François Coty (May 3, 1874 – July 25, 1934) was a French perfume manufacturer and the founder of the right-wing paramilitary group Solidarité Française.
Coty was born in Ajaccio, Corsica, as Joseph Marie François Spoturno. He married Yvonne Alexandrine Le Baron in 1900. He took the more French-looking name Coty, a variation on his mother's maiden name, when he moved to Paris.
He began by selling essences derived from flowers in Grasse, and then peddled his scents to the barbers of Paris. His genius, however, was in marketing and in recognizing that the bottle made the perfume. He had bottles designed by the great ceramist Lalique. His Rose Jacqueminot scent, in a bottle by Baccarat, was his first great success. His great success, Chypre, gave its name to an entire fragrance family used in the industry's classifications.
He was one of the wealthiest men in France and owned two Paris newspapers, the proletarian L'Ami du peuple and the aristocratic Le Figaro. He also bought the hunting pavilion of Louveciennes near Saint-Germain-en-Laye, once the property of Madame du Barry. He built multiple large residences, but lived in a hotel on the Champs-Élysées.
He was somewhat of a recluse, disliking crowds of any kind, and hiding behind his public image.
The company he founded in 1904 is now Coty, Inc., of New York City.
The Stade François Coty in Ajaccio was named after him.


Casa Somerscales Hotel was in the past the family home of the renowned and award-winning 19th century English painter, sailor and landscaper, Thomas Somerscales, who made Valparaíso his second home. During his long stay in Valparaíso he worked as a teacher at the Mackay school and portrayed our landscapes and seascapes with absolute dedication. In 1874 he built his house in the heart of Cerro Alegre, which he would inhabit during his life in Valparaíso and would house much of his inspiration. The beginning of the War of the Pacific motivated him to capture marine combat; thus, various artistic productions emerged from his brush that portrayed the souls of the combatants through colorful and living pages of our history. For this reason, the name of this illustrious English painter deserved to be perpetuated in some street, square or in some appropriate place in our first port, as a just recognition to those who knew how to illustrate our history and magnify our landscapes in the central area.
In the present and after more than 140 years, the former Somerscales family house has become an innovative proposal for tourist accommodation, located in an area declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO and whose architecture, theme and environment aim to preserve the heritage concept that our city holds.
For the owners of Casa Somercales Hotel, living and undertaking in Valparaíso has always been a magical dream. The temptation to inhabit a place protected by its historical value, with unique architecture, beautifully disorganized and with a privileged view of the ocean, captivates the lovers of this city and makes them part of it. In 2004 this dream was fulfilled, starting the hotel activity of the hotel casa somerscales and giving life to the first heritage hotel in Valparaíso.
In addition to preserving a beautiful and homely residence, Hotel Casa Somerscales aims to offer its guests an experience that allows them to feel the confidence of being at home, in a friendly city, and in a family, quiet and romantic atmosphere, sheltered in a XIX century mansion, set at the time both in its architecture and design.
We invite our guests to have the environments of the house; dining room, lounges, terraces to enjoy a pleasant reading, have a coffee, relax by the fireplace, admire the collection of old radios, typewriters or listen to music from the middle of the 20th century on the old gramophone. mediados del siglo XX.
Located in Cerro Alegre; touristic heart of Valparaíso. Known as the neighborhood of immigrants; mostly English and Germans, who inhabited it during the nineteenth century and where the stately buildings that they built emulating the architecture of their places of origin still prevail today. Nowadays, it has become the most touristic sector of the city, a heritage area with easy access, surrounded by restaurants, cafes, viewpoints, stairs and museums, ideal for walking tours and immersing visitors in the culture of the Port, its loca geography and authentic charm.


In Zilina at the beginning of the 20 th century, the Art Nouveau building projects of engineer Szekely were progressing slowly because of planning changes. At the request of the city, he had to reverse his plans to accommodate a change in street direction. During the years 1919-1921, the Moravian Jan Rufinus Stejskal built a movie theatre, the Grand Bio Universum, where previously two 17 th century houses stood on the site.
The building was constructed by the Ludvik Kanturka company in Zilina, and had a stage in a large hall, with two galleries. The ground level seated 482 spectators, the first 100 and the second 146. After construction, the first feature-film premiere, “Jánošík,” was held on January
3, 1922. The literature lists two premiere dates, as the film opened first in Prague, on November 25, 1921. The film was based on a script by J. Žák-Marušiak, directed by J. Siakeľ, and the title role was played by T. Pištek. The film has been reconstructed in digital form by Ivan Rumanovský.
From 1983 to 1988 the Fatra movie theatre was reconstructed to meet the needs of the State Chamber Orchestra of Zilina (called the Slovak Sinfonietta abroad), which was founded in 1974, based on the old Zilina City Symphony Orchestra (1959-1974). Unfortunately, during reconstruction, the original historical inscription on the upper facade of the Bio Universum building was removed. The creation of the Orchestra was aided by well-known composer Jan Cikker (1911-1989), whose bust is on the ground floor of the hall. The first festive concert was held on January 4, 1989.
The Fatra House of Arts often hosts various social and cultural events. In 1997 the Zilina Citizens’ Association placed two plaques on the front of the building, recalling the first movie premiere (“Jánošík”) and the founding of the State Chamber Orchestra. The Fatra House of Arts is registered as No. 13729/0 in the Central List of the Memorial Fund.


Anniversary of explorer John McDouall Stuart’s journey from south to north of Australia
Today is the 147th anniversary of the day that explorer John McDouall Stuart crossed the continent from south to north in 1862. He emerged from the mangroves to see the waters of the Indian Ocean after an 8 month journey from Adelaide.
DIY Tourguide tells of this momentous journey in Track 4 (part 1) of the Alice Springs to Uluru audio tour. The audio includes readings from his diary when he first saw the water! Here is a transcript of this track:
“So far we have mentioned John McDouall Stuart several times in reference to place names along your journey. This 19th Century explorer is one of Australia’s most famous, being the first person to cross the continent from South to North in 1862. Ultimately he became part of a race across Australia, with his rivals being the Burke and Wills expedition. Driving along the Stuart Highway, on the modern bitumen road, it is interesting to see who came before us, and how events happened. To get a feel for the type of country that daunted the early explorers, you only have to look left or right and into the distance – can you imagine yourself walking out there for months or years on end?
In the mid nineteenth century, the government was anxious to know of new country suitable to be opened up for pastoral leases or mining. Before John MacDouall Stuart successfully traversed the continent, many other early explorers had attempted the treacherous route. The harsh, hot and dry conditions and lack of food and water usually got the better of them, and they had to turn back. The South Australian Government, who at the time were in charge of the Northern Territory, offered a $4000 reward for the first man to find an access route from Adelaide to the North Coast of Australia.
John McDouall Stuart was born in 1815 in Dysart, Scotland. He studied engineering in Glasgow and at the age of 23, sailed to Australia, arriving in 1839. His first venture in exploration was as a draughtsman on Captain Charles Sturt’s expedition in 1844, where the goal was to reach the centre of Australia. So little was known about the Centre then, that Charles Sturt even took a boat on this journey, thinking the centre of Australia was an inland sea! Charles Sturt’s journey, discovered many new landmarks, but lack of water kept him from the centre.
John McDouall Stuart made his first attempt at traversing the continent in 1859 and again in 1860, each time getting a little farther north. His third and final expedition left Adelaide in October 1861, and 9 months later in July 1862 he finally reached the Northern coast.
Stuart had achieved what his rivals, Robert O’hara Bourke and William Wills could not, after having both lost their lives in November 1861 whilst trying to find their way from south to north to win the same $4000 reward as John McDouall Stuart.
Stuart’s health had suffered that badly from years of inadequate food, bad water and harsh conditions, that he arrived back into Adelaide on a stretcher hung between two horses. Stuart’s courage, persistence, discipline and careful judgement took him and his companions into miles of unknown territory and back again with no lives lost, however after the last journey his own health never recovered.
Upon his return to Adelaide, he was awarded the $4000 which was not enough to retire on, and in the last years of his life he returned to work as a surveyor. He sailed to London to publish his journals, and died four years after his momentous journey in 1866. Stuart’s explorations were some of the most important for Australia. The route for the Overland Telegraph line became a reality, and what followed because of its construction, really kick-started the development of Central Australia, and in fact the whole Northern Territory.”


Casual, comfortable, delicious. Built in 1855 and located on a five acre estate. Listed in the National Register of Historic Places, a truly memorable dining experience.
The Stone House celebrates Wisconsin's heritage of comfort foods. Dinners commemorate the pioneers and settlers prominent in Wisconsin's history. Dining in one of the six antique-filled parlors is a trip into the past.
The Stable Grill, a restored horse stable, is connected by tunnel, features Wisconsin tap beers, wines, and casual dining in the hay lofts. Dinners commemorate the original settlements in the area. Friday fish fry and Saturday prime rib. Entertainment on weekends.


