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DescriptionFollowing the 2010/ 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, protest movements and political transitions in the Arab World attracted a great deal of media coverage and academic attention -with many scientific and cultural events (conferences, symposiums, workshops) trying to make sense of the events.However, the topic of the role of diasporas, binationals and exiles in the pro- and anti- regime mobilisation has been widely overlooked. The primary focus of social sciences researchers and public decision-makers has been on Arab “domestic actors”, on the role of state powers (United States, Russia and China), and the strategic regional stakes (domino effect). More often than not, this perspective ignored the involvement of diasporic actors,migrants and exiles in the processes of socio-political transformations of the Arab world. As a result, migrations and diasporas represent a blind spot of the studies of the Arab revolutions. And this, despite the fact that many transition government stems from the ranks of these actors. In the cases where regimes fell, economic migrants and political exiles expressed their rekindled feeling of national belonging, leading us to rethink Anderson’sconcept of “long-distance nationalism” in host countries where precisely it was not encouraged. In the rest of the Arab World in crisis (Syria, Bahrain etc.), the exile opposition represent an essential component of the dissenting political field.The term “diaspora” is theoretically complex and has been the object of many academic debates; it is understood here, in a rather encompassing yet rigorous manner, as “ a certain type of social formation, stemming from large migratory movements, identifiable through original features that make it clearly distinguishable from any other form of ethnic regrouping that international migration can create” - these features being “a permanent state ofdispersion, that goes hand in hand with a certain rooting in host societies” and “a common feeling of identity, of ethnic nature, that does proceed from a self-representation of the disseminated community as forming an entity sharing a common history and a common culture.”Until the 2011 political upheavals, research agendas of academics or international experts alike, tended to minimize the political interest and involvement of diasporas in their countries of origin. Undoubtedly, there were political opponents in exile, forming an active minority. Yet, across the Mediterranean shores, the bulk of migrants were mainly studied, with few  exceptions (like the Egyptian Copts for instance), through the prism of economics, migration policies and integration in their host societies. The fundamental assumption was that of  distanciation/ disjonction with the political scenes of the countries of origin. At the end of the day, for migrants, belonging to the country they left boiled down to symbolic, exotic or touristic dimensions, with no real anchorage in Arab societies. In this kind of logic, the economic dimension, that is the questions of partnership in development and migrantsremittances, seemed the only one worth studying. The political dimension, as for it, that pertained to the involvement of migrants and exiles in the public life of the sending countries was quasi-absent from the various analysis. Not only was it repressed by authoritarian regimes that maintained their surveillance on nationals abroad, but neglected by the European Union and the national states that have been preoccupied above all with issues of integration. All this combined to strengthen the idea, largely spread by the regimes, that migrants are apolitical and exile opposition has no appeal nor representative power.Until the 2011 political upheavals, research agendas of academics or international experts alike, tended to minimize the political interest and involvement of diasporas in their countries of origin. Undoubtedly, there were political opponents in exile, forming an active minority. Yet, across the Mediterranean shores, the bulk of migrants were mainly studied, with few exceptions (like the Egyptian Copts for instance), through the prism of economics, migration policies and integration in their host societies. The fundamental assumption was that of distanciation/ disjonction with the political scenes of the countries of origin. At the end of the day, for migrants, belonging to the country they left boiled down to symbolic, exotic or touristic dimensions, with no real anchorage in Arab societies. In this kind of logic, the economic dimension, that is the questions of partnership in development and migrantsremittances, seemed the only one worth studying. The political dimension, as for it, that pertained to the involvement of migrants and exiles in the public life of the sending countries was quasi-absent from the various analysis. Not only was it repressed by authoritarian regimes that maintained their surveillance on nationals abroad, but neglected by the European Union and the national states that have been preoccupied above all with issues of integration. All this combined to strengthen the idea, largely spread by the regimes, that migrants are apolitical and exile opposition has no appeal nor representative