"ResOlved, That Congress have no author ity to interfere in the emancipation Of slaves or in the treatment of them in any of the [ States it remaining with the several States alone to provide rules ard regulations there in, which humanity and true policy may re- quire."

 This resolution received the sanction of the 1 House of Repre- sentatives SO early as March. l79O. And now, sir, the honorable member will allow me to remind him, that not only were the select committee whO reported the resolution, with a single exception, all nor theru men, but also that of the members then composing the House of Representatives, large majority, believe nearly two-thlrds' were northern men also.

 The House agreed to insert these resOlu- tons in its journal; and. from that day to| this, it has never been maintained or contend ed that Congress had any authority to regu- late, or interfere W ith, the condition of slaves in the several States. No northern gentle man, to my knowledge. has moved any such question in either House of Congress.

 The fears ofthe South, whatever fears they might have entertained, were aIlayed and quieted by this early decision; and so remain ed, till they were excited a(resh, without cause but for collateral and indirect purposes.

 When it became necessary, or was thought

 so. by some political persons, to find an unVa- rying ground for the exclusion of Northern men from confidence and from lead m the at- ] fairs of the Republic, then, and not tiii men, l the cry Was raised, and the feeling lndustr'-

 ously excited, that the influence of Northern

 men ;n the public councils would endanger

 the relation of master and slave. For myself,

 l claim no other merit, than that thus gross ! n,A s,,S, fsNR whole

 North, has not wrought upon me 10 change

 my opinions, or my political conduct. hope

 l am above violating my principles, even un-

 der the smart ofinjury and false imputations | Unjust suspicious and undeseryed reproach,

 whatever pain I may experience from them, will not induce me. trust nevertheless, to O.

 verstpp the limits of const:tutional duty or 10

 encruach on the rights of others. The do-

 mestic slavery of the South leave where

 find it-in the hands of their own Govern

 ments. It is their affair, not mine. Nor do I complain of the peculiar effect which the

 magnitude of that population has had in the

 distribution of power under this Federal 1 Government. We know. sir, that the repre-

 sentatiOn of the States in the other House is not equal. We know that great advantage, in that respect, is enjoyed by the s!ave-hold- I ing States; and we know, too, that the in- | tended

 to say, the imposition ot direct taxes in the

 ratio. has become nearly nominal; the habit of the government being almost invariably to

 collect its revenues from other sources, and

 other modes. Nevertheless, do not com plain; nor would ! countenance any move ment to alter this arrangement ofrepresenta- ton. It is the original bargain, the compact Jet it stand; let the advantage of it be fully

 enjoyed. The Union itself is too full of ben

 eft to be hazarded in propositions for chang ing its original basis. l go for the Constitu- ton as it is, and for the Union as it is. But | an, resolved not to subrNit in silence to ac-

 cusations, either against myself individually, or against the North, wholly unfOunded and

 unjust accusations which impute to us q disposition to evade the constitutional com pact and to extend the power of the govern

 ment over the internal laws and domestic | condition of the States. All such acCusa- tions, wherever and whenever made, all in-

 situations of the existence of any such pur poses. I know, and feel to be groundless and injurious. And we must cOnfide in South. ern gentlemen themselves; we must trust to those whose integrity of heart and magnan

 mity of feeling will lead them to desire tn maintain and disseminate truth, and who pos sess the means ofits diffusion with the South ern public; we must leave it to them to dis abuse that public of its prejudices. But, inI the mean time. for my own part, l shdii con tinue to act justly, whether those towards whom justice is exercised receive 1t with candor or with contumely.

 Having had occasion to recur to the Ordi- nance of 1787, in order to defend myself a. gainst the interences which the honorable member has chosen to draw from my obser- vatiOns on t!:at subject, lam not willing now entirely to take leave of it without further remark. It need hardly be said, that that paper expresses just sentiments on the great subject of civil and religious liberty. Such sentiments were common, and abound in all our state papers of that dsy. But this ordi- nance did that which was not so common, and which is not, even now, universal that is, it set forth and declared, as c high and binding duty cf Governnsent iise!f to encour- age schools, and advance the means of educa- tion; on the plain reason, that religion, nor ality, and knowledge, are necessary to good government, and to the happiness of mankind. One observation further. The important provision incorporated into the Constitution of the United States, and several of the States, and recently, as we have seen. adopted into the Constitution of Virginia. restraining legislative power, in questions "f private right, and from impairing the obligation "f con tracts. is first introduce3 and :stabIisAd6, as far as l am informed. as matter Of express written constitutional law, iA tia ordinance of