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Le colloque aura lieu les&#160;&#160;22, 23 et 24&#160;novembre 2017Argumentaire&#160;Le CRHQ et le M&#233;morial de Caen organisent en d&#233;cembre 2017 un colloque international intitul&#233; &#171; M&#233;moires et&#160;massacres&#160;(ou crimes de masse) au XXe si&#232;cle &#187;. Il s&#8217;agit de poser la question des diff&#233;rentes postures/situations m&#233;morielles des soci&#233;t&#233;s, de leurs protagonistes (bourreaux, victimes, t&#233;moins), des enjeux et des usages sociaux et politiques pos&#233;s par les diff&#233;rentes attitudes possibles notamment chez les anciens bellig&#233;rants &#8211; d&#233;ni, n&#233;gation, oubli, aveu, pardon, concurrence m&#233;morielle&#8230;Du premier&#160; massacre des Herero perp&#233;tr&#233; en 1904, en Namibie par l&#8217;arm&#233;e coloniale allemande &#224; ceux des ann&#233;es 1990, des Tutsis au Rwanda par les Hutus ou des Bosniaques musulmans de Srebrenica par l&#8217;arm&#233;e serbe, l&#8217;horreur de la mort de masse innerve le XXe si&#232;cle. Extermination des Arm&#233;niens durant la Premi&#232;re Guerre mondiale ou des Grecs anatoliens au d&#233;but des ann&#233;es 1920 par les troupes ottomanes, terreurs, famines programm&#233;es et grandes purges de la Russie sovi&#233;tique des ann&#233;es 1930 ou massacres japonais en Chine et notamment &#224; Nankin, ou encore pers&#233;cutions juives et tziganes de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et des autres crimes de masse auxquels elle a donn&#233; lieu, tout comme les nettoyages ethniques ou crimes des guerres civiles qui suivirent le retour &#224; la paix, &#233;liminations de masse en Chine, notamment lors de la r&#233;volution culturelle, au Cambodge devenu Kampuchea d&#233;mocratique, &#8230; on sait que depuis 2008, le recensement de ces ph&#233;nom&#232;nes mortif&#232;res a &#233;t&#233; en grande partie consign&#233;, &#224; l&#8217;initiative de Jacques S&#233;melin, dans une encyclop&#233;die en ligne (http://www.massviolence.org/)Soulignons que le pr&#233;sent colloque entend s&#8217;attacher au seul aspect de la m&#233;moire des massacres et non aux massacres eux-m&#234;mes, en privil&#233;giant la perception qu&#8217;en ont eu et/ou qu&#8217;en ont encore les soci&#233;t&#233;s, &#224; travers leurs instances officielles sans n&#233;gliger le point de vue &#8220;d&#8217;en bas&#8221; et les manifestations populaires qui y sont li&#233;es. Cette dimension est importante dans la mesure o&#249; elle implique d&#8217;int&#233;grer la m&#233;moire de ph&#233;nom&#232;nes mortif&#232;res massifs comme par exemple les bombardements strat&#233;giques des villes durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale dont certains ont pu &#234;tre v&#233;cus comme crimes de masse par une partie de leurs survivants ou par les descendants de leurs victimes. Ce choix invite &#233;galement &#224; dissocier l&#8217;ampleur des crimes &#233;tudi&#233;s et leur mise en m&#233;moire et pose de nombreuses questions ou offre des lignes de r&#233;flexion notamment en rapport avec les th&#233;matiques suivantes :Massacres et m&#233;moiresOn pourra s&#8217;interroger tout d&#8217;abord sur l&#8217;identification ou l&#8217;efficience en m&#233;moire de la dimension &#8220;massive&#8221; du crime. Dans l&#8217;espace m&#233;moriel, donc collectif comme invitait &#224; le penser Maurice Halbwachs, quand commence le massacre et quand cette conscience collective appara&#238;t-elle ? Si la question des chiffres constitue un enjeu &#233;vident entre victimes et bourreaux (ou acteurs), est-il possibe de d&#233;finir des effets de seuil ou des crit&#232;res symboliques caract&#233;risant le ph&#233;nom&#232;ne ? La nature des faits eux-m&#234;mes, et ce qu&#8217;il est convenu d&#8217;appeler les surviolences, influence-t-elle la qualification m&#233;morielle des faits ? Ces questions et leurs corollaires pourraient &#234;tre r&#233;sum&#233;es de la fa&#231;on suivante : quelle nature des faits pour quelle mise en m&#233;moire ? On privil&#233;giera dans un souci