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Hotlllng tnen done can he rlghtully so con- strued as at all to derogate from this para mount supremacy thus distinctly asserted i? May not go farther and affirm, in virtue of this fundamental principle of our social com pact, that nothing done then or since, and nothing to be done hereafter, can have the effect of disparaging or impairing the sove- relgn right here pronounced to be unaliend- able and indefeasible, but by the utter dis solution of the society in which it is declar- ed to inhere? Virginia may dissolve her ancient incorporation; her people may dis band, or amalgamate themselves, by sort of political fusion, with another community, but here stands the original terms of our urassocia- ton, that so long as she retains her individu- ality, so long will the right of majority of her people to reform, alter, or abolish any form of government that they have adopted, or may adopt, remain indHbitable, analiena- ble, indefeasihle. Are we not at least bound to understand these words as qualifying and explaining every delegation of power made by the Constitution about to be adopted ?-- Are they not an admonition to those, whom, n conformity to the jargon of cotrts, we cali our rulers, that they are our serpantS stlll-that their powers, however great, are not their own, but ours, exerted through them, our iast7un,ealtss

 l beg you to observe, gentlemen, that the answer to these questions is not to be affect ed by the degree of power thus conferred, or the forms used in designating and appoint ing those who are to exercise 1t. Remove all the restrictions of the Constitution on the powers of government; obliterate every prohibition surrender the. freedom Of reli- zion, of speech, and of the press; abolish popular election, and let the title to office be conferred by lot or birth, for one year or for life; 1t will make no difference The rights of the people will be less secure, but not less unquestionable. The ultimate sovereignty may be not easily exerted, but 1t will be no less sacred. As long as the words of the people are sounding in the ears of magis- trates; as long as they are admonished in the very character of their authority, that their powers are but delegated, and may be resumed; that the Constitution is but the creature of the people, ard may be by them abolished and that they themselves are ser wants, not masters; so long must 1t be con- fessed that the seat of sovereignty is in the people. E'Be ye sut,o saith the Psalmist. ''that the Lord Is God It is he that hath made us, and not we ourselves.'' .sGod spake once. Yea, twice have l heard the same.- Power belongeth unto God" 'eHe can cre- ate, and he destroy,o and he Sis God alone. D Gentlemen, mean nothing profane. But such Is the relation to which the people stand to the political existence of their govern ments and such is the language, modified to the nature of the case, which 1t becomes ma gistrates to apply to their creator, the master of their life, the people.

 But, gentlemen, 1t is not my purpose to magnify this sovereignty of the people. It is not from my lips that even to this hallow- ed name shall be addressed that fattery which all sovereigns delight to hear. My only ob- jeet is to disabuse the minds of those who are in the habit of imputing sovereignty to governments. The error is so natural that 1t is almost universal. In other countries il may not be error: There may perhaps be nations, where, by the consent ofall concern ed, sovereignty resides somewhere else than in the people. do not know that the case is possible; but if it be, that is their concern not ours. But, unfortunately, our lips arc familiar with forms of speech more suited tc foreign institutions than our own. We art taught to associate, in our minds, the idea o sovereignty with the trappings of royalty

 and we look at least for the insignia of ac tive power; the aXe-the fasces, and th( lictors It demands an effort of thought ant imagination for which we are lily prepared to look beyond the veil, to the presiding spirit of the Temple, that sancti6es tht Priest, the Altar, and the sacrifice. Like hin who spoke to Moses on the Mount, it has nc bodily presence by which we can identify 1t It is an object of contemplation to the mint alone The moral and intellectual faculty alone can comprehend 1t. What is that ob ject? It is the COMMON MIND, made up o the collective intelligence and experience and virtue, and alike of the prejudices, passions and inhrmities of a great multitude, bound to- gether in one great permanent co-partnershiI of generation with generation; of the living with the dead, and with those who are ye unborn; in which the wisdom of each fstht wisdom of all; the strength of each alikt the care of all. He must have very imper feet perception of this object, who does no discover in 1t something to be approached Ntlil TCNcTclCc dllu dWC. iC NtCd Oi d COlll- mon will prevailing such multitude, and acting with power so overwhelming, is august and imposing. The sense of moral dignity must be perverted and corrupt in :i .iia man, who does not feel that i! is the more august, the most imposing, because, with drawn from vulgar gaze ''circling its throne with the majesty of darkness" it reposes quietly within the sanctuary while they who strut the busy stage of life, and dazzle mems eyes with the trappings of authority, are but its servants, ''the ministers of its will to do its pleasure"

 With us, at least then, gentlemen, govern ment is not sovereign. And this is the truth with which | am mainly anxious to impress you. If there be no sovereignty in govern ment, we owe it no allegiance. That senti- ment; that subordination of the heart; thai devotion of spirit, which accounts the sur render of life itself cheap sacrifice, is due alone to that collective whole, of which we