power.This international conference aims at inquiring into the ways through which diasporas, migrants and exiles participated in the political changes at work in the Arab world. Participants are invited to take distance with the dichotomy between domestic and international spaces for engagement.This topic is part and parcel of the scientific forum created by the WAFAW program that seeks to analyze the recomposition of Arab political scenes in the light of the changes brought about by the fall of some authoritarian regimes and the legitimacy crisis of the remaining ones.Suggested themes Five themes were selected to guide those willing to participate in the conference:- theme n°1 - Activist legacies and political activities in diaspora (societies, parties and organisations): in the aftermath of the 2011 Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions and the subsequent protest movements in the Arab world -whatever their end results, numerous associations and societies, whether political or not, were set up by binationals, migrants and new and former exiles, who now seek their recognition in the host and in the home countries. However, these new organisations do not come out of the blue: they build on the legacy of existing ones that pioneered the struggle abroad. This theme will then identify what is now and was at stake for transnational mobilisations.- theme n°2 - The returnees, role and involvement of migrants and exiles in political transitions: the recomposition of political scenes has made possible the return -temporary or definitive- of migrants and former exiles in their home country. The returnees sometimes play a central role in the political transition as they are given responsibilities in political parties, in the new-elected assemblies or portfolios in the governments, like in Egypt and Tunisia. Thus the focus will be here on the trajectories through which these new actors fit back into the new national politics as well on the assertion/contestation of legitimacy drawn from the experience  of “ostracisation” abroad for the exiles.- theme n°3 - The migrants’ participation in the electoral and constitutional processes:   under the authoritarian regimes, migrants considered voting in their home countries as useless and irrelevant to them, so that the electoral turnout and mobilisation were particularly low. Today, the vote of nationals and binationals abroad, the voters’ attitudes and behaviours take a new salience, worth being studied.- theme n°4 - Constitutional debates and public discussion surrounding the status of binationals in their country of origin: the new presence of binationals and former exiles onto the national political scenes rose public controversies, questioning the legitimacy of their actions. These debates were mirrored in the new constitutional bodies and led to the production of legal texts meant to define the conditions of inclusion and exclusion into thepolity, as well as nationality and citizenship as a whole. Here the main focus would be on the debates dealing with the politics/identity nexus and on the normative production (decrees, laws, articles of the constitutions etc.) that can widen or restrict the access of binationals to power and rights.- theme n°5 - Flight, exile et new political asylums: revolutionary processes and their violent handling generated new waves of exile and flight. Western countries have traditionally welcomed certain types of exiled opposition (like the anti-Iranian revolution diaspora); yet Arab countries are too often forgotten despite also being destinations for exile, that are more and more favored due to their linguistic, cultural and geographical proximity but also therestrictions of asylum policies in the West. Contrary to the Western asylum systems, Little is known about the acceptance of candidates to exile in various Arab countries. Moreover, beyond the Arab region, it would be of relevance to look at the policies of Turkey and Iran in this matter, that both welcomed a great number of Arab political opponents and political refugees fleeing repression.EligibilityThe conference is open to MSc/MA students, PhD candidates, researchers and academics, irrespective of their nationality. Working languages will be French, English and Arabic. The selected participants are responsible for making sure that their travel documents (passports, visas…) are compliant with the Tunisian immigration law.CostTravel (economic fare), accommodation (two nights) and food expenses will be covered by the organisation of the conference. However, participants should be covered by a health and repatriation insurance.ApplicationSelected presenters must send abstracts and papers within the allocated timeframe, upon which their final registration will depend. Following the conference, the participants will send their fully-revised paper (25,000 to 40,000 signs -spaces included) to be published as proceedings in a scientific journal.Deadline for sending abstracts: 15 May 2014Deadline for sending full papers: 15 July 2014Deadline for confirming attendance: 15 September 2014 To be returned before 15 April 2014 to:DiasporaTunis2014@gmail.comREGISTRATION FORM(!)&#160;Information http://www.edu-active.com/conferences/2014/mar/03/wafaw-international-conference-2014-tunis.html