d&#8217;&#233;quilibre les &#233;tudes des cas les moins connus ou les moins &#233;tudi&#233;s.Les m&#233;moires et les motsLes morts de masse par la famine en Ukraine ou celles des Juifs dans les chambres &#224; gaz g&#233;n&#232;rent des discours et des transmissions diff&#233;rents d&#233;finis par les mots qui sont au centre des enjeux m&#233;moriels : crimes de masse ou massacres collectifs (ou de masse), g&#233;nocide, appropriation en forme de revendication d&#8217;unicit&#233; sp&#233;cifique dans l&#8217;&#233;volution de la m&#233;moire juive (holocauste, Shoah) ethnicides, nettoyages ou &#233;purations ethniques, bombardements &#8220;strat&#233;giques&#8221; &#233;ludant le massacre de civils&#8230; Les mots portent les m&#233;moires dont ils sont les signifiants mortif&#232;res. Ils agencent celles-ci selon les n&#233;cessit&#233;s sociopolitiques du pr&#233;sent et sont souvent les signes constitutifs de leur instrumentalisation.Les m&#233;moires amplifi&#233;esLes crimes de masse peuvent aussi s&#8217;inventer ou s&#8217;amplifier et trouver dans imaginaire des v&#233;rit&#233;s sans fondement. Ainsi en va-t-il de certaines d&#233;nominations tendant &#224; exag&#233;rer les faits pour mieux servir des int&#233;r&#234;ts du moment. La formule &#8220;&#233;puration sauvage&#8221; par exemple, appara&#238;t en France dans les ann&#233;es 1980 pour &#233;voquer, &#224; rebours de tous les comptages scientifiques, les morts dus aux exactions lors de la Lib&#233;ration en 1944. Au-del&#224; de la rigueur des chiffres, certains massacres qui n&#8217;ont pourtant rien de comparable en proportion avec ce qu&#8217;il est convenu d&#8217;appeler &#8220;crimes de masse&#8221;, peuvent cependant &#234;tre revendiqu&#233;s comme tels dans les (re)constructions m&#233;morielles partisanes ou sous l&#8217;emprise d&#8217;influence &#8220;h&#233;ro&#239;co-victimaires&#8221;. &#192; l&#8217;inverse, on pourrait s&#8217;interroger sur les conditions particuli&#232;res ayant emp&#234;ch&#233; ou emp&#234;chant encore l&#8217;&#233;mergence publique de crimes de masse inconnus ou mal connus.M&#233;moires conflictuelles Concurrents et/ou conflictuels,&#8212;leur d&#233;veloppement indique le plus souvent qu&#8217;il le sont &#224; un moment ou &#224; un autre&#8212;, les processus m&#233;moriels des crimes de masse se caract&#233;risent, selon les points de vue ou les parties, par l&#8217;affirmation ou le silence, la revendication ou le d&#233;ni. Les m&#233;moires sont otages de l&#8217;oubli, enfouies, endormies, r&#233;veill&#233;es puis &#233;mergentes, contest&#233;es puis reconnues et l&#233;gitim&#233;es. Rhizome &#233;motionnel des soci&#233;t&#233;s chaque traumatisme collectif conna&#238;t en devenir sa propre &#233;volution et peut-&#234;tre aussi une forme d&#8217;autonomie tant il est soumis aux multiples enjeux du temps pr&#233;sent. Nous nous attacherons ici tout particuli&#232;rement aux travaux tendant &#224; historiciser ces ph&#233;nom&#232;nes en les repla&#231;ant dans leur contexte.Les lieux de m&#233;moire : Les mus&#233;es, les m&#233;moriaux et autres monuments comm&#233;moratifs constituent naturellement des indicateurs pr&#233;cieux tout comme le d&#233;bat social entourant leur gen&#232;se. Il en va de m&#234;me pour leur usage public et les diff&#233;rentes justifications officielles ou officieuses pr&#244;nant leur n&#233;cessaire fr&#233;quentation (cf le d&#233;bat autour le la visite &#224; Auschwitz), leur r&#233;ception et le sens que l&#8217;on peut donner &#224; leur niveau de fr&#233;quentation. Indicateurs de m&#233;moire, ces lieux &#233;voluent et, le temps passant, on constate un glissement fr&#233;quent de leur identit&#233;, le plus souvent de la guerre &#224; la paix. Ces lieux (ces totems ?) sont parfois trace de l&#8217;&#233;volution de la demande sociale ou signe d&#8217;un changement de l&#8217;usage politique du pass&#233;. Leur mutation de mus&#233;e de la guerre en mus&#233;e de la paix est souvent signe, le temps de la col&#232;re et de la r&#233;crimination passant, d&#8217;un premier pas