what are some unique features of heterodox economics? I've been reading up a bit on heterodox economics as well as watched some of the lectures online and quite frankly, I'm having a hard time figuring out whats are the unique features of this school of thought.

Meaning that it seems to me (as of now) one can learn about uncertainty from standard economics textbooks and read up on Marxian economics and seemingly find little to be gained from this approach.Though I could be not very open minded in this regard.

This all being said, what are some of the unique features of heterodox economics that one wouldn't necessarily be exposed otherwise?
Among the references in the paper hinted by indigo_luc, there's one (Mearman, 2011), which [was apparently the first that] has surveyed some (43) self-styled heterodox economists and applied factor analysis as well as cluster analysis to their ideas:


  [The first factor is addressed in the next para.] The second
  factor has high loadings on class, power, labor, gender and (negatively)
  markets. Factor 2 might thus be called a “radical” (or perhaps
  Marxist-feminist) grouping. Factor 3 might be an “Austrian” grouping,
  associating uncertainty, individualism and fallibilism. Factor 4 is
  perhaps a “Post Keynesian” group that stresses money and history.
  Factor 5 suggests an “ecological economics” group that stresses natural
  systems, but also the use of mathematics.
  
  Factor 1 might be called a mainstream factor. Significantly, this
  factor groups rational, equilibrium and scarcity. This may reflect a bias
  within heterodox economics as to what constitutes the mainstream:
  i.e., if heterodox economists associate scarcity, equilibrium and rationality
  with the mainstream, they may reject them more easily. The
  finding also partly supports Davis’ (2009) definition of the mainstream
  in terms of equilibrium, rationality and individualism. However, the
  adoption of individualism by Austrian economists means that the
  adoption of individualism alone cannot be a definition of the mainstream;
  it also complicates the division between mainstream and
  heterodox. Further, the mean scores for “mainstream concepts,”
  although consistently lower than heterodox concepts, are consistently
  non-zero. Also, although there was a significant negative correlation
  between mainstream and heterodox, the correlation coefficient was
  only |0.438|, meaning that many respondents regard themselves
  mainly as clearly defined heterodox economists—yet with an important
  element of mainstream economics thrown in. Heterodox economists
  are a mixture of concepts and influences. An alternative
  interpretation is that heterodox and mainstream are overlapping categories.
  This would be significant given that treatments of mainstream
  and heterodox often treat them as strictly distinct. The other clear
  finding for this group is that in terms of concepts, heterodox economics
  remains a concatenation of ideas (echoing Lee’s (2010) term) and
  groupings of individuals.


As for cluster analysis:


  Cluster A, the largest, is
  characterized by a rejection of the label “mainstream” and to some
  extent of mainstream concepts (apart from individuals and markets).
  The second feature of cluster A is an acceptance of the label as
  heterodox and pluralist and a matching acceptance of general heterodox
  concepts such as class, uncertainty, fallibilism, power, money and
  history. It could be argued that this cluster exemplifies the recently
  developing picture of heterodoxy as being non-mainstream but pluralist,
  with a concern for methodological issues. Almost all of the
  female respondents to the survey are in this group, although it is far
  from clear why this would occur.
  
  Cluster B is different, exhibiting
  much stronger rejection of the mainstream and its concepts, maximum
  scores for class and labor and much lower scores than the other
  clusters for uncertainty and fallibilism. Methodologically this group
  scored much higher than cluster A on the need for maths in
  economics. Cluster B seems like a Marxist group and indeed its cluster
  members are self-identified radicals.
  
  Cluster C is different from clusters A and B in that it does not
  reject the label of being mainstream, whilst accepting the labels of
  heterodox and pluralist. This cluster is similar to cluster A but more
  pluralist. The members of this cluster reject the strict distinctions
  between the three categories. Further, although this cluster accepts
  many of the traditional heterodox concepts such as power, labor
  and class, it also accepts mainstream notions such as rational, equilibrium,
  positive, maths and crucially, scarcity. Above, when factor
  analysis was conducted, a factor was extracted that was labeled
  “mainstream” whereas the view of cluster C suggests instead this use
  of mainstream concepts alongside heterodox ones is another exhibition
  of pluralism. Unfortunately these individuals are difficult to
  identify from the information gleaned so it is difficult to draw too
  many conclusions. It should also be noted that in the dendrogram,
  arguably cluster C might have been split into two, so perhaps not
  too much coherence should be expected.
  
  Cluster D is in some ways
  the most interesting cluster because it contains most of the cases
  identified as peripheral. The cluster score for mainstream is similar
  to cluster C, but the score for heterodox is lower. Accordingly,
  scores for core heterodox concepts such as class, power, gender
  and particularly labor are clearly lower than for the other clusters.
  As a corollary, cluster D’s scores for individuals, markets and rational
  are much higher than for the other clusters. Looking at the
  cases who are members of this cluster, they appear to be
  members of underrepresented elements of heterodox thought, such
  as behavioral economics, Austrian economics and American
  institutionalism.