During Vietnam, the M-65 field jacket was issued to soldiers. Now, civilians can wear this tough infantry classic too -- whether for fashion, function or to preserve memories of military service. This vintage field coat features a concealed hood, draw-cords for the waist, hood and hems to preserve warmth and dryness. The hunting coat’s brass zipper and snapping fasteners look fantastic while keeping out the elements. The army jacket’s bi-swing back ensures unrestrained movement. For extra protection add the M-65 liner.
• This jacket has a loose fit so we recommend ordering 1-2 sizes smaller than your typical size.
• Get your authentic M-65 field jacket in olive, black, camouflage, navy or khaki.
• Warmth is unrivaled with this vintage field coat, containing buttons for a liner attachment and waist, hood/bottom hem draw-cords
• Look great and stay comfortably dry with the heavy brass zippered front closure and snapping fasteners on our hunting coat
• This workhorse army jacket is wind/tear resistant, made from a 50% cotton and 50% nylon blend for water repelling resistant
climates ranging 25F to 40F
The M-65 field jacket was first introduced in the late 1960s as an upgrade to the M-51 and M-43 field jackets that had been used in the Korean and Second World War by the Army. The improvements included the built-in hood that rolled and hid in the collar, two shoulder epaulets, extra pockets for carrying equipment, cargo, and accessories, and the brass zipper which replaced the button up style beforehand – allowing soldiers to quickly and effortlessly close and open their jackets for easy access. The M-65 field jacket also had Velcro on both cuffs in case the soldier wanted to roll up his sleeves. The detachable liner allowed soldiers to adjust the jacket based on the fluctuating temperatures. The field coat was used a lot in the Vietnam War and there the days were warm but the nights were much colder. Alpha was one of the first to produce the M-65 in 1966 and we went on to produce them for the government through 1990. Alpha made the first M-65 for the commercial market in the 1970s and by the 1990s they were available in a variety of colors. Today we still make the M-65 as well as modern variations of the vintage field coat from the war days.
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Time runs out, leaving his trail at the scene. The place is always intertwined with the people who lived in the past, who worked in it, inhabit it today, but they will continue to live and work for him in the future.
The choice of the name AMVRELIA for our products was not accidental.
Originating from the beautiful city of Arta, which was founded on the ancient city of Amvrakia. So we decided to base our product's name on of the history of our homeland.
Amvrakia in antiquity was one of the most important cities of Greece, it was built on the river Arachthos in the same place as today's Arta.
It was the most important colony of the Corinthians in northwestern Greece. The name Amvrakia, according to mythology, origins from Amvrakas, son of Thesprotus. Another theory is that it came from Amvrakia, daughter of the king of Dryopes Melania.


Feira dos 27
Local: São Torcato
The biggest and more spectacular manifestations of popular religiosity and devotion to St. Torcato are patented in the Pilgrimages held in his honor. In number of three, there is three distinct festivities, whose dates were established in the XIX century.
The Feira dos 27 (in Portuguese), in February, is a liturgic festivity that celebrates the death of Martyr Saint Torcato Félix. This date was settled in 1963, at Breviário Bracarense of D. Rodrigo da Cunha, in February 26th, based on the Cronicões that identified St. Torcato as Torcato Félix, Bishop of Oporto, Braga and Dume. In the last reform of the Braga’s rite, this identification was kept, but festivities were changed to February 27th.
This particular tradition attracts thousands of people to St. Torcato, specially cattle producers from several localities in the north of the country that participate in the livestock contest.


Check back often for any updates.
Each year we honor, celebrate, or remember certain important dates. We hold ceremonies to commemorate many of them, with the dates sometimes varying depending on when they fall. Check our newsletter and calendar for details.
- Four Immortal Chaplains (ceremony near the actual date of February 3)
- Robert V. McMaugh's Birthday - February 22, 1962
- Founding of The American Legion - March 15 - 17, 1919
- Post Everlasting (ceremony normally held during April membership meeting)
- Memorial Day (ceremony at noon on last Monday in May)
- Flag Day (ceremony on June 14)
- U.S. Army Birthday - June 14, 1775
- Independence Day (July 4)
- U.S. Coast Guard Birthday - August 4, 1790
- U.S. Air Force Birthday - September 18, 1947
- POW/MIA Recognition Day - third Friday in September (ceremony at 8 p.m.)
- U.S. Navy Birthday - October 13, 1775
- U.S. Marine Corps Birthday - November 10, 1775
- Veterans Day - November 11 (ceremony at 11 a.m.)
There are several local events that we traditionally participate in:
- Manassas St. Patrick's Parade
- Manassas Fall Jubilee (normally early October)
- Greater Manassas Christmas Parade (usually first Saturday in December)
There are several others in which our involvement varies from year to year, such as an open house at the Manassas Airport, ceremony at the McCoart Building for Armed Forces Day, etc. As always, the newsletter and calendar will be your best source of current information.


HOLY NAME CATHOLIC CHURCH
100th ANNIVERSARY, 1914-2014
Holy Name Parish was established on September 11, 1923, a time when the city of Toronto was rapidly expanding eastward beyond the Don River. An eight-room Catholic school had already been built just south of the Danforth in 1912. The next logical step, taken with the support of Archbishop Neil McNeil, was to build a church. A provisional chapel was erected and the first mass was celebrated there on October
5, 1913, with 275 people in attendance.
It would fall to Holy Name’s founder and first resident pastor, Father Michael Cline, to undertake the hard work of parish organization and construction. Both Father Cline and the archdiocese had great plans for Holy Name, and by August of 1914, construction of a proper church had begun. But world events conspired to interrupt the building. In the same month that work began on the church, World War I was declared,
and construction of Holy Name was put on hold as workmen all over the city enlisted in the army. Nevertheless, three months after the beginning of the war on November 14, the great cornerstone,
(which can still be seen to the left of the front doors of the church) was laid during a ceremony attended by 3000 people and performed by 35 priests. The new church was named by Farther Cline as a monument
to the holy name of Jesus.
For the next six years, Holy Name parish grew rapidly. Masses were celebrated in the only part of the church that was complete- the basement- but it soon became clear that a bigger church and a parish hall
were needed. In November, 1921, a hall was completed, with full kitchen facilities and modern heating, able to accommodate 600 people.
The construction of the main church was completed in 1926 and the doors solemnly opened and were blessed on March 14 of that year. The new church was designed in the style of Santa Maria Maggiore (St. Mary Major) in Rome and was built of stone imported from Indiana. Over the main doors the statement that motivated its founders was engraved: “In nomine Jesu omne genu flectatur”- “At the name of Jesus, every
knee shall bend” (Philippians 2:10).
Holy Name continued to be a centre of Catholic community life on the Danforth throughout the Great Depression and World War II. Father Cline became Monsignor Cline and remained at Holy Name until his
death in 1947. His successor, Father Leo Smyth, remained pastor until 1979, and oversaw additions to Holy Name School in 1949, 1957, 1961 and 1968 to accommodate the rapidly expanding young Catholic
population along the Danforth.
Father Smyth and the congregation of Holy Name welcomed waves of new immigrants to Canada during those years. Masses in Italian were celebrated at Holy Name until, with Father Smyth‘s help, the Italians of the Danforth were able to establish their own parish, St. Catherine of Siena. This tradition of vibrant diversity continues today at Holy Name with the presence of the African Catholic community, as well as parishioners who hail from the Caribbean, the Philippines, India and Latin America, enriching the founding communities of Irish, Scottish and English Canadians who were the mainstay of parish life in the early years.
With the inauguration of Vatican II in 1963, Holy Name was caught up in the sweeping changes that were implemented to revitalize every aspect of the life of the Church. In 1967, a new altar was positioned so that the celebrant could face the congregation during Mass. The organ and choir were moved from the gallery on the second floor to the main floor to encourage congregational singing. The side altar became the
repository of the Blessed Sacrament, and the Communion railing was removed. Alterations
in the liturgy and the greater participation of the laity were long-term innovations that changed how the people of lived and worshipped in their Parish.
Today, as we celebrate the 100th anniversary, with the guidance of the priest from the Congregation
of Holy Cross, Holy Name continues to encourage it’s parishioners to build upon their faith. Ultimately, the ambition of Holy Name Parish in 2013 is to confront with faith, hope and humility the challenges facing the
Church in this generation, and to pass on a rich,Christ–centred, community- oriented heritage to the next generation. In 1927, Monsignor Cline wrote that Holy Name required “the close attention and fostering care
of ardent friends.” As we celebrate the 100th anniversary, that statement remains just as true as it was at the beginning of the life of our parish.
Upcoming 100th Anniversary Events
Please mark on your home calendars
March 2, 2014 Pancake Breakfast at 11:00 a.m. organized by the Scouts
May 28, 2014 at 7:30 pm - Holy Name Choir Concert in the church
June 14, 2014 11 am - 3 pm - Holy Name Parish BBQ at Holy Name School 690 Carlaw Ave.
September 28, 2014 11 am - Closing Mass with Cardinal Collins followed by reception in the church hall
October 17, 2014 - Fundraising Gala at Ellas Banquet Hall 35 Danforth Road - Key Note Speaker: Sr. Susan Moran, OLM Founder of Out of the Cold program in Toronto