de r&#233;conciliation vers l&#8217;ancien agresseur. Ainsi pourrait-on poser la question de savoir qui souffre de la guerre dans les mus&#233;es ? L&#8217;exemple fourni par les mus&#233;e japonais (environ 3,1 M de morts japonais pour environ 20 M de victimes de la guerre d&#8217;agression) permet de saisir la pluralit&#233; des postures locale/r&#233;gionale devenant source de confusion ou de flou entre victimes civiles et victimes de l&#8217;arm&#233;e imp&#233;riale.La m&#233;moire judiciaire des massacres : les proc&#232;sOn pourra &#233;galement s&#8217;attacher &#224; ces marqueurs importants que sont les proc&#232;s, reg&#233;n&#233;rateurs du d&#233;bat social en m&#234;me temps qu&#8217;ils &#233;tablissent une forme de bilan de la situation m&#233;morielle d&#8217;une soci&#233;t&#233; &#224; un moment donn&#233;. Lorsqu&#8217;ils entrent en conjonction avec des luttes montantes, les proc&#232;s peuvent contribuer &#224; l&#8217;&#233;mergence d&#8217;autres m&#233;moires comme, par exemple, celle dite &#8220;genr&#233;e&#8221;, li&#233;e aux viols et aux exactions envers les femmes de r&#233;confort en Asie, qui donn&#232;rent lieu apr&#232;s la 4e conf&#233;rence des femmes de l&#8217;ONU &#224; P&#233;kin en 1995, au Tribunal international des femmes sur l&#8217;esclavage sexuel &#224; Tokyo cinq ans plus tard. Enfin, la question des r&#233;parations et le processus g&#233;n&#233;ralement long qui y m&#232;ne peut &#234;tre naturellement objet d&#8217;&#233;tude. Ici s&#8217;ach&#232;ve g&#233;n&#233;ralement le cheminement toujours long vers la reconnaissance des faits par ceux qui les ont commis, avant que r&#233;silience et r&#233;conciliation n&#8217;estompent la m&#233;moire des crimes, rarement jusqu&#8217;&#224; l&#8217;oubli.&#160;Comit&#233; scientifique (provisoire)Eismann (UCN),S. Grimaldi (M&#233;morial),&#160;J-L Leleu (MRSH Caen),M. Lucken (INALCO),S.Martens (IHA),D. Peschanski (CNRS),F. Rouquet (UCN),J. S&#233;melin (CNRS),F. Virgili (CNRS),A. Wieviorka (CNRS)Date : 22, 23 et 24 novembre 2017Lieu : M&#233;morial de Caen (France)Modalit&#233;s pratiques d'envoi des propositionsLa date limite de soumission des communications est fix&#233;e au 15 avril 2017Conditions de soumission :&#160;la pr&#233;f&#233;rence sera accord&#233;e aux &#233;tudes historiques ou non faisant ressortir de nouvelles perspectives ou champs d&#8217;&#233;tude. Les propositions, en fran&#231;ais ou en anglais, doivent prendre la forme d&#8217;un&#160;r&#233;sum&#233; de 300 mots&#160;accompagn&#233; d&#8217;un CV d&#8217;une page et nous parvenir adress&#233;es &#224;&#160;francois.rouquet@unicaen.frCRHQ-M&#233;morial de Caen,&#160;international symposium, 22-24 November 2017ArgumentIn November 2017, the CRHQ (Centre de Recherche d&#8217;Histoire Quantitative &#8211; Centre for Research in Quantitative History) and the M&#233;morial de Caen are organising an international symposium entitled &#8220;Remembering 20th&#160;century massacres (or mass crimes)&#8221;. The symposium will focus on different memory-based positions/situations and their social and political impact and purpose in the societies in question, particularly among former belligerents &#8211; denial, negation, oblivion, confession, pardon, the conflict between memories etc. &#8211; and will cover all the different parties involved (persecutors, victims, witnesses).From the Herero genocide of 1904, enacted by the colonial German army in Namibia, to the massacres of the 1990s, of the Tutsi people by the Hutu government in Rwanda or of Muslim Bosnians in Srebrenica by the Serbian army, the horror of mass slaughter has punctuated the whole of the 20th&#160;century. The recurrence of Balkan massacres ever since 1913, the extermination of Armenians during the First World War, the slaughter of Anatolian Greeks by Ottoman troops in the early 1920s, the terror, planned famine and large-scale purge of Soviet Russia during the 1930s, the Japanese massacres in China, particularly in Nanking, the extermination of Jews and Romani by Nazi Germany and the war of annihilation in the East