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 What is the protection of the public func- tionary, the dwelling of the private citizen. the public institution, the person and proper ty' Are there any guards with arms in their handss The laws, too, made by the repre- sentative chosen by univer sufragc-are they such as to sanction disorder, or suffer liberty to dwinde into licentiousness. Ger tainly not No country has more order, peace, or submission to the laws; and, all though we have no armed police, yet we have guard, ever efficient, consisting of public opinion, and the ready support of the citizen in aid of law and order

 But it may be asked, why call these Demo- cratic principles, when they are not denied by either party shall not make an issue on this point; but he is a superficial observer who sees no apprehension manifested in view of the progress of Democratic principles But, my friends and felow-ctizens, there are other sorts of order, besides merely keeping the peace and obeying the laws. Let us see who are for trusting the people most on these subjects, and from thence learn who are for the largest liberty and the freest ac- ton of the human mind. pray you to ac- company me while present some things to your notice which may enable you to fudge who have the highest confidence in man as member of the social state, and as free agent capable of choosing his pursuits and judging what will best promote his own happiness. The argument shall make will incidentally bear upon this question, whilst it will be mainly directed against the justice and policy of some principles held by our opponents

 There are two elements which are charac- teristic, the one of arbitrary, the other of free governments. They are force and freedom They mark the opinions of all politicians to a greater or less degree. The advocates of strong gopermn'cnt are fearfm of too much freedom, and the advocates of popular nsti. tutions are ever jealous of poacer The re- suit has been, that, between those two rival principles, power has ever obtained and main- tained the ascendeney. In legislation, it has ever extended its influence over all the inter- ests of society, leaving nothing to the judg- ment of nature, and to the unbiased action ofhuman liberty. Commerce, manufactures, agriculture, the sports of the forest, the order of society, the dignity of pursuits, the mode and object of worship; besides the common and appropriate subjects of legislation-ius- tlce, peace, security and order-were all em- braced within the ample scope of the law False notions of THE STATE were inculcated; naan was nothing, THE STATE everything- Imposing terms were connected with every title of legislation, and of administration, Was It desired to rob the mass of the people, In order to support an expensive foreign war to gratify an ambitious prince, 1t was said the state, the kingdom, the empire, required the sacrifice at the hands of patriotism; the na- tlonal honor was at stake, and the wealth and the blood of the country must both flow freely to preserve 1t.

 The advocates of power and of injustice have never been wanting in terms and spe- cious pretexts with which to veil their en- croachments on common right and general liberty. The preservation of order, and the prevention of wild and extravagant delusions, have been held up as grounds on which to justify the censorship of the press by gov- ernments. The prevention of anarchy and confusion has been held up as the ground on which the mass have been denied the just power that belongs to them by the principles of common right, and the powers of govern ment have, in most instances, consequently been placed in the hands of one, or of a small class, upon whose intelligence and virtue, it has been insisted, the well being and safety of the governed could alone safely depend.

 These principles are still at work through out the civilized world, and ever will be- Hence it is justly said, that ''the price of lib- erty is eternal vigilance" So 1t may be said of every elemental right. The temptations to violate them are too great not to be con stantly attempted by ambition, avarice, and seiGshness in every form.

 In our own country, they will assume diff ferent shapes from the forms in which they exist in the Old World Their political in stitutions are the results of ages of conflict and progress, which have resulted in the cor rection of many abuses, the expulsion of a military system which once overspread the west and south of Europe, and the gradual rise from state of barbarism and constant warfare, to the enjoyment of ameliorated forms of government that approximate con- stitutional liberty. But, along with their progress, they have brought many false opin- iieiis aRd- asages, which, by the sanction of their governments, yet paralyze the human mind, and bind the mass of mankind still in degradation and in servitude

 With us, 1t is not SO. The reformation, the revival of learning, and the discovery of the Western World, all occurred ill and mark ed the same great epoch. Our fathers came here bringing the civilization of the East with them. but leaving the social structure and social distinctions of the old world be- hind them. We, therefore, need not fear the introduction of artificial distinctions amongst us. This would not comport with tit tic course of events, and of general opinion; but we may fear other things which spring from the same source.

 The longest and most bitter conflict thai has ever agitated the great political parties oi the United States, has been occasioned by the lore of poacer, ararice, and want of conf- dence in the capacity of free and enterpris- ing people to conduct their monetary and commercial dealings according to the princi- ples of sound commercial intercourse, with l oontral artif