The Knackers Guild
Organization of Labor: Guilds
Different kinds of economic activity led to distinctly different kinds of guilds. In typical medieval style, people at the time only spoke of “greater” and “lesser” guilds, which might or might not be formally recognized in the City Council. Some guilds were recognized as being “better,” by which was meant that they dealt with a better sort of client, the work itself was more skilled, and so on. This division is too broad and vague to be useful to the historian; it’s useful only if you happen to be living in the town at the time. So here is another way to group the guilds, along with some comments on significant differences between them.
This means pretty much the same thing it does today: trades that do things rather than make things. Barbers, doctors, teachers, notaries, all these were service trades. Because they were, certain aspects of guild life were rather different. For example, demand was relatively constant, so they tended to keep a stable number of apprentices and journeymen. There was no masterpiece to produce, but the bathhouse keepers of Augsburg, for example, did have to pass an Examen before receiving mastership.
There were any number of odd service trades peculiar to a location. For example, Venice had tourist guides. The city was not so much as tourist destination as an entrepôt for the many pilgrims going to the Holy Land. Ever since the 13th century the city had licensed tour guides operating. While this wasn’t quite a guild, it is an example of the economic diversity of towns.
Most crafts did their own retailing, but there were a few trades that sold and did not produce. Grocers are one example, innkeepers another (though many did brew their own beer). Apothecaries likewise sold but did not make, even though some did mix chemicals and herbs.
As with the service trades, demand here tended to be inflexible and that conditioned labor relations as well as potential for wealth. Occasionally we find a businessman who owned more than one dry goods store or multiple inns, but costs went up as well and the opportunities for great wealth simply didn’t exist in this sector. On the other hand, it was hard to go broke.
Here is where most of the great merchants made their fortune.
There wasn’t much of this, but in the early modern period we do start to see shops that had dozens or even scores of workers. Mining was another area that had many employees. There was no miners guild, but rather certain skills in the process might be organized into guilds.
The most prestigious of the guilds were those that dealt in expensive materials and sold to wealthy clients. The fineness of the material, whether in metal or cloth or wood, combined with the social position of the customer base, naturally elevated the status of the craftsman himself. Goldsmiths (which usually included silver as well) were universally of high status. The confectioners guild (in some places a separate guild) was always of higher status than ordinary bakers. Joiners had higher status than carpenters. This had an effect on lesser guilds, too. A shoemaker who made shoes in fine leathers and velvets held higher status thereby, even though he remained in the shoemaker’s guild.
Expenses were high in such guilds, however, and in hard times they could find themselves pressed for work. It was entirely possible to go bust as a goldsmith, especially when your noble clients failed to pay.
Most of what we would call unskilled labor was not organized into guilds. Petty retailing is one area: rag sellers, fishmongers, that sort of thing. Carters were never organized as a guild (that is, those who carried things about town on a cart).
The usual picture of guilds portrays them as hopelessly backward, obsessed with preserving the status quo, and quite unsuited to economic expansion. The implication behind the picture is that guilds had to be got out of the way. Indeed, there is some evidence for this, as we see merchants and even workers increasingly looking for ways to work outside the guild structure. Even so, this doesn’t mean that the guilds did not play a vital economic role, or that this role was always negative.
In many guilds, labor demand was relatively constant. In fact, some guilds went so far as to limit the number of journeymen a single master could employ. In other crafts, however, demand was highly variable. A good example can be found in the construction trade, with the joiners or carpenters, for example. They might need one assistant this month, but a project next month might require a half dozen. The masters needed a place they could go to find workers, and the journeymen needed a place to go where they could find potential jobs.
In Germany, this place was the Herberg. This was a building, sometimes built or bought specially by the guild, sometimes just an inn that served the function, where jobs were posted and journeymen could reside. When a journeyman came to town, he was obliged to report to the Herberg and take jobs only there. Similarly, masters were required to do all their hiring there.
From Apprentice to Master
Guilds provided their own training system in the form of apprenticeship and journeying. The nature, extent, and strictness varied greatly from one guild to another and over time, and few generalizations will hold across time, place and guild. Think of the following description as an abstract line drawn through a wide scattering of points on a graph. If it intersects a specific point, it does so largely by coincidence.
Apprenticeship was the time spent with a specific master when one was still a child. This was a formal agreement between two families, almost like a marriage, and was governed by a contract. The boy (it was usually a boy, though girls could be apprenticed into some trades) would be sent into the household of the master for a period of some few years, with the agreement that the boy would serve and obey the master during those years, in exchange for which he would be taught the craft.
Terms varied. The usual age of apprenticeship was seven to ten years old, though it could be as late as twelve. The length of service might be only a couple of years, but might be as long as four or five. The contracts usually stipulated some parameters and bases for breaking the agreement. The boy was not to run away and return home. He was to be obedient. The master was obliged first and foremost to teach the craft and not use the boy merely as a servant (this, indeed, was one of the more common complaints in apprenticeship disputes). He was not to be abusive and beat the child without cause
Apprenticeship might be fairly impersonal. It was not at all the case that every boy followed in his father’s footsteps, and sons could be apprenticed into other trades. If a family could afford it (apprenticeship contracts always involved payment of a fee or stipend), a non-tradesman could hope to apprentice his son into a craft and thereby improve his family’s fortunes. But apprenticeship also frequently happened within a craft, and there the agreement was also a form of alliance between families. It was not at all unusual for a boy to be apprenticed to an uncle or other relative.
At some point, usually in the teen years, the apprenticeship contract was over. It could happen that a boy served more than one apprenticeship, with contracts of shorter duration. But there came the day when a decision was made: could he enter the craft? For, not all who trained were automatically skilled enough or were otherwise deemed acceptable. Assuming the boy was, however, the master now gave to the youth a letter of introduction. He was judged capable to practice the craft, and the letter was addressed to other masters, sometimes generally and sometimes to specific towns. The youth was now a journeyman.
If there is anyone in the medieval craft guild process that could be called a “worker” in the modern sense, it would be the journeyman. He was hired by a master, who was the owner of the business, and was paid a wage for his work. The master did not have a contractual relationship, as he did with the apprentice, even though a journeyman might work for a master for a number of years. The journeyman was an employee and nothing more.
For the journeyman, the years spent in this status were in part a finishing school, where he could learn more about his craft, improving his skill to the point where he could qualify for mastership himself. In many, though not in all, cases he really did journey, and so learned techniques from more than one master, in more than one town, making business contacts along the way. As importantly as any skill, the journeyman also selected his future home and found a wife, for few guilds would allow unmarried masters.
In fact, one hallmark of early modern guilds was their exclusivity. This had not always been the case. Medieval records are spotty, but it seems clear that from the later 1400s guilds all across Europe became increasingly restrictive. They made it easier for the sons of guildsmen to become master than for the sons from other crafts, and for the sons of citizens to become masters. They did this by adjusting entry fees, putting additional demands on outsiders, and by setting quotas and then filling from their own ranks first.
Once the Reformation came along, admission to the guild gained an additional wrinkle: religious affiliation. Some guilds were heavily Catholic while others were Lutheran or Reformed. As one Augsburg journeyman joiner complained, it was possible to be entirely qualified for mastership and yet be denied simply because no woman from the Protestant guild would marry a Catholic journeyman. He couldn’t find a wife and therefore couldn’t become master.
For whatever reason—social, religious or economic—more and more journeymen in the 16th and 17th centuries were finding themselves closed out of mastership. They were becoming a permanent underclass within the guild system: adults forever in the employ of another with no hope of attaining mastership and setting up their own shop. They tried switching careers (not every guild was equally exclusive), but they also found there were industries where there were no masters. Guilds did not control every craft in every community, and especially fromt the 17th century onward some communities found they could foster growth by freeing this or that craft from guild control. It is too soon to talk yet of free enterprise, but there were clearly problems in the older, medieval system, and there were clearly attempts to find ways around the roadblocks.
With wholesale merchants there were no shoes or cabinets being made, but there was still a craft to be learned. It was learning the family business, for apprenticeships here was nearly always within the family or with business partners. And with merchant guilds, there were no journeymen. Once the apprenticeship was served, the youth was simply placed somewhere in the family business.
Specific Industries: Rural
The first thing that springs to mind when talking about non-agricultural occupations in the village is the village smith, but a good many other crafts could be found as well. The miller was one, though technically that’s not a manufacturing trade. Shoemakers could be found everywhere, though they might be only cobblers (that is, engaged in the repair of shoes but not the making of new ones). It should be kept in mind, too, that villages came in all sizes and could be quite large. A large one might have its own bakery, carpenter, and so on.
Not all villages were engaged in the same agricultural activities. One on the sea coast might be devoted to fishing, another might be devoted to raising dairy cattle, while another might be among vineyards or olive orchards. Each of these required special manufacturers who might be resident in the village.
Two trades that could be found in or near villages of any size were those of the smith and the miller. A good many peasants milled grain by hand in their own home, but mills were to be found everywhere, often in the hands of a local lord. A mill required substantial capital investment: the building was large and required specialized construction for both the mill itself and for the waterwheel (or, more rarely, the windmill). The millstones themselves were manufactured items, often imported from some distance, and required much skill. There were two stones, one above and one below, specially cut so the grain was moved outward as it was milled. The stones could be quite large, several feet in diameter, and of course were very heavy. The gears that drove the stones were likewise carefully crafted, imported, and expensive.
The investment for a smithy could be much less. Certain ironworks were large, with multiple ovens and forges, specialized procedures, and many workers, but in a village it could be as small as a single man operating a single bellows. This sort of smith might also be a farmer, unable to live off the smithy alone.
Weaving was an increasingly important rural industry, especially for the poorer sort of peasant. We hear something of this in our phrase “cottage industry”. This was such an important development, it deserves separate treatment.
Mining enjoyed a boom in our period, mainly in central and eastern Europe. Not only were new mines opened, new techniques were developed as well, allowing deeper mines. In addition, and somewhat related, new techniques of financing brought about a transformation of the industry itself.
By ancient tradition, it was the state that owned natural resources, and this included what was under the ground. This right took precedence over any ownership, so that if an ore were discovered, it could be worked, even if it were in the middle of someone’s farm or estate.
