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Message of the President informing Congress o
the existence of this War of His, and also in hi:
last Annual Messages nor was this country inyolv
ed in war by the act of Mexico. No: the wal
was made by the Executive. now avowed-and
without even consulting Congress, though then in
session, and whose province, and not the Presi.
dents, il was to act upon the subject-because, in
the opinion fthe Executive, "not moment was to
be lost" g the urgency of the case requiring such
" promptness and decision" But this usurpaton
of the Legislative power by the Executive, great is


its crmnality is of less consequence, in almost every
point of view, than the principles and the grounds on
which it is attempted to be justified to MEXICO
grounds vet false in themselves, but which would
not have been any more tenable had they been
true-and principles directly and openly at war not
only with the principles of the Revolution, but with
the equally venerated established policy of this
People and their Government.


The ground taken in this Proclamation is, that,
under color of certain high-sounding phrases,
such as "hgh policy" g continental interest"
" duty, honor, and dignity phrases which, in
the connexion that they used, have no more





United States had a right to invade Mexico, and
with fire and sword to compel her to surrender her
territories into our keeping pledge for her mould
ing her form of government to suit our own, and
adapting also her internal policy to our will and
pleasure. The pretence for the exertion of this
right at This time, is, that :. Cabinet had taken
it into its head that there was "a monarchical
party" in Mexico, which was likely, without our
interference, to gain the ascendency il her councils.
That this pretence was as false as any other that
has been alleged for the existing wal adds nothing
to the enormity of the outrage against public law
and public faith, of which this Administration has
been guilty, in undertaking this on the grounds
which it has avowed to the world in the Proclama-
ton of the General commanding our invading army.


These grounds there might be some hope
that the Executive would disavow unauthorized
by it, and purge themselves ofthe contempt for the
Constitution and the Laws of Nations which they
manifest, were not now obvious that the Procla-
nation prepared by the Executive for Gen. TAY-
LoR, though not SO bold and explicit in its avowals,
in reality embraces the same principles and covers
the same objects as that which bears the honored
name of ScoTT, that no disclaimer would now
avail it.


The pretext, or claim of right, upon which, with
'ut any lawful authority whatever-without any
warrant either in the Constitution or in Natural
n Conventional Law-by the mere right of the
trong over the comparatively weak-the Execu-
i've has undertaken this conquest and subjuga-
ion of neighborlng Republic, has hardly paral-
ell in the modern history of nations. The case of
he Bombardment of Copenhagen and the seizure
# the Danish fleet by the British Government
ONES the nearest to it, but falls short of it, be-
ause that had the plausible pretext of real
necessity arising out of the duty of selEpreserva
ion; Great Britain being then engaged in a battle
Or life with Napoleon in the zenith Of his power,
nd having, az she said, reason to suppose that
Napoleon intended to obtain possession of the Danish
Navy for the purpose OF matching France with
England as maritime Power, and thus making
himself master of the world.


OF the odious transaction, the Bombarlment Of
we have already given Baines's ac-
cunt: but that which find in Belsham's Me-
noirs of George Ill. is so much more clear, being
rief besides, that think our readers will excuse
Is for placing his narrative before them entire,
IS follows:


Possessed with the alarming suspicion, not
founded on any substantial grounds, that the Sc
cret articles of Tllst laid the foundation of a mari
time combination against Britain, TO which Den
mark would be compelled to accede, the most
vigorous measures of counteraction were resolved
upon. Of this design some nmation had been
given in the Kings speech at the close of the ses
sion and a powerful fleet, consisting of twenty
seven sail of the line, with the usual accompani-
menis ol irgates and smaller vessels had been fit
ted out, with transports for an army of twenty
thousand men, under the command of Admiral
Gambler and Lord Cathcart. On the 18th of Au-
gust (lS07) Mr. JACKSON, Envoy Extraordinary
10 the Court of Denmark, arrived at Copenhagen. |
His instructions were to represent to the Prince
Regent the motives and apprehensions Of the Bri-
ush Government, and to every argument TO
induce him to acquiesce in the necessity of yield
ing to the measure he had to propose. This was
no less than the delivery of the entire Danish
navy into the possession Of Britain, under a So
lemn engagement 10 restore the same at the con-
cusion of the war; and to this demand an instant
and categorical answer was required, in default OF
which hostile operations would forthwith COM
mence.


The astonshment of the Prince was inexpres-
slbe; but. as not gun was mounted on the ram
parts OF Copenhagen, or scarcely any military
force in Zealand, he attempted to avert the blow
: by the most solemn protestations of adherence to
: the neutrality which he had uniformly professed.
: But the British Minister answered only by the
: demand OF passports, and was received on board
: the fleet, then at anchor nearthe port. This drew
forth a memorable dpcla from, tho Danish