President Tyler's Letter
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rentinc the nomination for the Presidency

 maaa bv a Convention of my friends Tn May

 iast. at Baltimore, have lost much of tileT origl-

 nal force had been not only most violently assailei 5v the UItraists of both parties, but had been threatened with impeachment for having negotiated Treaty proposing the an- nexation of Texas to the Union, as portion of its territory, and for having adopted pre- cautionary measures, clearly falling within the range of Executive discretion, to ward off any blow which might have been seriously aimed al the peace and safety of the country il the event of the ratification of the Treaty by the Senate. The opinion of a person, once ranked amongst the distinguished jurists of the country. found is way into the news papers, apparently as the precursor of such a proceeding. \ report had also been made, at a previous session of Congress, by com

 mittee of the House of Representatives, winch

 proceeded from the pen of a man who filled

 no limited space in the eye of the world, i'll

 which-because of the exercise oi the Veto

 power in arrest of the unconstitutional and

 perncous measures of United States Bank,

 and donation to the States of so much of

 the public revenue as was derived from the

 public lands. at moment of great emharrass-

 ment to the Treasury, and when loans were necessary to sustain the Governmental was charged with the commission of grave offences in the above particulars, and with deserving all the pains and disgrace flowing from the high power of impeachment, a measure. as It was intimated, not only resorted 10 by the House because of doubt entertained whether hx f01Iilir

 sentiment. lhad, Ii is true, protested against that report as originating in wrong, and dlc- tated by party rancor and maleyolence; but my Protest was refused place on the jour nals of the House, and thus, in future times, my name might have been tarnished by the fact of solemn declaration, highly impllcat- ing my character, remaining mcontradcted and unreversed on the public journals. The party majority which had sanctioned a pro- ceeding so unjust had, it IS true, been swept out of fexistence by the elections which shortly afterwards followed but, at the time of my acceptance of the nomination, although large and overwhelming majority of the opposite party had been brought into power by the People, as if for the express purpose oi sus- faining mo in what had done, yet that very party had made no public movement mdica- tive of friendly feeling, and a portion of it's members, who seemed 10 control the rest, exhibited the bitterest hostility. and the most unrelenting spirit of opposition. Under these circumstances, there was but one course left to me consistent with honor, which was, to maintain my position unmoved by threats, and unintimidated by denunciatons. Those b. hoI Zfp support, had done so in self-sacriiicing spirit, without the indulgence of any other eXpecta- ton than that my character should be vindi cated, and that the policy of my Administra- ton should be sustained; and felt that 1t would better become me to abide the most signal defeat than to incur the disgrace of deprecatng the action of party, the chief object of whose leaders seemed to be to fasten upon me disgrace l had also an indistinct hope, that the great question of the annexation of Texas might, in some degree, be controlled by the position l occupied. These motives induced my acceptance of the nomination made by my friends. Before the close of the session of Congress-, however, developments were so clearly and distinctly made as 10 the threatened impeachment, that no trace of such measure was left. MrJ q, Adams report, duplicating my motives and conduct in my Vetoes of the Bank and other bills, was de- prived of all of its force and iuriive effect, by a Report made by committee, of which Mir. Ellis, of New ' ork, was Chairman, aecompa- nied by resolutions, which passed the House of Representatives some few days before the close of the session by large and command :ig majority, not only reseuing my motives fromall imputaton, but justiiying and uphold ing my policy. Thevoiee of the People in the elections of 1872 was thus directly responded 10 by that of their Representatives, and but little remained for me personally, either to expect or desire. Since the adjournment of Congress, the language of many of the leading presses of the country, and dresolutions adopted by large assemblies of the People in their primary meetings, have still further endorsed the proceedings of the House in appreciation of the acts of the Administration. lcould not, however, look exclusively to my own wishes, which would have ledme immediately to retire from a contest which seemed no longer 10 be possessed of an object worthy of much fur ther attention. But l was not at liberty to do so without first consulting with some of my most prominent and steadfast friends as could most readily confer with; men who had shared with me in much of the abuse which had encountered, and would partially have participated in all the obloquy, if any, which might, in the future, attach to me. So far as have been able 10 consult them, they have yielded their assent to the course which my own judgment suggests as proper; and now announce to them and the country, my withdrawal from the Presidential canvass.

 l cannot omit to accompany this public annnnciation with few remarks, addressed to the Republican portion of what was called the Whig party of l810 make no appeal to that other portion, which was formerly known during the early period of our polli- cal history, as Federalists, at "a later day as National Republicans, and now pass under the general appellation of Wings. Such an appeal would be wholly out of place, since their political principles are entirely at war with those 1 have advocated through life. mean no imputation on their motives or their a.f, .l I