The usual arrangement was that the right to work the mine was leased by an entrepreneur who specialized in mining. He paid the king or other prince an annual fee, and in exchange he exploited the mine and sold whatever he could.
A major source for information on mining techniques comes from Agricola, who published "" in 15xx. Not only did he describe processes, he also illustrated them, giving us a rare look into the details of mining.
Silver was far more important than gold as currency. There were few gold mines in Europe, but there were a number of silver mines, and there were some new discoveries in the course of the 16th century. These fueled a minor resurgence in silver coinage in the early 16th century. These were starting to play out, though, when the huge discoveries in the New World were made. The amount of silver coming from the mines at Potosí in Bolivia dwarfed the combined production of all European silver mines, and that industry more or less collapsed in the 17th century. Mining of precious metals was never significant afterward.
This became more important in our period, for two reasons: princes began using it for coinage, both as copper coins and alloyed with other metals; and armies were using copper in their cannons.
In a number of cases, princes handed over their mines to entrepreneurs, in payment of debts. The prince retained the mine itself, but the entrepreneur got the income for a fixed number of years. He also got the operating rights and if the mine became more profitable, he could keep the difference.
The main centers of copper production were the Tyrol, Hungary, and Thuringia. In the 17th century, Sweden too.
Iron cannons superseded copper in the later 1600s. The same happened with copper housewares, as iron was cheaper.
Iron was mined mostly from the surface or from very shallow shafts. The limiting factor here as in other mining was the height of the water table. Once water was hit, mining pretty much stopped.
Lead was starting to be used in roofing. It was in huge demand for armaments, but was also used for piping and other materials. Like iron, it was mined from surface shafts and was smelted nearby, as tranport costs were otherwise prohibitive. In the 16th century they developed bellows that were driven by watermills, which allowed hotter, more even-burning smelters and improved yield.
Lead mining was important in England, where it had been mined off and on since the days of the Romans.
This one was fundamental. Everyone wears clothes (very few nudist colonies in the Reformation era!), which means that the textile industry was as basic to the economy as was the growing of food. It was by far the largest industry, both in terms of wealth generated and in terms of number of people employed.
The most common cloth was wool, followed by linen and silk.
Need to say something about Spanish wool and the Mesta, and about the centers of sheep-raising, and processing.
England was a major source of wool. Spain was the other. Sheep were raised elsewhere, of course, but in far smaller numbers and largely for local markets.
The Putting-Out System
The process was straightforward, though there were endless variations. A merchant bought wool from a sheep farmer, then took the wool to peasants in the countryside where it was spun into cloth. The merchant gathered up the woven cloth and sold it to processors who finished and dyed it. That cloth was in turn sold to a variety of industries, including tailors, who turned it into clothing.
The practice of having peasants do the spinning and weaving was old—14th century, at least—but only in the 16th century did it become so widespread as to be called a “system”. Especially in woolens, it was the dominant form of cloth production right through the Reformation era. It was most common in Germany, Italy, east and northern France, and southern England, but examples can be found elsewhere.
The system developed in part because of improvements in the mobilization of capital—the system depended on good use of credit at almost every step—and on a change in clothing habits.
The keystone of the system was the urban merchant, the only one with sufficient capital resources and access to distribution channels.
Silk comes from silkworms, which live in mulberry trees, a plant that was not native to Europe. Tradition says the secret of making silk came to the Byzantine Empire in the reign of the Emperor Justinian and to Italy some time later. By our period, silk was extremely popular and extremely expensive. Not only was it a beautiful cloth, it took bright colors far better than wool and it required much labor, all of which combined to keep silk a cloth of the wealthy.
The silkworm larvae spin the incredibly fine thread around themselves for several days, creating a single thread around a thousand yards long. To get at the thread, the cocoons are boiled to kill the larvae and then thread is hooked straight from the vat and pulled out onto wooden wheels. A single strand is too fine, so it’s wound with anywhere from three to seventy other strands to make a single thread of silk. That’s the stuff that can be dyed.
Modern techniques can speed the process up a bit, but silk is still made from the cocoons of silkworms, which still have to be undone and then wound into thread, so silk remains labor-intensive and expensive. In the early modern period, only a handful of centers had the resources for making silk, for they had to have the climate for the mulberry trees, the knowledge and resources for dyeing silk, and the skilled craftsmen for turning the threads into cloth. Northern Italy held a few such centers, as did southern France. Huguenot silk workers were among the refugees who fled France and settled in Holland during the French Wars of Religion.
Linen was made from flax, a plant that requires fairly elaborate treatment to get it into a cloth. The plant is pulled up by the roots and left on the ground to dry. The heads of the plant are then pulled off (the seeds yield linseed oil); it’s the stem that’s needed. Bundles of the stems were tossed into a stagnant pond where the outer parts rotted away (takes a week or two), then they’re laid out for another week. The rather messy result is strung up to dry.
The outer portions of the stems have pretty well rotted away by now, but the fibers of the stem have to be separated without being broken. This is done by beating them with a mallet! The useless portions fall away (the plants are still hanging) and what’s left are the fibers. These are combed with a hackle—a kind of rough comb—and only the long fibers are retained. These are dampened and spun into the finished yarn, which in turn gets woven into linen.
As you can see, there’s ample room in the process for cutting corners, for getting the timing right (or wrong). The result was that there were many different qualities of linen, and those towns that had a reputation for making fine linen policed their production assiduously.
Fustian is a blend of linen and cotton, sometimes with wool as well. Depending on the combinations, the fabric can have a variety of textures, but one particular type is denim. Germany was one center, but fustian production could be found all over Europe.
Industry in the Countryside
There were other kinds of industries in the countryside that were not associated with villages and farming. Two of the most important of these were smelting and woodcutting. Smelters were sited in or near forests because of their voracious demand for charcoal. Woodcutters were “independent contractors,” working off permits from local lords and selling the trees to lumbermen who took them off to sawmills. Since the trees belonged to the lord, he got most of the profit, and a woodcutter was a stock figure of poverty in folk tales.
Specific Crafts: Shoemakers
The shoemakers of Augsburg were craftsmen who made shoes. Yeah, I know: obviously. But the statement is actually significant, for it meant two related things: one, the members of the Shoemakers Guild did not repair shoes, they only made new ones; and two, others were not allowed to make new shoes. This specifically included the cobblers (Schuhflickern) within the city, but it also included non-citizens and particularly rural shoemakers.
There was a constant tension between the Shoemakers Guild and rural shoemakers, cobblers or otherwise, for an urban population is not static nor is a rural population, for that matter. People moved back and forth for a variety of reasons, and sooner or later this involved someone whose forebear had been a citizen, or who had learned shoemaking from a citizen, and so on. We know about these people because of their petitions to the City Council after their application to the Guild had been rejected.
The tension here can be documented across many guilds and across many towns. The general pattern (with many variations) was in the direction of greater control over rural production and commerce by the larger towns. The merchants and leading citizens supported and directed this move, which can be traced back to the later 15th century, but the common craft guilds supported it as well.
Shoemaking involved first the purchase of leather, and specifically with new leather. The key distinction between shoemaker and cobbler was that the former was authorized to work only with new leather, while the latter was authorized to work only with used leather. So a cobbler could make shoes; he just couldn’t make them of new leather. In addition, shoemakers were authorized to make other leather goods, such as wine sacks. This, too, is typical of medieval craft guilds: even seemingly specialized crafts (e.g., needlemakers) in fact made a surprising variety of objects, though normally of same or similar materials. For example, shoemakers also dealt in fine cloths, with which they made the uppers for expensive shoes.
More than any of the other guilds here considered, the shoemaker fits the stereotype of a craft guild. The shoemaker’s home was usually also his shop, and his shop was also his retail outlet, though some did have a stall at a local market. Some shoes were ready-made (and they were straight: making a left shoe and a right shoe was a rare skill), while others were made to order by wealthy customers.
Shoemaking was not a very difficult skill to master, so there was little need for extended apprenticeships. Demand, however, was pretty inflexible, and there was a slow but steady increase in the number of journeymen in proportion to the number of masters. This created tensions between journeymen and masters, which eventually led to a pretty widespread rebellion in 1725 among journeymen shoemakers. Today we would call it a strike. While there wasn’t anything like a union or even an organization, some journeymen did correspond and try to coordinate their demands. But that incident lies beyond the boundaries of our course.
Joiners joined wood and did not use nails. They either joined wood by mortice and tenon joints, or else by using glue. You might call joiners cabinet makers, but they made a greater range of objects than that, from small boxes to desks to chests and armoires. Joiners also did fine detail work on buildings, such as window frames or ceilings. They tended to work in fine woods, and the definitely did not do the sorts of things carpenters did.
Joiners might have two workplaces. If they were making something portable and free-standing, they had a shop, but very often they did their work on a construction site, because they were installing something or building windows or ceiling work. Their most important possession, therefore, was not so much the shop as it was their tools. This included the somewhat esoteric business of making and using different kinds of glues.
Comparison with the shoemakers illustrates how the nature of the craft directly affected the social standing of the craftsman. While some shoemakers might make very fancy shoes, this was still minor compared to making an armoire or a hope chest, both in skill and in the cost of the materials. Especially with fine furniture, they tended to work on contract to produce specific pieces, rather the same way a goldsmith or an artist would. This brought them into closer contact with their wealthy customers, which also tended to enhance their prestige.
Labor relations were different, too. A joiner’s shop tended to be larger, requiring more tools and larger workspace. It also tended to be more of a shop and less of a retail outlet for walk-in customers. Because a joiner could get a large contract, he might have a sudden need for three or five or even more workers for the space of a few days or weeks. To meet this need, the guild ran a kind of employment service. Each day a representative of the guild would announce work available and would connect workers with masters. Masters were not allowed to hire except through this service, which verified (in theory) that all the workers were properly-qualified journeymen.
Medieval barbers did more than just cut hair. They also were surgeons and they also pulled teeth and performed bleeding. They got into these other lines of work mainly because they already had scissors and knives. Barbers also tended to serve in the town militia as field surgeons.
Barbers worked out of their own shop, but this guild was quite different from either the joiners or the shoemakers because the barbers didn’t make anything. They were a skilled service trade, like being a car mechanic. If a barber had any assistants it might be a single apprentice and a single journeyman.
The guild couldn’t regulate the quality of materials or the quality of production, but it did try to regulate the skills. Every applicant to the guild had to pass an exam, given by fellow masters. Surgical skills, in particular, were not only important, since life and limb might be at stake, but required a knowledge of human anatomy and of surgical tools and techniques.


