SPEECH OF MIR. THOMPSON,

Mthe Hnsc of Represemati.es, Fe ru arg 9,
{"character_count": 5875, "word_count": 994, "ccnet_language_score": [0.9438999891281128], "ccnet_perplexity": [1134.199951171875], "fasttext_language": ["en"]}


 devolves upon me. in the name ot my coll s.ituants, 10 insist upon holding that seat, and to vindrate, if possible to demonstrate. tae rightfulness Of my title. could not be Ia- tucod 10 retain my place, and exercise the high functions daily discharged by me. one ,,ay loager. were persuaded thai those who sent lne here had no right to elect member to Congress, CT that majority of the people of Mississippi had TO. called upcn ne, ac- cording to the laws of the land, to occupy the station.

 The constitution is explicit: Each House shall he the judge of the election returns, and qualifications of its own members ."--- There can be. then, no doubt of our jufisdie- ton in this ease. We cannot escape from this duty if we would. Ne are the Judgcs,. the sole judges, of the claims and right5 oi the members of this House. And from that decision there lies no appeal; Il IS final and conclusive. Being judges, you should throw off the gar5 of partizan you should cease to tlesire. f any such unhallowed purpose finds an abiding place ia any quarter of this House, to make political capital out ol question which should be discussed without passion, and decided with coolness and deliberation. This Is . great question. involving the dearest boon of freemeu, the brightest jewel of the sovereign-the right to representation. The people have the heaviest stake, and the peo- ple's representatives should not hastily, or with party bias, make decision which might interrupt. impair, or suspend their most in- valuable rights.

 In this government. this right ot representa- tion-tlis privilege of having voice in n'ak- ing or altering those rules of acton ny which we are to be guided--is oaf birthrigh', onr dearlv-hought hut most inestlmahle nhesi- taace The full p ssessi n and the frequent exercise of this right will eve~ tend to elevate man in the scale of being. In IS nnquestioned and perfect enjoyment, he walks forth l'l all the dignity ofa freeman; GeprlHe him of 1t, and YOU make him slave Wherever this right exists, there is liberty: and ill proportion to the fullness and extent of having this voice in the passaqe and administration of laws, IS Polla- cal liberty to he measured.

 Under difTerent forms of governmental despotsns, moparchies, and aaristoeracies---a people may enjoy their personal rights. The high administrator of the government may possess a benignant heart. and feel a strong and abiding sympathy for his subjects. Ills regulations may be wise and foebea~lng ln- justice may be prevented. vice suppressed, and virtue promoted and inc people may be coatented, prosperous, and happy. The phi- losopher, with view to fidieule the popular clamol for liberty, may cxclaim with sarcasm:

 I os .ifs.4: e e ,,.ernnent lat fools contest:

 That which is best adlninistered.is hast.

 Tel ihe American freeman. when he exam ines this asorable picture Of the condition of the subject whose heart pulsates with pri5e at the traapings of honor, and exnlts in the gleries of his great rulef--tnras from the con temptation of such mon with disgust, and says, in pity, he is slave; and thai because he has no voice in making the laws which govern his country.

 For this right, our fathers laid down their lives; aa,l this Is the lIe-cIrrent whose ua- interrupted circulation has kept up the vig0r and strength and beauty of ouF fo m of goy- efnneat. Tais Is the great bUiw;,- oi free dom-.he palladium ol liberty. Anl surely we afe not, ia this government, to seek for psetexts-to run alter excuses--to give forced and uaaa,ugal constructions to conflicting sa- tutes--to defeat, delay, or destroy, this right. On the contrary, we ase bound, at all times, | under every pretext, and amid all apparent conflicts of legislative eaae;meats, so to con strne them as to leave this right in the hands of the people. Whatever Congress and ihe Ssate legislatures may do; wha.evet may be the requirements on the one hand. and the resistance and obstinacy, if you please. on the other hand d,-,he right is to stand. The people are not, in the cobweb distinctions of f,Jl h,s cheated out of their right of representation.

 What Is the question now before the House: The States of New Hampshire, Georgia, Mis- souri, and Mississippi, in conformity to the requirements of the constitution. had pre- scrhed the times, places. and manner of hold ing elections for rep esenla.iyes to Congress. These regulations had heen long aud repeat edly acknowledged to be constitutional; they had been made to suit the views of eonyen- fence and policy of the people of those S,aies No complaint was heard ffom any quarter that, ill their regulations, these States had done any wrong, or hal exercised any oppression on their own or any other people. No mal- mur of disconient had reached these balls.-- Yet, while these laws arc ia full force and efficacy, the last Congress enacss, That in every case where State IS entitled to more than one representative, the number to which each State shall be entitled under this appor- tionment, shall be elected by districts com posed Of contiguous territory, equal in number to the number of representatives to which said State may be entitled, TO cue district eecting more than one representative" Tine legisla- lures of these fonr Sn;e satisfied with the re- gu.ations they had previously prescribed, have stood still and have not altered, or modified, or changed their election laws. The people. not the legislatures of these four States; the people who have to obey laws when made by compeleat authorities; the people w'o compose andsupport this government by their toll and courage, the sovereign people, to whom this government belongs, have sent representatives here to watcl, over their in,e- rests and maintain their rights. We are here by acknowledged majoriiies, and no man claims oi1r seats N oW tho onpst,f,,, 1T, I,a 1.,