The Indian Constituent Assembly was established on 9 December 1946, for drafting a Constitution when India became independent. The Constituent Assembly witnessed fierce debates on the language issue. The adoption of a "National Language", the language in which the constitution was to be written in and the language in which the proceedings of the assembly were to be conducted were the main questions debated by the framers of the Constitution. On one side were the members from the हिंदी speaking provinces like Algu Rai Sastri, R.V. Dhulekar, Balkrishna Sharma, Purushottam Das Tandon, (all from United Provinces), Babunath Gupta (Bihar), Hari Vinayak Pataskar (Bombay) and Seth Govind Das (Central Provinces and Berar). They moved a large number of pro-हिंदी amendments and argued for adopting हिंदी as the sole National Language. On 10 December 1946, Dhulekar declared "People who do not know Hindustani have no right to stay in India. People who are present in the House to fashion a constitution for India and do not know Hindustani are not worthy to be members of this assembly. They had better leave."

The pro-हिंदी block was further divided into two camps: 1) The हिंदी faction comprising Tandon, Govind Das, Sampurnanand, Ravishankar Shukla and K. M. Munshi and 2)the Hindustani faction represented by Jawaharlal Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad. The adoption of हिंदी as the national language was opposed by members from South India like T.T. Krishnamachari, G. Durgabai, T. A. Ramalingam Chettiar, N. G. Ranga, N. Gopalaswamy Ayyangar (all belonging to Madras) and S. V. Krishnamurthy Rao (Mysore). This हिंदी-विरोधी block favoured retaining इंग्रजी as official language. Their views were reflected in the following pronouncement of Krishnamachari:

We disliked the इंग्रजी language in the past. I disliked it because I was forced to learn Shakespeare and Milton, for which I had no taste at all. If we are going to be compelled to learn हिंदी, I would perhaps not be able to learn it because of my age, and perhaps I would not be willing to do it because of the amount of constraint you put on me. This kind of intolerance makes us fear that the strong Centre which we need, a strong Centre which is necessary will also mean the enslavement of people who do not speak the language at the centre. I would, Sir, convey a warning on behalf of people of the South for the reason that there are already elements in South India who want separation..., and my honourable friends in U.P. do not help us in any way by flogging their idea of "हिंदी Imperialism" to the maximum extent possible. So, it is up to my friends in Uttar Pradesh to have a whole India; it is up to them to have a हिंदी-India. The choice is theirs.

After three years of debate, the assembly arrived at a compromise at the end of 1949. It was called the Munshi-Ayyangar compromise (after K.M. Munshi and Gopalaswamy Ayyangar) and it struck a balance between the demands of all groups. of the Indian Constitution was drafted according to this compromise. It did not have any mention of a "National Language". Instead, it defined only the "अधिकृत भाषा" of the Union:

हिंदी भाषा in देवनागरी script would be the official language of the Indian Union. For fifteen years, इंग्रजी would also be used for all official purposes (Article 343). A language commission could be convened after five years to recommend ways to promote हिंदी as the sole official language and to phase out the use of इंग्रजी (Article 344). Official communication between states and between states and the Union would be in the official language of the union (Article 345).इंग्रजी would be used for all legal purposes - in court proceedings, bills, laws, rules and other regulations (Article 348).The Union was duty bound to promote the spread and usage of हिंदी (Article 351).

India became independent on 15 August 1947 and the Constitution was adopted on 26 January 1950.

पार्श्वभूमी
१९८६ चा सत्याग्रह
भाषा आणि भारतीय संविधान
दोन महिने जनक्षोभ