Who came before us
brief history of literary and music salons
Fraternity . . . and Billiards!
From the Italian Renaissance on, salons
spread across Europe and to England, and
with them, a code of behavior. Egalitarianism,
politeness and honor were its three pillars.
Some historians debate, as you may well
have guessed, whether these ideals were
always followed and to what extent. What
is not in doubt is that salons focused on
ideas, as well as the arts and literature.
And if billiards were your thing and you
lived in Paris in the 1770s, you may have
aspired to an invitation from the Remy family
who hosted a salon which combined this popular
game with music and, for good measure, supper.
Also not in doubt is that these cultural
salons brought together an unlikely mix
of participants who would debate ideas and
our salon there is no parade of celebrities.
People of various professions,
generations and classes simply assemble
here. They are people who participate in
intellectual and in literary life or who
wish to do so. Art lovers.
Rahel Varnhagen, German intellectual and
Berlin Salonniere, 1820 through 1833
the European salon was a 16th century Italian
invention and did spread throughout most
European nations, it was only in France
where they flourished uninterrupted for
nearly two centuries. It was in France where
a clear tradition of salon gatherings was


The images uncover fascinating new information about the composition of armor that ranges from the Kamakura period (1185-1333) to the Edo period (1615-1868). X-ray images show the varying densities of the materials within each piece, consequently offering new insights about the concealed skill and ingenuity of the armorers. As history confirms, it was this quality and craftsmanship of the interior that ultimately meant the difference between life and death for the noble warrior. The Samurai Collection, the permanent home of the armor, is located in the HARWOOD District of Dallas, Texas.
A collective global audience of 1.25 million people from eight major cities have viewed objects from the collection in the traveling exhibition, “SAMURAI: Japanese Armor from the Ann and Gabriel Barbier-Mueller Collection.” This major showcase of 140 samurai pieces made its most recent impressive and careful jaunt from the Centro Cultural Palacio de La Moneda in Santiago, Chile, to the Denver Art Museum.
The Samurai Collection would like to extend sincere thanks to the staff of Brookhaven College of Radiologic Sciences Program. Their generous and extensive assistance made “Samurai: Inside the Armor” possible.


