 to advantage, and remembered with gratitude, as MT. Dane has accomplished. But the truth is, sir, l suspect, that Mr. Dane lives little too far North. He is of MassachusettS, and too near the North Star to be reached by the honorable gentleman's telescope. If hi. sphere had happened to range South of Mas0n's and Dixon's line, he might, probably, have come within the scope of his vision!

 spoke, sir, of the ordinance of 17S7. which prohibited slavery, in all future times, northwest of the Ohio, as measure of great wisdom and foresight; and one which had been attended with highly beneficial and per manent consequences. l supposed that' on this point, no two gentlemen in the Senate could entertain different OpinionS. But, the simple expression ofthis sentiment has led the gentleman, not only into labored defence ot slavery, in the abstract. and on principle, but, also, into a warm accusation against me, as having attacked the system of domestic slave | ry, now existing in the Southern States For all this, there was not the slightest found- ation, in any thing said or intmated by me. did not utter single word, which any inge- nuity could torture into an attack on the slavery of the South. said only that it was

 highly wise and useful in legislating for the

 northwestern country, while it was yet a will derness, to prohibit the introduction of slaves:

 and added, that presumed, in the neighbor- 1 ing State of Kentucky, there was no reflect ing and intelligent gentleman, who would

 doubt, that if the same prohibition had been

 extended, at the same early pcrlod, over that

 commonw ealtb, her strength and population

 would, at this day, have been far greater than

 they are. lfthese opinions be thought doubt ful. they are, nevertheless, trust. neither ex-

 trsordnary nor disrespectful. They attack ~sl IN.NAv

 the gentlelnan's optics have discovered. even in the mere expression of this sentiment, what. he calls the very spirlt of the Missouri ques-

 ton He represents me as making an onset

 on the whole South, and manifesting spirit

 which would interfere with, and disturb their

 domestic condition Sir, this injustice no

 otherwise surprises me, than as it IS done here.

 and done without the slightest Pretrnce of ground for it. say it only surprises me, as

 being done here for know, full well. that tt

 is, and has been the settled policy of som" persons in the South, for years, to represent the people of the North as disposed 10 inter, fere with them, in their own exclusive anu

 peculiar concerns. This is delicate and

 sensitive point. in southern feeling, and ot late years it has always been touched, ana generally with effect, whenever the object has

 been to unite the whole South against north { ern men, or northern measures. This feel'

 ing. always carefully kept alive, and maintain

 ed at tOo intense a heat to admit dlscr'm'na

 ton or reflection, is a lever of great power m

 our political machine. It moves vast bodies,

 and gives to them one and the same direction.

 But the feeling is without adequate cause. and the suspicion which exists, wholly grouadless. l There is not, and never has been. disposition l in the North to interfere with these interests

 of the South. Such interference has never been supposed to be within the power cf Gov

 ernment nor has it been, in any way, at-

 tempted. It has always been regarded as

 matter of domestic policy, left with the States 1 themselves, and with which the Federal Gov | ernment had nothing to do. Certainly, sir.

 am, and ever have been of that opinion. The

 gentleman, indeed, argues that slavery. in the

 abstract. is no evil. Most assuredly need

 not say differ with him, altogether and most widely, on that point. I regard domestic slavery as one of the greatest of evils, both moral and political. But, though it be mal- sdy, and whether it be curable, and if SO, by 1 what means; or, on the other hand, whether 1 it be the vulnws insmedicabile of the social sys tenn, leave it to those whose right and duty it is to inquire and to decide. And this be- lieve, sir, is, and unifo, mly has been, the sen timent of the North. Let us look little at the history of this matter.

 When the present Constitution was submit ted for the ratification of the People. there were those who imagined that the powers of the Government which it proposed to estab- lsh might, perhaps. in some possible mode, be exerted in measures tending to the aboli ton of slavery. This suggestion would of course attract much attention in the South ern Conventions. In that of Virginia, Gov. ! Randolph said:

 "I hope there is none here who. considering the subject in the calm light of philosophy, will mako an objection dishonorAble to Vir- ginia-that, at the moment they are securing the rights of their citizens, an objection is started, that there is a spark of hope that those unfortunate men now held in bondage may, by the operation of the General Govern mcnt, be made frec."

 At the very first Congress petitions on the subject were presented, if mistake not, from different States. The Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery took a lead. and laid before Congress a memorial, praying Congress to promote the abolition by such powers as it possessed. This memori- al was referred. in the House of Representa- lives, to select committee, consisting of Mr. Foster, of Ncw-Hampshire MT. Gerry, of Massachusetts; Mr. Huntington, of Connect leut; MT. Lawrence, of New York; MT. Sinnickson, of New Jersey Mr. Hartley, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Parker, of Virginia all of them sir aa Vnn will s,hearvn xDnssL~.. |