The ancient Greeks, Romans, and even Shakespeare have things to tell us, and a disparate range of political figures from Gandhi and Churchill to Mao are still quoted as relevant to contemporary politics
It's not surprising, then, approaching the independence referendum, to find a relevant quote from JFK, 50 years after his death. He suggested: "Let us begin anew - remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof."
The referendum campaign has been big on partisan insult, but less engaged in vision. The Yes campaign seem torn between offering a new future and the reassurance of continuity, whilst the No side have an approach which seems to hover somewhere between Project Fear and "Why bother?"
Accusations have flown back and forth, but the most common question is: "What will it be like after independence?" often followed by: "If you can't tell me, I'm not voting for it."
This, of course, is a bizarre approach.
I've voted in UK, Scottish, European, and Council elections since 1970. The one link between each election and the various parties contesting them has been the line: "We won't know what we will be able to achieve till we're elected and see the state of play". Promises are routinely made, predictions are avoided carefully.
We don't want to stray into a Rumsfeld world of "known unknowns", so a bit of honesty is called for on both sides, along with the civility to debate the kind of Scotland we would want after independence.
The truth is that an independent Scotland would start its days dependent on three things which are currently not predictable: the result of independence negotiations, the Government to be voted in at the first election after independence, and the state of relevant world affairs at the time.
It is no more predictable than is the state of the UK in three or four years' time.
The questions we should be asking are: "What kind of Scotland do we want to live in?" and "By which route are we most likely to get that Scotland?"
Currently, in public sector areas such as education and health, there are clear divisions between the approaches of the UK Government and the Scottish Government, and this has been the case in essence since the Scottish Parliament was reinstituted, irrespective of governing party.
Polls tell us that Scottish voters strongly support the current Scottish Government's policies, but also that they are, so far, disinclined to vote Yes to the possibility of more control over more of the same.
One thing that can be agreed upon by both sides is that, whichever way the vote goes, there is an element of risk.
Vote Yes - and you have no guarantees of what an Independent Scotland will be like; vote No - and you have no guarantees that any future Westminster Governments will change to take more cognisance of the wishes of Scots voters.
In the last analysis, more than party politics, flags, and history, the referendum vote is about judging that risk.
For what it's worth, when I had professional responsibility for health and safety in schools, I learned that the best way to minimise risk is to be in full control, and not leave it to others.