We have a rather large number of castles (and forts, too) round here in North Wales - all of them in various states of repair and lots of them are under 30 car minutes away from my little B&B. The reasons for all these fortifications and defence buildings are as numerous as the sites themselves.
There are hill forts dating as far back as the Iron Age (on Anglesey/on the Llyn Peninsula as well as in Snowdonia) and we're not entirely sure why there here and who did what in them, but they're on beautiful and strategically clever sites, ideal for walks.
On the right - the impressive huge Iron Age fort on Yr Eifl called Tre'r Ceiri dating back to around the second century AD - worth the cimb!
On the left - a well hidden and rather well preserved early settlement from when the Romans left Britain (around middle of the fourth century) near Moelfre called Din Lligwy .
Then there are the fairly well maintained Welsh Castles that Edward I built along the coastline to defend 'his' land against the Welsh as he's conquered Wales in the 13th century and wanted English immigrants to settle in towns, which he fortified with big castles.
These days the buildings are looked after by Cadw and there are big fortresses like Harlech and Conwy (see photo below) where the castles very obviously protect the town. In Conwy you also have a very well maintained medieval town wall that you can walk and from which I took this photo.
Other castles, like Caernarfon (pic here), the place where the Princes of Wales investitures take place, are fortress and ceremonial place in one.
Caernarfon is very different to other castles Edward had built - for example the towers aren't round, but polygonal as you can see in the photo here.
It's only half an hour to get there and it's most definitely worth a visit whether you're into history or just want to tire your children out by making them climb each of the numerous towers.
Edwards final castle - and in actual fact a building ruin as he never completed it (you can kind of tell as the entire place is at the same level) - is Beaumaris Castle on Anglesey. It's got a moat and provides you with lovely views due to its position on the isle.
But the Welsh actually built some of their own castles, Llywelyn the Great, built Dolbardarn Castle as you can see here, which is at the Llanberis Pass, and is a very different kind of fortification - a central heavily fortified keep formed the centre piece and still stands today.
There are over 20 castles nearby all in all. So the ones I've not got photos for or already written about:
11th century fortresses like Castell Aberlleiniog on Anglesey
Castles built by the Welsh themselves: Castell Caergwrle near Wrecsam, Dinas Bran Castle in Llangollen, Castell Dolwyddelan, Castell Ewloe in Flintshire, Castell Gwydir in Llanrwst
More Edwardian castles: Aberystwyth Castle, Chirk Castle, Criccieth Castle, Denbigh Castle, Flint Castle, Holt Castle, Rhuddlan Castle
Bodelwyddan Castle is now mainly used as a Hotel, but dates back to the 17th century originally
Newer ones like Gwrych Castle in Abergele or Penrhyn Castle near Bangor 'only' date back to the 19th century, but are in completely different states of repair.
So you can knock yourselves out if you're into history and ruins ;)


The original part of the Eltermere started life as a farmhouse with a collection of surrounding barns and this dates back as far as the late 1500's.
However in 1756 William Robinson remodelled the property into a more refined country residence from which it now gets its gentrified look without loosing any of the original character.
It remained a private home until the 1950's when it was turned into a country house hotel. It was purchased in September 2008 by Mark and Ruth Jones who are now running it as a family business.
We have re-named it the Eltermere which we think is more fitting with its original origins and gives guests the opportunity to let the Hotel become something for everyone.
Elterwater, Ambleside, Cumbria LA22 9HY
Tel: 015394 37207


Visit one of the last workshops to make horn combs, installed in an old completely refurbished barn 10 minutes from Nontron. Beyond the history of this ancestral art craft, Grégoire and Marguerite invite you to discover the history of proto-industries.
Access to the shop only at the times below.
Attention ! The schedules are established each week for the following week. Please call 09.51.22.94.46
How to come ?


