{"character_count": 5759, "word_count": 1020, "ccnet_language_score": [0.9700000286102295], "ccnet_perplexity": [1803.5999755859375], "fasttext_language": ["en"]}
|

 business. For this navies were built, manu-

 factures established, agriculture stimulated

 and the powers of government enlarged.- The balance of trade was the main thing. IL

 was the elixir of social life; it was the long,

 sought philosophers stone, destined to turn all matter into gold.

 Society still clings to this absurd and per nlcious attachment. In some respects. its mo- tions of its true welfare have been expanded, but they can hardly be said to have advanced. Our tariff systems are just as preposterous in theory, and even more destructive in practice, than the old exploded mercantile system- The two are notifications of the same great error. They both start from misconcep- ton of the rights and duties of nations, and end in producing state of widespread na- tional distress. They are both marked by a bigoted devotion to selfish interests by an utter disregard of the happiness of the many :; and by debasng abandonment of every just, noble, and generous feeling. At what does the tariff system aim3 It proposes that eve- " nation shall produce for itself, as far as such thing is possible, every article that it consumes; that 1t shall rely entirely upon it's

 

 cultivate the soil and manufacture fabrics for itself; that foreign products and goods shall be either entirely excluded from its ports, or admitted only upon the payment of high du- ties and that when these duties are not alto gether prohibitory, they shall be so devised as to give the largest amount of protectionn to the domestic manufacturer

 Now, we object to this doctrine, in every aspect in which it can be presented We ob- iect to it, because 1t is politically wrong; be- cause it violates the first principles of econo- mical science; because it is hurtful to indus try; because it puts back the civilization of the world.

 We object to 1t, because 1t is political wrong. This is manifest in two respects.- It is wrong, first, because 1t involves de- parture from the true functions of govern ment. The objects for which government is instituted, are simple and few. It is an agen- cy established by the whole body of the com munity, for the protection of their general in- terests. No power was ever given it to in- terfere in the relations of trade. It steps out of its sphere, whenever 1t attempts to become a regulator of commercial affairs When 1t has given security to its subjects, in the pos session and use of their property and per sons; when 1t has confined its action to the passage of equal laws; when it has guaran- tied to all the results of their labor; 1t has done all that can be required of 1t. It has fulfilled its design: 1t has answered the ends for which 1t was framed. It deserves the name of just and perfect government. Btu, there are men who seem to look for more from its action. They wish it to take the control ol the entire business oI socIety to convert it into kind of omnipresent and om- nipotent providence, or as 1t has been point edly said, to make 1t Ca jack of all trades, architect, engineer, schoolmaster, merchant, Lady Bountiful in every parish, a Paul Pry in every house, spying, caves dropping, relieving, admonishing, spending our money for us, and choosing our opinions for us.o Is trade to be encouraged, the State is called upon to administer the stimulus are internal improvements to be prosecuted, the State must furnish tre means; are bene- tolent enterprises undertaken, the State must stand sponsor for their success. In short, is to be done, the first appeal is made to the State. Individual agency is dis carded; the mighty force that dwells in asso- ciated voluntary effort is overlooked; no per son but the magistrate, no authority but the of the political power is suffered to put hands to any great work. The sagacity, the strength, the perseverance of private en- terprise is nothing, and the State is all. We protest, we repeat, against this doctrine. It is cruel; it embarrasses and corrupts govern ment; it misleads the confidence of the peo- pie; 1t transfers their trust from themselves to others 1t destroys individual energy it impairs free, self-dependent, vigorous exer- ton. But 1t is the doctrine upon which all restrictive systems are founded. They take for granted that men are not qualified to judge of their own affairs they proceed on the supposIton of a want of common intelli- gence in the people; they substitute an awk- Ward, ignorant agent, for an active and acute one. It is time such absurdity were brought to an end It is time that so detestable an in- suit were rebuked. I

 The doctrine we are combating is wrong, in the second place, because it looks to par tial exercise of the powers of government.- If we should admit that it is the duty of gov to interfere with private matters, 1t does not follow that 1t should act unequally. An organ of society in the broadest sense, it must aim at the welfare of the whole of so- ciety The general good, in the most unli- mited acceptation, is its supreme object. By this is meant, not the general good, as some it, referring too often to special and private good only, but good which reaches every member of the community; in which every man bears part; which em- braces all the integers of the social arrange ment, be their position or character what it may. Otherwise it would be the organ, not of the community, bat of class. Every one of its acts would be usurpation. It would be guilty of the grossest of frauds. It would the most unrighteous tyranny Now, tariff, in the nature oft, is special exercise of power. The very end it pro poses is partial Its main design, its principal feature, is to build up certain class, by laws made in their favor. It says to the rest of men, ss Y ou must consent to surrender your