during the Second World War, as well as the ethnic cleansing and civil war crimes that followed the return to peace, the massacres during decolonisation and the Cold War, the mass slaughters in China during the cultural revolution, the ethnic cleansing in Cambodia, which was then Democratic Kampuchea, and many more such crimes. Since 2008, following the initiative of Jacques S&#233;melin, the majority of these acts of slaughter have been brought together in an online encyclopaedia (http://www.massviolence.org/).We would like to point out that the 2017 symposium will be focusing on the&#160;memory of genocide and not on the genocide itself,&#160;with a particular focus on the perception that societies had and/or still have, through their official bodies but also without overlooking the point of view of &#8220;ordinary&#8221; people and public demonstrations of this perception. This aspect is important in that it suggests that we must also include the memory of acts of mass slaughter such as the strategic bombing of cities during the Second World War, which could be seen as mass crimes by some of their survivors or by the descendants of their victims. This choice also encourages us to dissociate the scale of the crimes studied and the way we remember them. It also calls raises a number of questions and offers lines of thought, particularly in relation to the following themes:Massacre and memoryWe can first of all look at the question of identification or memory efficiency concerning the &#8220;mass&#8221; dimension of the crime. In memorial space, which Maurice Halbwachs suggested was a collective space, when does genocide begin and when does this collective conscience appear? Although numbers &#8211; of victims and perpetrators - are of obvious importance, can we actually define thresholds or symbolic criteria to characterize the phenomenon? Does the nature of the actual events, and what has been termed further violence, influence how memory qualifies the facts? These questions and their corollaries can be summarised in the following way &#8211; how does the nature of events affect how we remember them? To ensure we provide a balanced approach, we will give priority to studies of lesser known or less researched cases.Memories and wordsMass slaughter, whether through famine in Ukraine or of Jews in gas chambers, generates different versions of dialogue and transmission that are defined by the words chosen. Words are a key element of issues surrounding memory &#8211;&#160;mass crimes&#160;or collective (or mass)&#160;massacres,&#160;genocide, appropriation in the form of claims of specific uniqueness as Jewish memory evolves (Holocaust,&#160;Shoah),&#160;ethnocide,&#160;ethnic cleansing&#160;or&#160;purification,&#160;&#8220;strategic&#8221;&#160;bombings that elude the massacre of civilians&#8230; Words carry the memories of which they are the lethal signifiers. They adapt our memories according to the socio-political requirements of the day and are often the constituent signs of this manipulation.Memory amplified or amputated&#160;Mass crimes can also be invented or amplified and can uncover unfounded truths in our imagination. Such is the case in certain denominations that tend to exaggerate the facts in order to better serve the interests of the moment. For example, the expression &#8220;untamed cleansing&#8221; appeared in France during the 1980s in reference, contrary to all scientific census, to deaths caused by acts of violence during the Liberation in 1944. Beyond the rigour of numbers there are some massacres that, although proportionally far from comparable with so-called &#8220;mass crimes&#8221;, can nevertheless be claimed as such in partisan (re)construction of memory or under the influence of a &#8220;hero-victim&#8221; effect. Conversely, we can study the specific conditions that prevented or that still prevent public recognition of unknown or little known mass crimes.Contentious memory&#160;Usually shown to be, at one time or another, competing and/or conflicting, memory processes relating to mass crimes are characterised, depending