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tie up the hands of their representatives, and throw obstacles in the way of all proposals k having national utility for their object, was proposition he thought too monstrous to be adopted. This was the prevailing doctrine, not only with the President, J. q. Adams, and his cabinet; but with many of the most leading members of Congress, and with per haps, majority of the people out of Con- gress at the time; for there Is a fashion m political opinion, usually emanating from the great officers of government. The politicians

 of each State, dazzled with the prospect held

 out by his administration, and looking to ob-

 tain as large portion as possible of the na-

 tiona expenditure for their own State, and

 in promotion of f their local interests, inclined

 to his doctrines. These are motives of great

 efficacy; but more powerful than pralsewor-

 thy; for they assume somewhat of the com

 plexion of bribery. It seems like Esau seii-

 ing his birth-right for mess Of pottage.

 This early difference in the construction

 of the Constitution, is still ill train of dis-

 cussion. It came up as question Tn Con-

 gress originally, with the successful incorpo-

 ration of the National Bank, in l79l-sub-

 seouentlv with the motions to lay out, and

 afterwards to repair the Cumberland road

 This led to the general question of Internal

 Improvements, and implied and constructive

 powers, for which there Is no other pretence

 but their being conducive to the general wei fare which, according to Mir. J. c. Adams

 and his administration, IS the polar star ot

 our government, and a motive sufficient to justify the House of Representatives in mak-

 ing appropriations for any measure, which,

 in their opinion, can be brought within it,

 For, according to them, as this is in fact the

 great object of all government, 1t cannot be

 otherwise in our own. To this it has been

 objected by the Republican and Democratic

 party from very early period of our Con-

 stitutional history,

 1st. That 1t sets Congress free from all limits and restraints, and enables it to assume despotic power; inasmuch as the general

 acel,care is an expression sufficiently compre- hensive to include all power whatever. Thus destroying all the limitations and landmarks l, enacted by the Convention, and assuming , powers by implication, expressly negatived and denied in that Convention.

 , 2d That 1t involves and will justify a , system of expense, which the people are un- able to bear, of indefinite limit and perpetual !. duration and system of patronage and la vortism so extensive as to endanger the lib- critics of the country. Individuals are bl-

 assed by jobs, contracts, superintendencies,

 and the expectations of them; and States are

 bought by proposals of greater sums laid out

 in those States that support the views of the executive.

 3d. That 1t takes from the right of State governments to improve their own territory,

 and subjects such an extent of territory to the executive and judiciary of the Union, by means of roads, canals, Notifications, &c.. that the rights of the States are nearly ami Inflated by this proposal. They are intersect- ed and interfered with in all directions.

 4th That 1t is calculated to fill the whole country with contractors and speculators, all

 of them through interest, devoted to the gen. eral government and the executive 9th. That if any power be really wanted t the people when Constitutionaly applied to- in the way sanctioned by the Constitution will be ready to grant 1t: but to seize upon |, this extensive and indefinite power without application to the people, Is an usurpatlon. , 9th That under this sweeping claim o the general welfare, there is no State right ol privilege, but may be easily prostrated by the f influence of the general government, and the larger States. The Union is no longer g Union of separate, sovereign and independ ent States, but of petty municipalities, con trolled in every particular by the power as- sumed at Washington. The holy alliance might successfully defend it's worst and wild est claims under this pretence. It implie: l despotic power, and mocks control. It may be well to state some facts to show l how far Congress has actually passed ove f the known limits assigned to 1t in the Con stitution. It is a disgraceful and melancholy l catalogue of encroachments, which will,

 persisted in, render that instrument called tn, Constitution, no better than waste paper. f I lay down as position undeniable, tha those powers which were proposed in th' , Convention, to be given to Congress, whicl ? were there considered, debated, negatived } and refused, cannot now be assumed withou direct and manifest usurpation. If grant | power of attorney and expressly reject cer , tain clauses proposed to be inserted, can my } attorney afterwards act as if those clause had been acceded to and inserted instead o rejected , Can a power expressly rejected be assumed by implication

 oH Iile lOti udy ol august, 1fOf, dio ioi lowing powers were proposed Gin the Con f venton) to be vested in the Congress of tn, United States.

 ? To grant charters of incorporation gene rally.

 ? To grant charters incorporation in case l where the public good may require them 9 and the authority of a single State may b ) incompetent.

 In discussing the Constitutionality of tn,

 first Bank of the United States, Mr. Madison 5 asserted that the proposition to vest in Con r gress such power had been proposed ant rejected in the Convention.

 To establish an university.

 To encourage by proper premiums ant l provisions, the advancement of useful knowl : edge and discoveries

 = To establish public institutions, rewards = and immunities for the promotion of agrcul