WASHINGTON. D. C. WEDNESDAY, JUNE 70, 1874
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Of Texan cotton, their fields must be abandoned
| TO desolation. f Ntt4
| These, MIR. President, are some of the ruin
ous consequences affecting the industrial and


commercial interests of the United States with
which we are threatened if Texas should fall


under the influence of that foreign "ascendancH'
| which we have seen that distinguished British
statesmen have claimed as sort of /" natural
prerogatiye of England in the younger and weak
er States of the new world. Now, SIR let us
consider the dangers which threaten our security
from that same ascendancy, if we are to heed the
open and undisguised avowals of British policy,


recently addressed, in all the forms of diplomacy,


directly to ourselves The Senate will compre-


hend, at once, that refer to the despatch of Lord
Aberdeen to Mr. Pakenham, communicated by


the latter, under the express direction Of his Gov
ernment to the American Secretary of State.


Mr.. President, you know full well, and this body
will bear me witness, that am no sgitator or


alarmist in regard to the designs Of foreign powers
| cherish the interests of peace as among the
| highest and dearest of humanity and especially
| have felt and still feel how important and des-


rable it is to preserve peace and amity and cor


dial good understanding with England, with whom


we have all the ties of common ancestry, com.


mon language, and large and mutually benef-
cial commercial intercourse, to bind Us closely
together. But, with all these feelings, have not


been able to blink the import--the true and


naked iuport-of this communication of Lord
Aberdeen; and will add, sir, that, in my long
connexon with this body, nothing has struck
me with so much surprise as the commentator
with which it has been treated by the distin-
guished Senator from Missouri, Mr. BENToN)


That it is frank, and even more-a bold despatch,
| will readily admit; but that it is a |" noble"
despatch, meriting our especial eulogy or thanks,
| can never agree. On the contrary, must say
that, as bold and formal annunciation of a set


tied policy on the part of one Government to use


its influence and erertions to procure the abo-


ton of certain domestic institutions of another,


contained in communication addressed directly


and face to face to that other, it is without exam


pie In the diplomatic intercourse of nations--ex-
cept SO far as England herself has recently ven-
| tured to set the example in her intercourse with
| two other American Powers, Brazil and Texas.
| That England may, in her domestic discussions,
| in her Parliament, in her anti-slavery conven-
| tons, say what she pleases about her sclf-as-
sumed mission of 0bolishing slavery throughout
the norld, even at the expense of the peace
Of the world, and that, without giving a just
cause of offence or complaint to other Powers,
will not deny but when she boldly announces
that to be her pol cy, which she will continuc to
pursue openly and unremittingly, in formal d-
plomatic communication made to another sove.


reign and independent Power. where the nstitu.
ton she proscrbes is still permitted to exist, it


becomes us to pause, and to contemplate calmly.
but resolutely, the consequences to which such
an Intervention as this, in the domestic concerns
Of other countries tends and will in all probability,
inevitably lead in the end. 1t seemed to me, Mr..
President, that the honorable Senator from Mis-
| souri, (Mr. BENToN) had deceived himself as to
the true character OF this extraordinary diplomatic
paper, by dwelling rather fondly upon the least
significant parts of it. In his comments upon it,
he told us that it amounts to nothing more than
the innocent expression Of tDish--a mere wish
to see slavery abolished in Texas and throughout
| the world; and he repeatedly and fondy recur-
red to these comparatively feeble expressions in
the despatch. Let the honorable Senator turn
again to the despatch, and he will find other and
far more significant and characteristic passages


in it.


In announcing and defining the "policy" OF
England, Lord Aberdeen employs the following
marked and unreserved language, in which there


is something very different from a mere passive
,cish to sec slavery abolished throughout the
world: "Great Britain" says he," desires, and


is constantly ererting herself to pro :nrc the gen.


eral abolition of slavery throughout the world; !"
and in the closing paragraph OF the despatch, lest
we should not have sufficiently comprehended
the pregnant import of his previous annuncIation
of the policy of his government, he takes occasion
to advertise us again, in parenthesis, that "they
will not deslst from those open and honest eU0TtS
which they have constantly made for procuring
the abolition of slavery throughout the world"
Now, sir, this sounds to my ear very differently
from mere uish to see slavery abolished, to
which the honorable Senator from Missouri re-
duces and attenuates the whole vigor OF Lord Abb
erdeen's despatch. On the contrary, his lordship
tells US emphaticay that the policy of England


is to /" e1ert" herself constantly and actively, and
to make use of "eforts" to procure the abolition
of slavery throughout the world; and he twice
repeats the declaration in the same significant
terms. What is this, Mr.. President, but the sol
enn annunciation Of England, in all the pomp
and circumstance" of an official communication to
foreign government, of determined purpose to
place herself at the head of moral and diplomatic
propagandism, Ito say the least,) involving the
internal peace and safety of foreign countries, in
some Of which she planted, by her own policy
and power, the very institution against which she
now proclams this crusade. !.


Is not this, sir, the very principle of the French
revolutionary IrODnC n ndis0, against which her