on points of view or on the parties involved, by affirmation or silence, and by claim or denial. They become even more complex when social or ethnic groups become in succession, and often in a spirit of retaliation, perpetrators and victims. Memories are taken hostage by forgetting. Buried, put to sleep, then awakened to emerge, first contested then recognised and legitimised. At the emotional root of society, every collective trauma experiences a form of autonomy as it is placed in our memory, since it is subjected to the multiple issues of the present day. Here we will be particularly focusing on studies that concentrate on the historical framework of these phenomena by putting them in context.Places of memoryClearly, museums, memorials and other commemorative monuments are precious indicators of memory, as indeed is the social debate that surrounds their creation. The same goes for their public use and the various official or unofficial justifications that advocate the necessity of visiting them (e.g. the debate surrounding Auschwitz), as well as how they are received and the meaning that can be attributed to visitor numbers. These indicators of memory evolve through time and frequently undergo shifts in their identity, most often from wartime to peacetime. These places (totems?) are sometimes the remnants of changes to social demand or the signs of a shift in political use of the past. Their evolution from museums of war to museums of peace is often the sign, once the period of anger and recrimination has passed, of a first step towards reconciliation with the former aggressor. Is it therefore possible to ask who suffers from war in these museums? The example provided by Japanese museums (about 3.1 million Japanese people died for 20 million victims of the war of aggression) enables us to understand the plurality of local/regional positions that become a source of confusion or uncertainty between civil victims and victims of the imperial army.We can also include artistic production in these places of memory. This aspect can clearly not be overlooked when we see to what extent mass crimes have been a source of inspiration/fascination in graphic art, literature, poetry, cinema and theatre... The study of these works is even more interesting because the way they are received by their audience and critics transcribes current opinion, awakens our consciences, triggers or reactivates social debate and is therefore a wonderful sounding box for memory.Judicial memory of massacre: trialsWe will also focus on the important markers that are legal proceedings, which rekindle social debate whilst providing a sort of overview of a society&#8217;s memory at a given time. When they converge with rising struggles, trials can help to draw out other memories such as, for example, the gender-based&#160;crimes of rape and abuse of comfort women in Asia which, after the UN&#8217;s Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, led to the Women&#8217;s International War Crimes Tribunal in Tokyo five years later. Finally, we will of course be looking at the question of reparation and what is usually a long process to reach it. Here is where generally lies the end of a long path to recognition of the facts by those who committed them, before resilience and reconciliation blot out memory of the crimes, rarely to the point of forgetting.Temporary Scientific CommitteeG. Eismann (UCN),S. Grimaldi (M&#233;morial),&#160;J-L Leleu (MRSH Caen),M. Lucken (INALCO),S.Martens (IHA),D. Peschanski (CNRS),D. Pohl (Univ. Klagenfurt),F. Rouquet (UCN),J. S&#233;melin (CNRS),F. Virgili (CNRS),Nicolas Werth (CNRS),A. Wieviorka (CNRS)&#160;Dates: 22, 23 and 24 November 2017Venue: M&#233;morial de Caen (France)Submission guidelinesThe deadline for submission of papers is 15 april 2017&#160;Conditions for submission:&#160;priority will be given to historical research that provides new perspectives or fields of study. Proposals, in French or English, must be submitted as a&#160;300-word abstract&#160;and sent along with a single page CV to:francois.rouquet@unicaen.fr