{"character_count": 5722, "word_count": 1001, "ccnet_language_score": [0.978600025177002], "ccnet_perplexity": [727.5999755859375], "fasttext_language": ["en"]}
ed under some doubt, whether such an amend ment would not ve this bill such charac- ter that the Scnae could net proceed with it-illrnishing alt areumen, that, because it would raise duties Il cannot originate here. The answer to that is very plain If this i were true, We ( u not report any bill in this House relative to the revenue, to which an amendment might not be offered, increas- ing duties, and thereby busting the Senate of its jurisdiction. Suppose bill, introduced on the subject of revenue, neither increasing nor diminishing duties, where the right of the Senate to originate is undoubted: would it not be competent for any Senator to offer a clause increasing duties l admit that such an amendment, if adopted, would not be consistent with the powers of this body but take it for granted that the Senate would reject It, on question of order, or vote 1t down; for the obvious reason that it would be unconstitutional.

 The Senator from Connecticut Mir Hunt IngIon mikes uIIotrr st1pIosiis,fi ,f t. #sii. liar cliafaeter-that this bill should pass here, be sent to the other House, and be there amended so as to increase, instead of rcdu- cling, duties. That House has the power of 

 which embarrasses the gentleman is, how the President Is to act upon 1t, when the bill is sent 10 him. He supposes the President might put his veto on the bill, and would not know in which House il originated, and where to return 1t. IL make,no doubt the President, overwhelmed as he is with tifi- euties, would be able to overcome this.-- 1 The Senator from Connecticut may dismiss all apprehensions on that subject. l will tell you, sir, where, in the case supposed, the bill would originate. would originate here as bill to reduce duties, and i'll the other House as bill raising revenue, by increas- ing duties-a character which that House alone has right to give it.

 It appears to me obvious that the whole purpose of this clause in the Constitution was to prevent the Senate of the United States from originating all bills imposing burdens on the people--an idea borrowed, no doubt, from the exclusive right of the British House of Commons, to originate tax bills, there call ed money bills.

 With regard to precedents on this subject, that of the Compromise act-which is direct ly in point-seems to be regarded us of little weight; but l regard it as one of the most solemn decisions on question of order or of privilege ever made by the Senate.

 You know, sir--we all know--the deep excitement which prevailed throughout the United States, and which was alayed by the bill introduced by distinguished Senator from Kentucky, IMr. Clay,l to compromise the conflicting interests which then agitated the country l then said--I have always said-that never, in the course of my political experience, had known any public man dis play a more heroic moral courage than that Senator did on that memorable occasion.-- Sir. he was denounced by the manufacturers and their representatives here us a traitor who had betrayed them.

 That compromise, sir-ail,i ! speak of il as a matter in which had some agency that compromise quieted, as then hoped forever, the deep excitement which then agi- | tated the whole Union. It was cmpliatical- ly called the olive branch of peace; and l wish to God that that distinguished states man, who had such an important agency in passing that measure, had remained here to vindicate and protect it from the foul and faithless mutillation 1t received. principally through the agency of his own political friends in 1842.

 l But, sir, from considerations which doubt not were sufficient to justify his course to his own mind, he retired from his seat in this body, and was not here when the tariff bill of lS42 was passed. And regret to say, that l have lately seen published q letter 1 from him, (which, in its general principles, perfectly aecords with my own views of public policy and public justice, concluding with the opinion that this act of 1Sl2 IS a very good measure upon the whole; that he has not examined it thoroughly 1; but thinks that some slight modification might be made, which he is otprepared to point out with ont further examination. Now, sir, ] like l the text of that letter; but cannot approve of this practical commentary. The former leads directly to the restitution of the com promise act, and to the overthrow of that formlcss monster, the act of 1872, which has supplanted it, aud violated its solemn pledg- es But, sir, it seems to be the desire of some senators that that monument of patriot ic compromise and conciliation, should be stricken forever from the statute-book and that the memory of il, if possible, should vanish from the minds of the present genera ton. The tariff of 1S12 is certainly well adapted to effect this object. That measure,  no doubt, occupies distinguished place in the affections of the senator from Maine lMr. Evans. He had an important and inlluen- tial agency i'll its passage presume, as it is calleda revenue law, 1t was referred to the Committee on Finance, over which he pre- sides with SO much distinction, He bears, therefore, in some sort, ap;irvntal relation to it, and I am not much surprised at this strong sentiment of regard manifested by that sena- tor. It is well known that, of all the scnti- ments of the human heart, that winch at taches parent to his offspring is the strong est. But, notwithstanding all this, l should have hoped that the senator from Maine, in the spirit of the Roman patriot who offered up his son for the violated laws of his conn., try, would have been prepared to make si- milar offering, but for another sentiment still stronger than that to which l have alluded | hot tba of ,c