 213
BANALITY AND TERROR............................................................................................................................................................................ 213
THE TASK OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY................................................................................................................................................... 214
LEARNING THE HARD WAY....................................................................................................................................................................... 215
MAN OF WISDOM........................................................................................................................................................................................... 215
JAPANESE EDUCATION............................................................................................................................................................................... 216
EDUCATING LAWYERS WITH ENVIRONMENTAL SAVVY........................................................................................................... 218
THE GENESIS OF THE MODERN TOY...................................................................................................................................................... 219
HUMANISTIC MEDICINE............................................................................................................................................................................. 221
HANDS: A CASE STUDY............................................................................................................................................................................... 222
ECOLOGICAL ARMAGEDDON.................................................................................................................................................................. 223
WATER, WAR AND PEACE.......................................................................................................................................................................... 224
LEADERSHIP..................................................................................................................................................................................................... 225
THE ROLE OF ELITES.................................................................................................................................................................................... 226
ISOLATION........................................................................................................................................................................................................ 227
THE OUTSIDERS.............................................................................................................................................................................................. 229
STUDENT POWER IN THE MIDDLE AGES............................................................................................................................................. 230
ARE CRIMINALS MADE OR BORN?......................................................................................................................................................... 232
WHAT IS A HISTORICAL FACT?................................................................................................................................................................ 234
MORALITY AND FOREIGN POLICY......................................................................................................................................................... 237
HUMAN MIGRATION..................................................................................................................................................................................... 238
INTERGRATING RISK ANALYSIS INTO PUBLIC
POLICYMAKING.............................................................................................. 239
EDUCATION AND POLITICAL TOLERANCE........................................................................................................................................ 240
A TECHNOLOGY OF BEHAVIOR............................................................................................................................................................... 241

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file_name: Колыхалова О. А., Макаев В. В. - Английский язык.doc

alt: О.А.КОЛЫХАЛОВА, В.В.МАКАЕВ АНГЛИЙСКИЙ

alt: ББК 81.2 Англ. К 60

alt: ОТ АВТОРОВ Учебник «Английский язык» адресован в первую очередь студентам и аспирантам гуманитарных специальностей высших учебных заведений, студентам факультетов иностранных языков, а также всем тем,…

alt: PREFACE The textbook «English for

alt: BOOK I PART I

alt: Summer, 1959, also quoted in The

alt: Learning how to get most out of a

alt: He told a funny story, (neutral)

alt: Productive word parts — Chaining

alt: In addition to the Internal Context of

alt: The Military 1. Suggest what a writer wants to express by each of the following: the brow of a hill, the mouth of a river;…

alt: Contradict counterproposal, countersue depress, depend, decentralize demigod, demitasse diameter, diagram, dichotomy dismiss, digress, diversion dysfunction, dyslexia enable, enlarge epidemic, epidermis, epilogue equivalent, equilateral euthanasia, eugenic,…

alt: В : NUMERICAL PREFIXES USED IN

alt: D: STEMS/ROOTS Stem/Root

alt: Judge speak hand memory measure send move form, shape death name, law new study of correct, traight felling, agent, reaction anarchist, archetype animal, inanimate anthropology,…

alt: ped, pod pel, pulse pend philo phobe phone photo pone, pose port press psycho rupt scribe,script sequ, secut simi solu, solv soph spec, spic struct…

alt: Note that this abbreviation (e

alt: Contrast Compare Contrast

alt: VERBS analyze argue clarify compare contrast contradict contribute define demonstrate describe differentiate between distinguish between discuss emphasize enumerate evaluate examine exemplify explain express identify illustrate…

alt: D dissolve diverge data defect deflect distinct diverse debate defer degenerate distort divine decade deficient degrade denote derive devise diffuse discrete dispute drama dynamic distribute…

alt: S saint schedule secure series sift skeleton source speculate stationary stipulate subdivide subsidize superficial supreme switch sanction scheme seek sex signify sketch spatial sphere statistic…

alt: PART II AN APPROACH TO READING

alt: The last sentence, although phrased as a question, actually serves to emphasize the writer's outrage and to make clear his intention to get his reader…

alt: Example: That professor teaches

alt: It makes everyone happy. Rewrite

alt: A beekeeper brought twenty ferocious

intro:
Содержит современные методики изучения английского языка.
Данное пособие будет полезно в первую очередь студентам и аспирантам гуманитарных специальностей высших учебных заведений, студентам факультетов иностранных языков, а также всем тем, кто желает повысить свой уровень владения языком, будь то просто школьник, добиться глубинного понимания текста, усовершенствовать навыки устной и письменной речи и перевода.
Состоит из 5 частей.
2 теоретические
3 остальные практические, которые содержат интересную информацию и иллюстрации.

доп. образование взрослых

group: Другое

title: МЕТОДИКА ПРЕПОДАВАНИЯ АНГЛИЙСКОГО ЯЗЫКА