Patterns of Dissemination of the Shito-ryu Shukokai
The “Japanisation” of Karate
This phenomenon describes the influx of concepts from Japan and started even before Karate was popularized in Honshu. The most famed proponent of this rather drastic change of the overall approach to Karate was Itosu Anko. Among others, Itosu was supported by three of his students, namely Kudeken Kenyu, Yabu Kentsu and Hanashiro Chomo, who were enlisted as the first Okinawan soldiers in the imperial army of Japan in 1890 (Wittwer 2007:33). In short, those proponents of the opening of Karate to a broader audience had big influence on the direction, Karate took. Hereby the ties these people had with the educational system of Okinawa and the military of the imperial Japanese army seem to have been especially important (cf.Stadelmann 2010; Stadelmann 2011).
The incorporation of Karate into the Physical Education of Okinawan schools was in this early spread of Karate the major medium to transmit the japanised Karate. A big proportion of the didactics of the modernized Karate was taken from the military physical education (heishiki taiso….). Especially the aforementioned students of Itosu, Yabu and Hanashiro seem to have been highly significant in this didactic shift, which included the introduction of fixed commands, the formalisation of the lessons with compulsory greeting ceremonials according to Japanese conventions, the definition of stances and techniques and the practice of kata in big groups (Stadelmann 2010: 19-21).
The spread of Karate and the Japanese military
In 1910 a karate-presentation for the officers of a ship of the Japanese Marine forces was conducted, when it entered the harbour of Naha, the contemporary capital of Okinawa. The captain of said ship was Yashiro Rokuro and a devoted practitioner of Martial arts, especially Judo, and ordered his officers to practice Karate, more specifically the kata nahanchi… under the supervision of Yabu. This was followed by another course for marine personal in 1912, when Funakoshi Gichin, who was one of the most essential figures in the dissemination of Karate, conducted a course for officers under the command of Dewa Shigeto, who was stationed in Okinawa at the time. Furthermore Kanna Kenwa…. (1877-1950), an Okinawan marine officer in the Japanese Military played a role in the spread of Karate to Tokyo. He vouched for Funakoshi to move to Tokyo in 1922 in order to popularize Karate and recommended to shift the sole focus of Karate from kata to other forms of training and to take Judo and Kendo as role models therefore. Likewise, he also recommended the introduction of competitions, as they were already common in Judo at the time, in order to make the okinawan discipline more accessible to the Japanese public (Fujiwara und Gima 1986:84; OKKJ 2008:413).).
In terms of marketing, public demonstrations were of course important. These proved to be a successful method in Okinawa already and were also the first official representation of Karate at the Japanese main Islands. This took place in 1917, where Funakoshi led a demonstration of Karate in Kyoto and was repeated in 1922, where Funakoshi was sent by the Okinawan Ministry of Education to conduct a further demonstration in Tokyo at an annual sports exhibition (dai ichi undo taiiku tenrankai………), after which Funakoshi settled in Tokyo (OKKJ 2008: 506-507).
As a result of Funakoshi’s demonstration in 1922, he was invited to demonstrate Karate at the Kodokan …, the major location for aficionados of Judo, where he reportedly impressed Kano Jigoro, the founder of Judo, who himself was a very influential person at the time. This led to the circumstance that Karate was enabled to profit from the strong network, the Judo community had built up and Kano is said to have supported other practitioners of Karate, namely Mabuni and Miyagi, to take part in the popularisation at the Japanese main islands. Intense exchange between practitioners of Judo and Karate had the effect that Karate could use the well established networks of the Judo community which spread to the Japanese military, law enforcement, bureaucracy and the universities from which the spread of Karate profited extraordinarily (cf. Wittwer 2007; OKKJ 2008; Fujiwara und Gima 1986) .
Schools and the spread of Karate
Another example for successful lobbying and networking further led to the introduction of Karate in Schools in Okinawa. The first Karate-clubs at okinawan schools were established from the 1890ies onwards and Karate became an official part of the school program at the Okinawa Shihan Gakko……, an institution, where the future teachers of Okinawa were to be educated, in 1902. As official part of the curriculum, Karate was first taught by Itosu in 1901 at the Shuri Jinjo Shogakko……., a primary school. Subsequently, Karate was introduced at several school in Okinawa and the aforementioned Yabu and Hanashiro were among the first and
most influential teachers of Karate at okinawan schools. By 1924, Karate was a compulsory subject at seven schools in Okinawa, whose paradigms mainly followed that of Itosu (cf. Stadelmann 2010).
The main dissemination strategy of Karate in Okinawa, which aimed at its popularisation among the youth, was not continued in Honshu, though. In its early stages Karate was mainly popularized through the foundation of clubs and interest groups at universities.
Hereby the likes of Funakoshi in Tokyo and Mabuni in Osaka were among the most integral persons to further foster this dissemination that started with the initiation of a university-Karateclub at the Keio university in 1922. Furthermore, from 1924 on several Karate-clubs and research societies were founded that secured the institutional and organisational spread of Karate. On a related note, Tani Chojiro, whose role will be presented in more detail afterwards, was familiarized with Karate through one of such early university clubs (cf. Bittmann 2000).
Between the years 1924 and 1935, 7 major universities opened Karate-clubs in Kansai. All of these were either located in Osaka or Kyoto. Among these pioneers of Karate in Kansai was also the Kyoto-based Doshisha university, at which Tani learned Karate under Mabuni (cf. OKKJ 2008).
The emergence of Shukokai
While the Itosu-group laid the foundation to integrate Karate into the modern Japanese martial arts, by introducing it to the school system, it were the likes of Mabuni and Funakoshi who were successful in establishing Karate in Honshu and integrated it into the conventional Japanese martial arts so consistently that Karate was recognized by the Dai Nippon Butoku Kai, the then official board for Japanese martial arts, as Japanese martial art in 1931 (cf. Bittmann 2000).
This finally brings me to the development of Shukokai. Shukokai was founded in the late 1940ies, in a transitional phase, where the old approaches ceased to be feasible and new ones were yet to be realized. Furthermore, martial arts in general were in a severe crisis in Japan since they were prohibited between 1946 and 1952 by the American Military Administration. For Karate this was even a bigger problem, as it was not yet firmly grounded in the Japanese society (cf. Nakamine 1998).
At the beginning of Shukokai stands of course Mabuni Kenwa, the teacher of Tani Chojiro. Mabuni was one of the most important figures in the spread of Karate in Kansai, using similar mechanisms as Funakoshi did in Kanto to popularize Karate.
Mabuni was born in 1889 in the city of Shuri, which was located in Okinawa. He became a student of Itosu at the age of 14. Under Itosu, Mabuni studied shuri-te, which formed the basis for the later Shotokan. On the other hand, Mabuni also learned concepts of naha-te… through Higaonna Kanryo, from the age of 18 onwards and presumably, this will have taken place in a rather traditional fashion. Mabuni was introduced to Higaonna by Miyagi Chojun, the founder Goju-ryu, who also had an important role in the spread of Karate. This acquaintance led to Mabuni’s study of naha-te for about 2 years, while continuing to study shuri-te (cf. Bittmann 2000) .
From 1909-1912 he left Okinawa and was drafted to military service in Kumamoto in the south-west of the Japanese main islands and came accordingly in contact with the same training paradigms, as Yabu did. After returning to Okinawa, he founded the Karate Kenkyukai (Society for the research of Karate) in 1918 to which Yabu and Hanashiro contributed, as well as a variety of different students of Itosu. From 1924 on Mabuni started to teach at two schools in Okinawa, one being the aforementioned Shihan Gakko (the other being the Kenritsu Suisan Gakko), before he founded his own Dojo, as well as the so called Karate Kenkyu Kurabu (Karate Research club) in 1925. As already mentioned, this served to popularize Karate, which was also necessary in Okinawa, as Karate prior to the mid of the 19th century was only taught within the Okinawan nobility (cf. Wittwer 2007). Nevertheless, Mabuni eventually moved to the Japanese main Islands Honshu in 1928, where he was first accommodated in Tokyo, before moving to¨Osaka in 1929. This resulted in Mabuni, teaching Karate at various universities from the 1930ies, the first being the Karate club of the Kansai University, but also at the Doshisha University, where Tani Chojiro was educated. In the following years Mabuni settled down in Osaka, including the opening of a Dojo, the Yoshukan. He continued to teach at his Dojo, a well as at several universities in the Kansai area, until he died in March 23 1952 at the age of 62 in Osaka (cf. OKKJ 2008).
There is some uncertainty, as about when Mabuni started to call his school Shito-ryu. According to the Japanese Okinawa Karate Kobudo Jiten, this happened, when Mabuni founded the Yoshukan. According to the German scholar Heiko Bittman though, the term came into use around 1938. What is not argued though is that Mabuni built the foundation for a variety of big Karate organisations, on of these being the Shito-ryu Shukokai (cf Bittmann 2000; OKKJ 2008).
Tani Chojiro and the emergence of Shito-ryu and Shukokai [Please keep in mind that this part of the unpublished talking notes is still fairly rudimentary and proper quotation will be delivered in the final finished paper]
The relationship between the main line of Shito-ryu and Shukokai is a very direct one, whose personification is Tani Chojiro. He was born in 1921. His first direct contact with Karate was at the Doshisha university, where he studied sports physics around the 1940ies. Besides his relation to Karate, Tani also trained Judo and Shinden Fudo-ryu jujutsu and Kobudo. His first Karate teacher was Miyagi Chojun, who did not permanently move to Honshu, but taught Karate until 1942 irregularly at various University-clubs in Kansai, primarily at the Kyoto-based Ritsumeikan University Karate club, where he had been an honorary teacher since 1936, but also at the Doshisha University. As addressed earlier, Mabuni also taught at various universities in Kansai and became the Karate teacher of Tani at the Doshisha in 1940, after Miyagi had reduced his stays in Honshu. Tani studied Karate under Mabuni for ten years and received the Menkyu Kaiden, a formal license to transmit the style by Mabuni in 1949, which resulted in the foundation of the Tani-ha Shito-ryu in 1949.
After his graduation, Tani worked at the taxation office of the Prefecture of Hyogo but quit around 1949, in order to be able to invest more time into Shukokai. In the 1950ies, he became high school teacher for social studies and world history at the Kobe Ikuei Koko ……, which seems to have been more easily combinable with Tani’s ambitions regarding Karate.
Nomenclature in Shukokai
At this point it is due to create some clarity with regards of the nomenclature, in order to prevent misunderstandings with regards of the names of the associations. By the admission of Tani, Tani-ha Shito-ryu describes the personal interpretation of Shito-ryu by Tani. The organisational body, to speak, is Shukokai, which is essentially the institution, that several people formed in order to train Tani-ha. Finally, there is the Gishinkan. While its contemporary role within Shukokai as a more important one than in the 1980ies, when Tani made this statement, it is still valid in that he describes Gishinkan as a „branch organisation“ of Shukokai that formed around Yamada Haruyoshi. Now, especially the non-Japanese listeners might not be aware of the fact that Gishinkan does not only consist of the contemporary Honbu-Dojo, but also of many branch-Dojos and Karate-clubs and form as such some kind of a faction within Shukokai.
With the nomenclature being defined, let me continue with the emergence of Shukokai. The name Shukokai came up in the year 1947 and initially described a group of five people, including Tani, who hold a 5th Dan at the time, as well as Yokoji Eiyu, Sawada Kenji…., Sugiura [ first name has yet to be determined].. and Fukui Yoshihiro… Naturally, after the end of the second World War the circumstances surrounding the foundation of Shukokai were fairly bad. In practice this had two immediate consequences:
First, the training of martial arts was severely restricted and as such, official advertisements or representations were rather difficult. Yamada-sensei added an interesting notion to this problematic in that he stated that the term Shukokai, which means translated something like „Union of friendly relations“ used to conceal the nature of the training as martial arts. A similar solution can be examined with the formation of the Shinai Kyogi, which came up around the 1950ies to disguise
Kendo and subsequently quickly dissolved, when the prohibition of Japanese martial arts ended in the early 1950ies.
The second major factor was simply the lack of infrastructure and training facilities and the group came up with the solution, to train on top of the loading platform of trucks. Naturally, this was only a preliminary solution and in 1948, the group was able to use a multi-purpose hall during noon for practice through the help of Ozawa [ first name has yet to be determined], an old boy from the prestigious Hosei university. This facility was located in Kobe/ Sannomiya and had the big flaw
that it had a concrete floor that heated up very strongly in summer. Even though this facility was far from being ideal, as well, people started to join Shukokai, among them Oda Minoru, who, according to Yokoji was very important in the early stages of Shukokai. This situation significantly improved, when the Shukokai-group could finally use a small Dojo, whose first manager was one of the founding members, Sawada.
An important step for Shukokai in terms of its dissemination, of which public awareness of the organisation is of course an important part, was the first public demonstration of Shukokai in 1949. This took place at a national Judo competition in Kobe and not only involved the demonstration of kata, but also of tameshiwari.
This is an indication for the ban on martial not being executed very severely, as national Judo competitions for instance were already conducted again in 1949.
Two important figures joined Shukokai as well in 1949, namely Fujiwara Katsumi and Fujitani Masatoshi, who at the time already hold a 5th Dan in Judo. According to Yokoji, whose greatest merits for this speech lie in a report of the first years of Shukokai, the aforementioned Kozawa, Oda, Fujiwara and Fujitani formed the basis for the later development of Shukokai until the 1970ies. Yokoji became 2nd Dan in 1949 and was involved in one of the first branches of Shukokai with the foundation of the Higashinada Karate club in Kobe around 1950, with which the institutional spread of Shukokai was set in motion. This resulted in the first official competition of the Tani-ha Shito-ryu Shukokai in 1967 under the participation of 80 competitors. On a side note, the successful spread of Shukokai is indicated by the fact that by the same competition of the year 1986, already 822 people competed.
The foundation of the Gishinkan and Yamada Haruyoshi
This later stage begins the year 1971, when the Gishinkan was founded by Yamada Haruyoshi. And, as Yamada-sensei is naturally an integral figure for this stage, I will begin with some biographical notes. Yamada Haruyoshi was born in 1938 in the prefecture of Akita in Northeast Japan. He started with martial arts in 1953 at the age of 15 with Judo, where he currently holds a 5th Dan from the Kodokan and Goju-ryu. When he was in high-school, he moved to Kansai and finally started to practice under Tani in 1956 at the age 18. After high school, he graduated from the contemporary Kyoto based Meiji University of integrative medicine (Meiji Kokusai Iryoku Daigaku …….., former Meijijudoseifukusenmonkoko), where he studied Judoseifukujutsu….., a Japanese version of chiropractics that developed alongside Judo.
In 1960, Yamada became the person in charge of the Karate training at the Karate-club of the Shinko company and hereby officially started his career as Karate teacher. In 1964, Yamada further became responsible of the training at two further company Karate-clubs, which shows his strong integration into the organisation of Shukokai by the mid of the 1960ies.
Also in the 1960ies fell the foundation of the Amagasaki Karate Kyokai. The Amagasaki Karate Union was founded in 1965 and joined the Amagaski Sports union in 1967. For the foundation of the Amagasaki sports union, Yamada proved to be an important proponent of this organisation whose members were predominately clubs related to Shukokai, but not exclusively. The Amagasaki Karate Union was formed through the union of pre-existing Karate-clubs of Amagaski, including company clubs. Another important foundation in which Yamada had an important role was the initiation of the „corporate Karate association of West-Japan“, in Japanese the Nishi Nihon Jitsugyodan Karate Renmei, which was combined with the corporate Karate association of East-Japan to form the all-Japan corporate Karate association in 1982 and incorporated the Karate union of the Japanese self-defence forces (Jietai Karate renmei) in 1986. The Jitsugyodan is a part of the All-Japan Karate federation, the Japanese branch of the WKF and forms itself one organisational branch of the JKF (……..), besides the student association and the High school association.
Being another major step in the institutional spread of Shukokai, the Gishinkan was founded in 1971. Here, Yamada was the main figure in its foundation. Yamada also stated that the development of Shukokai could be divided into two stages. The fist was one of quantitative growth, and lasted for about ten years, between 1971 and 1981. This is evidenced by the fact that in 1971 Gishinkan was founded with 15 member clubs and overall 250 members, while by 1983, 50 clubs were part of Gishinkan with overall 2.000 members, among them 400 black belts and 80 Instructors.
The strategical focus at this stage lay at the build up of youth education and to integrate the Gishinkan clubs into the local community by being an active part of it. While a direct measurement of the success of these factors is difficult, there are testimonies from the mayor of Amagasaki, in the years 1983 and 1994 available that emphasis the beneficial role of the Gishinkan for the local youth education and the local society. Now these statements were written to celebrate the 10th and 20th
anniversary of Shukokai and are as such to be treated accordingly. They nevertheless show though that the Gishinkan was recognized as an important organisation by the local administration already ten years after its foundation and as such strongly indicate that the Gishinkan succeeded in a good integration into the local community of Amagasaki.
The second stage started in 1981 and is of consolidational nature with an emphasis on qualitative improvements. It was offset with the relocation of the main Dojo of the Gishinkan and a subsequent improved training environment. Furthermore, the integration into the JKF structures was proceeded more strongly through the conduct of and participation at national and international competitions, graduations within the JKF, as well as the participation at JKF Trainer courses. In terms of public presence, this stage was also fairly significant, with several highly recognized demonstrations, among them one in Kobe in 1985 at the Universiade, an international student sports competition, also called the World University Games, and another important one in 1990 in Osaka at the world’s fair 1990; Around the same time, a documentary about the Gishinkan was created by a Japanese TV station, further increasing public recognition. Recognition from the JKF was also
achieved. This is shown by the integration of the Jitsugyodan, whose current president is Yamada, into the JKF and the awarding of the 8th Dan by the JKF to Yamada in 1991. Hereby the big emphasis on youth education that is apparent at least since the 1970ies is retained in the second stage of Gishinkan.
I will only shortly speak about the development of the current overreaching Shukokai organisation that came into existence in 1998 after Tani Chojiro died. This is mainly due to the fact that I have not yet gathered enough empirical data to make sound statements about this phase. A major goal of this organisation was from its very start the spread of Shukokai as well. Of course, the current Shukokai Union is part of the JKF, as well and as such many features of the aforementioned dissemination channels of Shukokai and the Gishinkan apply for this group, as well. As the Shukokai Union is a contemporary organisation though, I am sure that we will hear more on important aspects of it after the lunch.
In this speech I have confined myself to the early stages of Shukokai in Kansai and the development of the Gishinkan. This is mainly due to the available empirical data and constraints in the speaking time. The actual paper that is intended to follow this speech, eventually, will contain more informations on ideological aspects apparent in Shukokai, as well as I intend to look into its internationalisation in more detail, but up to this point, I hope that I could deliver some insights into the development of Shukokai on the basis of a rather approach and am open for questions, as well as comments from here on.
2000 Die Lehre des Karatedo [The teachings of Karatedo]. Ludwigsburg and Kanazawa: Verlag
Fujiwara Ryozo and Gima Shinkin
Kindai Karatedo rekishi o kataru [Talking abut the history of Karate in early modern times].
Tokyo: Baseball Magazine.
1998 The Essence of Okinawan Karate-Do. North Clarendon: Tuttle Publishing.
Die Einführung des Karate an den Schulen Okinawas und seine Popularisierung auf den
Ryukyu-Inseln in der Meiji-Zeit [The introduction of Karate at Okinawan schools and its
popularisation at the Ryukyu-Islands]. Vienna: University of Vienna; Seminar paper.
Aspekte der Verbreitungsgeschichte des Karate. Die Beeinflussung des Karate durch das
Militär zwischen den Jahren 1879 und 1945 [The influence of the Japanese Military on
Karate between 1879 and 1945]. Vienna: University of Vienna; Seminar paper.
Takamiyagi Shigeru, Shinzato Katsuhiko et al.
Okinawa Karate Kobudo Jiten [encyclopaedia of Okinawan Karate and Kobudo]. Tokyo:
2007 Shotokan. Überlieferte Texte. Historische Untersuchungen. Niesky: self published.


