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l cept the tropical, and many of them. We have mines of iron and coal, lead, gold, and other metals. We manufacture millions of bushels of salt annually, and we have our own works on science and art, and our own literature, our schools, our colleges, our uni- versailles, where our children may be educated in all the knowledge of which the ancient or modern mind of the world can boast With such country, and such means, powers, and facilities, may it not be said, our country IS the most independent country on the globe' England and France must go abroad for their cotton, so do all the other nations ot Europe. While our manufactures would flourish in a state of war with England, her cotton establishments would instantly, to the extent of three-fourths of their power, become idle, and the operatives subjected 10 starva- ton, or find support from her poor-law sys- tenn. Even China, nation that has adopted from time lmmemorial an exclusive and re- strictive policy-she has been and is depend- ent on India for her cotton.

 Ours is the only country on the globe that unites manufactures with every variety of agricultural product.

 The cotton-spinning, the wool-manufac- turing, the iron-making, the wheat-growing, the cotton and sugar-producing country What country can boast as much None on the face of the globe. ii a coral reef should rise in the Atlantic from the Arctic to the Antarctic circles, and cut us off from the commerce of the Old World, we would have at once, i'll actual existence, all the means of comfort and independence. What once was said can be said no longer, with even the semblance of truth-that is, without protec- ton, our infant manufactures would dwindle away before the overwhelming opposition of the workshops of Europe. We are no long CT in our infancy. In agriculture, in com merce, in manufactures, we are the rivals of England, France, and Germany; and far sur pass every other nation, in proportion to our population.

 It is not true, therefore, that our national independence requires partial system of le- gislaton between the different interests, for the protection of manufactures

 It cannot be that such system should ever become an established policy, sanction ed by general and uniform public sentiment. A constant struggle for partial benefits, in fla yor of particular sections and interests, would be met by an unceasing opposition from the taxpayer. Heart-burnings and dissensions would disturb the stability of investments, and break the harmony and peace of the Union. The struggle would enter-nay, more, it has already entered-into the eon- i. tests for the Presidency; and the claims of equal justice in legislation are lost sight of in the attempt to force an artificial system upon the country.

 Upon one principle alone will the Ameri- can mind ever be united on this subject and that is, that the revenue shall be collect ed by duties laid, so as to rest, as far forth as practicable, upon the wealth of the country leaving commerce, manufactures, and agri- culture, after having thus equitably met the demands required by public expenditure, free from all other restrictions.

 This, indeed, Is necessary, not to our in- dependence, but to the full development oi our resources and without it we will slow

 ly fill up the measure of our destiny.

 What is our position' We are rising.

 thriving people. The nations of the Old

 World are stationary. We will increase at the rate of 34 per cent every ten years for fifty years to come. This will give us, in

 1893, upwards of seuemy millions of inhabit- , ants, with an increase of wealth and of pro- duction corresponding. Where will Englant be? Still, perhaps, existing, struggling to } maintain her complex system of conquest commerce, and manufactures, with her deb } still resting upon her, if it shall not, ere tha time, have been swallowed in revolution.- 7 Standing at the head of civilized and enlight 5 ened nations, in number, and wealth, ant r power, the trade of the world will be belor, : us, and every market within our control ; shall not live to see 1t, but some of you will = and the boy is now born, and perhaps a f school, that shall be chief magistrate of th people, thus advanced in power, and wealth and prosperity. With such prospects before } us, what is our policy3 Ianswer, it is to dc } perfect justice to every part of our people, r all our legislation. Let the inquiry be, mol what is beneficial to this or that section or in- terest, unless it be also found to be equal, just } and impartial to every other.

 l Such spirit in our legislation will har . monize every interest, and leave them to rur t a concurrent race of prosperity. Mutually aiding and supporting each other, they vii ? result in the most perfect state and order il

 the working of our system. Commerce 7 agriculture, and manufactures, all dependin. upon their own laws, growing out of univer  l sal freedom of action, will grow up and be t come, established on basis more firm ant durable than if they had all the artificial al. , that power could bestow.

 This view is strengthened, too, by the cha

 racter of our Government, and the relation } that the United States bears to other nations Our Government is republican. It is es

 sential to its durability that it remain simpl 5 in its form; and, in its administration, limit ed by stricsregard to fundamental law, an1 to economy, connected with simplicity o

 manners.

 ! The establishments of the Old World ar splendid expensive monarchies, and it vii require no slight effort to prevent Govern

 ment, sustained by snch exhaustless re sources as ours, from following their exam l pie. Nothing more tends to place such re 7 sources in the hands of Government, to b 1, squandered by extravagance and corruption | than inc doctrines oc hrh rrotectiyo dufioe