E" Young Ireland" to 0'Connell,


AND
OLD IRELAND TO THE REPEAL ASSOCIATION.


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i DuHy's Letter 10 Daniel OCOnnell.
| RArHMINEs, Oct. 18th, 1884,


ant letter TO the association that you are at present
balancing the respective merits of Repeal and
| Federalism, am anxious to throw few thoughts


onthe subject loosely before you. If | were still
| member OF the association, would do so there
| as am not, prefer the familiar medium of a let


ter to the less kindly and respectful one of
paper article. ! learned, during the three happy


months spent in Richmond, how considerate you
can be OF adverse oplnons-how couiteousy you
| treat and how candldy you weigh them-a circum-


stance which would be equally unwilling to forget
or abuse.


You are aware that am not prejudiced against
Federalism. Last year there was unjust and
| unreasonlng clamor against it among Repealers of


great enthusiasm and small capacity They called


II names, made jokes about it, and did everything


but try to understand it, AT the risk of abuse and
Misrepresentation, and those working with me in
claiming the Federalists as allies and demanding
soft words and fair treatment for them We insis.
ted that of trained inteIlects and great per-
sonal respectablity, who had formed their opinions
with respect We asked and obtained for them
recognition Of that principle, without which CO.
operation Is impossible" the right OF differing"


Il is clear, them that prejudice is out Of the ques-
ton.


But confess should be sorry to see the Re-


pealersgo any further In that direction. The Fede-


AS we are going the same road, it is good to march
| cordially along with them; but those who 20 far
| thest are clearly entitled to 60 foremost. We
ought not to change or confound our places
You see assume, and think il is capable of


easy demonstration, that whether federalism be a


better thing than Repeal, or worse thing, it is,
| all events, totally different thing.


| think it essentially worse thing


In the firs place, the imperial representation"


which it is based is calculated to perpetuate our
| moral and intellectual subsection to England. Ii
London the scene Of their ambition. Ii will


continue to train them in English manners feelings
| and prejudces; and to establish permanently a


centre OF action apart from their native country


BY the same process 1t will plant deeper the physi-
cal evil OF absenteeism 1t will compel our Lords
and Commons to reside out of the country and


continue the drain upon our resources, on which
you found 80 strong an argument for repeal. In


this respect, think II worse for abseneeism


than Or. MaunsePs teetotum parliament.


In the second place, It becomes necessary to
Cui bono? We are asked to give up part Of the
powers and prerogatves of our domestic legisa.


tlon to secure an influence in the parliament Of the


smP,se b and we ought 70 be shown very distinct
Irish minority then, be able to influence house,
where IT is powerless now A strong and substan-


tia claim for domestic legislation arises out of the
Indifference with which our interests are treated
by the English majority-what guarantee is there,


there be, that it will be different hereafter!
This is subject which respectfully think claims
your earnest attention.


In the third place. federalism, as it is interpreted
by some OF the soundest men of that party, de-
mands local paraments for the three divisions Of
| the empire, and an imperial one in common. Now,
ii this principle be insisted upon, federalism is an


impracticabty; tor II implies Reorganization of
the British constitution. Apart from any other OBJ


lection 10 it, it raises new and tremendous diff


Guilty which does not exist against repeal We
been robbed te federallss, who insist upon push


ing their principle far as will 60, want recon


struction Of the empire upon a new basis If ] am
4 party, are we not woolng shlpwreck if we embark
| in the same boat with them?


| Moreover, some of the Federalists do not con-
| template House OF Lords tor Ireland. They
| would give us legislative council, consisting OF
one chamber Here we have second innovation,
and, of course, second difficulty. They ask a
| thing foreign to the British Constitution, and a
thing which, for that very reason, (however good


it may be intrinsicallyl, would undoubtedly be re-
fused But is it good? II would leave us demi-


parliament, about as useful relatively to an entire
| would exile the chief landed proprietors in the
country-vlz: the the peerage. Very bgotted and
heartess that peerage may be; but while il pos
keep it under home influences The section Of the
/ Frederalists who would have no peers in our do
mesiic Legislature, while they would have them in


the imperial parliament, contrive to make absen-
| teesm duty


Federalism appears to attract you chiefly be-


cause it seems to provide better security than Re-


peal for the. connexion with England and am
not surprised at this when recolect your strong
feelings on that subject But you Cor 1reand) are
but one party in this transaction; England is the


other and she Is keen and selfish enough to
her own interest, whatever form the alliance may


take. You are the arbitrator, not for both coun-


tries, but for Ireland. The gentlemen on the other


side will take Of the stability OF the bargain
Federalism has undoubtedly the advantage of
/ Repeal in one points it is less hated--ignorance
| and prejudice have not blown it. Ant-Repealers
/ are not trained to regard it as raw.head- and.
bloody bones They look with comparative calm
i ness upon it and are certainly more likely 10 be-
i n NJ n Rut
| would not be in better, but in worse condition,


for effecting this purpose, 1t the national party
| adopted il to a man. The Lords used to think Il


excellent logical reason for rejecting bills, that
| they were countenanced by O'Connell and fear
party prejudice at home would treat Federalism
| in the same way To be misunderstood and mis-


represented, is the tax upon greatness; and since
you are n,iuionare, you cannot complain OF being
taxed in proportion.


But If It has this advantage, 1t has on the other


hand the pervading and incurabe evil of aiming in
land, as that OF Repeal is Ireland. The two prin-


ciples might be represented by lines running paral
/ lei, but tending to opposite directions Which
will chose, upon mature dellberatlon, have little
| doubt


Forgive me il / step aside, and question the po.
| lcy OF embracing federalism. This is beside my


original purposes but as no sovereign prince of the
world Of public opinion was ever more tolerant Of
| counsel, do not fear that you will dismiss my
| suggestions without some consideration. AT all
events, since have been pseudo martyr, have
l some KIND oil claim 10 De real contessOr
| am fully convinced, then, that if federalism
were desirable, il would be retarded, not ad.
vanced by the national party falling back upon il.


With all respect for the iederasts, II must be said,
| that they are haunted by petty and ridiculous
fear of agitation. Perhaps they have not vgor for
lt-perhaps their habits dlslnclIne them to publicity
| but at all events, they have always kept care
| fully days march behind the people lfyou had
CONNIE need by asking federalism three years ago,
| the majority OF these would be specializing at
this hour upon justice to Ireland" and the resto-
ration of the wings This may not be true OF indi-
vduals but it is true of the party; and prophecy
| that, il you ever, by any chance, fall back upon
their ground, you will find it deserted federalism


with IL and YOU cannot get nearer 10 IL, or farther
| from IL.


Again, they are a Justs MiieU party, between
Il nd cal Ie s--thP