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There has been a quarry at Penmaenmawr since Neolithic times. Axe-heads and other implements fashioned from its distinctive stone have been found at archaeological sites throughout the British Isles. There is still much evidence of the thriving axe factory that existed at Penmaenmawr more than 5,000 years ago.
The ancient quarry was replaced by a newer quarry in the
1830’s. In those days Penmaenmawr stone was carried by tramway to loading
jetties on the seashore, from where it was taken by ship to Liverpool and other
major ports, then by canal or road to its final destination. With the coming of
the railway to Penmaenmawr in the 1840’s, the shipping trade fell into a decline
from which it never recovered.
Today, the quarry at Penmaenmawr continues to thrive. The stone is now despatched by rail and road, and it remains universally popular for rail ballast, road building and the making of concrete. Examples of its modern usage include the Mersey Tunnel and the Hamburg By-Pass in Germany.
The gathering the jewels website for Welsh cultural history has interesting items on Penmaenmawr Quarry, Please visit the link below
THE SEARCH FOR MINERALS IN OUR PARISH
Penmaenmawr Historical Society Booklet 1978
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries our small island was the greatest producer of base metals, and largely on this account it led the world in the industrial revolution. Only when richer, and easier-got metal deposits were discovered in other parts of the world did it lose its lead.
In view of the foregoing it is little wonder that the rocks of our parish, in the early period, were thoroughly searched for their possible mineral wealth. The igneous rock forming the Penmaenmawr and its extension eastward in the Graiglwyd mountain, commercially titled as granite, has been successfully exploited for over a century and a half for use as roadstone, railway ballast, as aggregate for the making of concrete and as building-stone. Its quarrying has given steady employment to a labour force rising to its maximum of 1100 before the last war, but, for various causes, today reduced to about 100.
A trench dug into slatey shale below the granite capping the eastern end of the’ Graiglwyd mountain, no doubt, tells of a search for roofing slate. Slate of a commercial quality has often been found underlying a hard bed of rock - as at the slate mines of Ffestiniog. A stones throw east of the parish boundary slate was successfully quarried on Talyfan. The Church-house is roofed with Talyfan slates.
Searches, probably for lead, have been made at the eastern of the two gullies on the face of Llechwedd Fawr (a name omitted from recent Ordnance maps). The gully reaches down to the furthest target of the abandoned rifle-range in the Graiglwyd Cwm. Two levels or drifts were driven into the gully but their entrances are hidden by gravel washed down from above. About 70/80 years ago two local quarrymen extended one of them a couple of yards — it had already penetrated but three yards or so. I was told of this by one of the two men. No doubt the presence of a narrow seam of soft black material running up the gully had prompted these searches.
On, and adjacent to the conical hill that rises between the Penybryn and Bryniolyn farms traces of endeavours to locate metal lodes are numerous. In the Tithe Schedule of 1846 the hill, or rather the rough grazing it provides, is named Ffrith Domenddydd — it should, probably be Ffrith Domenydd. Ffrith indicates an area of rough pasture, and Domenydd stands for mounds — spoil-heaps. There are several such heaps dispersed over the hill.
At its base, and behind the picturesque cottage Cefn-Maen — a name echoing search for metal, a line of beautiful white quartz rock runs up and caps the hill. At the base of this quartz reef the rock has been trenched deeply, and the surface of the rock is traversed by several thin ‘stringers’ of lead or zinc ore.
A few yards below this trenched rock a deep mine shaft has been sunk. I was told by a William Rowlands who died in 1933, an old man of 98 (his father was tenant of Bryniolyn), that men were working down this shaft when he was about 19 years of age. I can remember renewed working there early in the 1900s.
In the uppermost field of the farm named about 50 years back, after heavy rains, a sudden depression brought to light the existence of a level driven into the hillside below the oak wood, Coed-y-gwryl, (to the left of the mountain gate — now a cattle grid). The roof of the tunnel had collapsed.
A couple of spoil heaps can be seen if one descends from the pillars of the Jubilee Walk by following the wall boundary of Penybryn Farm. Similar heaps are to be seen at the western end of Ffrith Gwddwglas, overlooking the Plas Ucha reservoir. They indicate searches for an outcropping metal lode.
The old Local Board, and the succeeding Urban District County in its early years, make use of a gravel-pit at the base of the Moel Lus and opposite the Horeb Chapel. From time to time lumps of lead or zinc ore used to be found; some of these heavy lumps of glistening ore could be seen on a mantelshelf at the Eden Hall offices. They strongly suggest that lodes of these metals are present in the overlooking rocks, and they can well be continuous of the lodes so successfully mined at the Trecastell mine in Llechwedd, some are known to lead in that direction.
Early in the 1850s S.D. Darbishire, a wealthy Manchester solicitor came to reside at Pendyffryn, and soon after his coming he engaged a qualified metal prospector to make a search of his then extensive lands. Some of the trials mentioned here could well have been made on his advice. A level tunneled into the rock just outside the boundary wall behind Pendyffryn could be such a one. The name of the small cottage, Brickfield, the only dwelling on the sea-side of the railway, tells that brickmaking had once been carried on there. It was probably initiated by S.D.D. who wished to make use of the red brick clay on his land exposed by the construction of the railway in 1847/8.
Curiously, the registers of the parish record that between 1858 and 1875 as many as eight men have ‘Brickmaker’ as their occupation. All but one have English surnames; one hailed from Buckley, a noted brickmaking locality; another was from Cheadle.
Banham was the surname of three of the brickmakers. One, an Abraham Banham, in 1864 was awarded the contract to make the first reservoir for the district — at Tanycwm, under the Graiglwyd Road. And soon after the erection of the St. Seiriol’s Church in 1868, he contracted to make the Church Road, and its continuation down to the Railway Station — Station Road East. The land for the latter was given by the Executors of S.D.D.
It is said that some bricks were made from clay dug near the Pendyffryn farmyard. The cavities seen today by Brickfield cottage suggest that the brickmaking was limited and intermittent House-building was active in the district over the years first mentioned and bricks would be in active demand, but the only buildings into which the local bricks entered, to my definite knowledge, are the late Dunphy’s premises and ‘Bank House’ (Hempsteads).
In the 1880s, a date later than those mentioned earlier, there was again a short spell of brickmaking at the Brickfield. Charles H. Darbishire, a son of the S.D.D., having taken over the Graiglwyd Sett Quarry, and eager to have the lands of the Tymawr Farm developed as building plots, as an ‘inducement, erected at the start of the Esplanade Road, the two large semi-detached houses which include Bryn Awel and Hawarden Villa (Glendower). Their external walls are of the local squared granite, but the internal walling is in the local brick. The former Quarry Company’s Head Offices are of the same construction — built soon after. A professional brickmaker was engaged to make the bricks needed.
Three, possibly four, tunnel entrances can be seen on the south-western slope of the Alltwen mountain; they can be seen as one starts to ascend the Pass. They probably date before the coming of S.D. Darbishire, and were probably made in search of copper in the band of black soft shale that dips sharply into the mountain and, owing to its comparative softness, accounts for a deep dent in its profile. The late William Hughes, lsfryn, told me that he could remember a mine shaft at the foot of this shale band — by his first home Llysgwynt. Lady Paget of Plastanrallt in 1896 engaged two men to explore these levels; she refers to them as caves in a pamphlet she published on them. It was found that one level penetrated 76 yards into the hill. They were made, most likely, following the discovery of copper in similar black shales at Derwendeg. I remember the headgear of the mineshaft with a waterwheel by the Tabernacle Chapel at Llechwedd.
A trial level can be seen soon after one enters the Fairy Glen. It was probably made for the Mr. Sudbery once the owner of the Glen; it pierces a coarse volcanic ash.
Long forgotten, but of unusual interest geologically, were pockets of clean white quartz sand and clay found just inside and north of the parish boundary by the cattle grid on the upper road to Conwy. Some geologists consider it to be of Triassic age. There were like pockets near Oakwood Park and the same deposits were found at Llandudno — at Nantygamar, at Wyddfyd above the Happy Valley, and other places near. The sand and clay was shipped from Conwy and from Llandudno to Liverpool where it was transhipped to South America. The material was in great demand for the making of refractory bricks needed in the smelting of the rich copper and other ores mined there.
About the year 1901-2 a person surnamed Carder made an attempt—fortunately an unsuccessful one, to exploit the lava rock, rhyolite, which constitutes much of the Moel Lus as the source of the silica it contains — a mineral needed as an ingredient in the making of pottery. He made a similar endeavour to exploit the same kind of rock forming Conwy Mountain where signs of his workings remain. On the Jubilee Walk he drove two tunnels, each penetrating six or seven yards into the rock — working a day and a night shift, and laid a rail track between the two tunnels. A bed for a self acting incline was prepared to reach down to behind Trwyn-y-Wylfa farm; it is plainly visible today. These operations, (there was blasting at night), aroused great anger locally. To prevent any such desecrations of the mountains in the future the District Council secured the mineral rights of the mountain common from the Crown authorities.
Ivor E. Davies
Populating the Past, Penmaenmawr’s Mysterious Beginnings
The rise and fall, To buy the book click here
It has been there since the dawn of time. Long before humans walked upright, the great bulk of Penmaenmawr dominated the northern coast of Wales between Conwy and Bangor; a distinctive landmark, visible for many miles. The mountain has been home to and has cast its shadow over many generations: from the ice age to the computer age its slopes have been occupied and worked, from summit to sea’s edge.
Modern Times : A brief overview
The late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries brought unexpected prosperity to many rual areas, provided indirectly by the birth of the French republic. After 1789 the once popular ‘grand tours’ of Europe undertaken by the wealthy had been made too hazardous by the French revolution, the Napoleonic wars and the resultant military and social unrest on the continent: an alternative was urgently sought.
Wales and Scotland, until then considered rather boring and primitive backwaters, suddenly blossomed. Artists and poets had for years sought inspiration in their wild places and extolled their virtues to a largely apathetic public: now that public became the travelling classes and they clambered to see for themselves what had caused the artistic community to wax lyrical. The newly improved roads and developing railways brought previously remote areas of midlands and the northwest of England and even the sedate Home Counties were only hours rather than days away.
Dwygyfylchi, as Penmaenmawr was more usually referred to at the time, was one such ‘remote area’ and the ‘grand Tourists’ flooded in. The mountain, its name translates as ‘Great Rock Head’, with its summit intact overlooked all. Its high Moorland walks and the sea at its foot attracted the professional and the famous. Prime Minister Gladstone was a devotee and Elgar the composer, seeking escape from his clashing imperial music came to relax in its peace and rural isolation. Families fleeing the depressing and debilitating effects of smog and soot of urban life drank in curative and bracing mix of sea and mountain air.
In the nineteenth century sea bathing had become a ‘fad’ and the tiny hamlet with its grand sweep of safe sand became famous as a kind of mini spa: at first, almost exclusively for the higher echelons of Victorian and Edwardian society. In 1861 Dr Norton built his Penmaenmawr Hotel overlooking the beach. A designer built spa hotel, it was provided with salt water bathing facilities both hot and cold. The water was driven up from a steam driven pump on the high water line. In keeping with enthusiastic expansion of the time the name of the hotel was soon afterward changed to The Grand Hotel. Later, two world wars would prove to be great social levellers and the little resort with its modest apartments and solidly impressive boarding houses became a firm favourite with ordinary families who returned year after year.
Penmaenmawr had a further, less idyllic attraction; it was the nationally recognised producer of the hardest granite in the kingdom. Since the early nineteenth century the great hill’s quarries had provided a livelihood for many of the families living in the village named after it. From its water streaked cliff faces too was hewn the stone to build the grand boarding houses and hotels to accommodate the well-heeled visitors. The iron hard setts or small blocks, chipped to shape by hand, resisted the iron shod wheels of carts and coaches without blemish. As the outside world became aware of the qualities of the stone, demand for it grew and the village attracted people for a different, more mercenary reason.
The developing quarry became a honey pot, attracting labour from within and without Wales. The Village began to grow. The continuing inward migration of quarry workers and their families took the permanent population of Penmaenmawr from 826 in eighteen fifty-one to 3403 in nineteen hundred. From a tiny, self supporting farming and herring fishing hamlet at the turn of the eighteenth century, Pen’ had exploded into a burgeoning, chapel building quarry village which doubled as a rather sedate holiday resort.
This was an unusual combination but strangely the destruction being wreaked upon the hillside did not appear to detract from the village’s popularity. On the contrary, the small ships, first sailers and later coal and oil burners, which came to take away the stone, proved to be an added attraction on the sea front.
It was inevitable however that the quarry would eventually share the fate of nearly all other labour intensive industries. Technical advances in the quarrying industry resulted in the immense workforce of the late eighteen hundreds and the first half of the twentieth century being drastically reduced. Shortly before the first world war the records show that 1,082 men tore 517,000 tons of stone from the 2 quarries, Graiglwyd and Penmaen. Today, some forty men and their machines produce over 900,000 tonnes from the bowels of Penmaen alone and the visitors, grand and not so grand, have migrated like summer birds to destinations with more predictable weather.
The tide of holiday makers may have receded and the quarry work force declined; the population of the village on the other hand, although it has expanded slightly, has neither grown nor depleted significantly since the mid nineteen forties.
The villagers of today are less and less dependent on the quarry. The days are gone when just about every family in Pen’ had at least some connection with it. As a result people seem to have lost the intimate contact that they once had with the mountain and its surrounding ridges. Ask someone under sixty today where Fox Bank was and it is unlikely that they would know it from the high street bank. They would probably be equally as unaware of places that rejoiced in names such as Yr Attic, Pen Marian, Kimberley, Bonc Jolly, Brake Bach, Y Gloch / Bell Yard, Pen Coed or Braich Llwyd. These and many others were house hold names a few decades ago but sadly no more. The whole thing has now come to be known, rather colourlessly, as ‘The Quarry’.
‘The Mountain,’ on the other hand is popularly considered to be that relatively unspoiled part to the east of Ffridd Graiglwyd: beginning at Cwm Graiglwyd and including Moel Lus and the moorland behind which still attracts many walkers. It remains a convenient and attractive gateway to the Carneddau range.
Today the industrial face of Penmaenmawr has been cleaned up considerably. Commendable effort and no little expense has resulted in attractive change. The slopes of waste have been landscaped and re introduced trees, after years of struggle, have finally established themselves. It wasn’t always so.
For most of the older inhabitants, and those brought up in its shadow during the nineteen thirties, forties and fifties, recollections of the quarry will undoubtedly be of ugliness and devastion, of heaps of chippings and cement-like waste, of unsightly and dilapidated buildings and busy railway inclines.
At the foot of the mountain, where the expressway now runs and just to the west of the railway station there was a small marshalling yard popularly known as ‘the sidings’. This was always full of row of wagons, filled to the brim with granite chippings, being constantly nudged and clanked into the correct order for despatched to the towns and cities of the Northwest England and beyond. On the beach, two loading jetties ran out into the sea and small coasters took the produce of the quarry to a hundred destinations, at 500 to 1100 tons a time. In Britain and on the continent, streets, avenues and stately boulevards were made of pen’ ‘setts’: railways ran on lines embedded in Penmaenmawr ballast and the crushed stone was used in concrete for a thousand construction enterprises.
Without a doubt though, for those living in the villages of Llanfairfechan and perhaps particularly Penmaenmawr, the most enduring though not endearing memory of the quarry’s heyday is of dust. The fine grey dust was inevitable results of the activity in the stone crushing mills and was carried up on open conveyor belts to the constantly patrolling breeze. As the wind regularly changed direction, the dust spread and impartially laid a grey white coat on the dwellings of great and humble alike. It could find a line of washing or a polished windowsill with unerring accuracy within a radius of two miles around the quarry and penetrated even the most skilfully sealed house.
Given by Kind Permission of Alwyn S. Evans (the author