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out oouIlualy, III negotiations both with Spain and Mexico, after Mexico became. indepen- dent, and measures have been in actual pro- gress to mark the line, from the Sabine to Red River, and thence to the Pacific Ocean. We have thus fairly aiienated our tile to l eAas' by solemn national compacts, to the iulliment oi which we stand bound by good ialth and national honor IL is. therefore. perfectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishono- rable, to talk of resuming our title to Texas. as Ii we had never parted with il. We can no more do that than Spain can resmue Flo nda, France Louisiana, or Great Britain the thirteen colonies now composing part of thc United States

 During the administration of }Ir. Adams. Alr. Poinsett, Minister of lhe United States at Mexico, was instructed by me. with inc Presidents authority, to propose q rc-Dur- chase oi Texas; but he forcbore even to make an overture for that purpose. Uponhi rei,rD to the United States, he informed me at New Orleans, that his reason for not ntlinq il

 Was' that ne knew the purchase was wholly lmpractlcablc, and that he was persuaded that Ii he made the overture, 1t would have no other effect than to aggtavatc iTitations ai ready existing, upon matters of difference between the two countries.

 The events which have since transnire] in Texas are well known. Sie revolted aoainst the Government of Mexico, flew to arms. and finally fought and won the memorable battle ot San Jacinto, annihilating Mexican army. and making captive of the Mexican Presi- dent The signal success Of that Revolution was greatly aided, if not wholly acieved, by citizens of the United States who had mi grated 10 Texas. These suceors. if lhey could not always be prevented by the Gov ernment of the United States. were furnished in a manner and 10 an extent which bronabt# upon Us some national fepoach in the eyes of an impartial world And, in my opinion. they impose on Us the obligation of scranH- lously avoiding the imputaton of having in- stigated and aided the Revolution with the ultimate view of territorial aggraudizement

 After the battle of San Jacmto, the United States recognized the independence of Texas. in conformity with the principle and practice which have always prevailed iu their councils

 oi recognizing the Government "de faci0o

 Withoutregarding the question de j8re. That recognition did not affect or impair the rights oi Mexico. CT change the relations which existed between her and Texas. She, on the contrary, has preserved all her rights and has continued to assert, and so far as 1 know vet asserts, her right b reduce Texas 10 obe- dience, as a Partof the Republic of Mexico According to late intelligence, t is probable that she has agreed upon temporary sus- pension of hostiltics; but If that has been done, presume t is with the purpose, upon the termination of the armislice, of renewing the War and enforcing her rights, $ she con- siders them

 This narrative shows the present actual condition of Texas, so far as l have informa- lion about fl. If t be correct, Mexico has not abandoned, but perscTeres in the asser- ton of her rights by actual force of arms, which, if suspended, are intended to be re- neWed. Under these circumstances, if the Government of the United States were 10 ac- quire Texas, it would acquire along with 1t all inc incumbrances which Texas Is under, and among them the actual or suspended war between Mexico and Texas Of that conse- quenee there cannot be a doubt. Annexation and war with Mexico are identical. Now, for one, ] certainly am Hot willing 10 involve his country in a foreign war for the object of acquiring Texas. know there are those who regard such war with indifference and as a triling affair, on account of the weakness of Mexico, and her inability to inlict serious injury upon this country. But do notlooll upon it thus lightly. 1 regard all wars as great calamities, to be avoided, if possible, and honorable peace as the wisest and truest policy of this country What the United States mogtneedare union, peace, and patience. Nor do think that the weakness of Power should form motive, ill any case, for induc-. ing Us to engage in or to depfecate the evils of war Honor and good faith and justice are equally due from this country towards the weak as towards the strong. And if an act ofinjustice were to be peiPetrated towards any power, tWould be more compatible with the dignity of the nation, and, in my iudg- ment, less dishonorabIe to inaiet t upon a powerful instead of a weak foreign nation But are we perfectly sure that we should be free from injury in a state of war with MeXi- eo3 Have we any security that countless numbers of foreign vessels, under the autho- rity and flag of AIeXIeo, would not prey upon our delenceless commerce in the Mexican gull, or the Pacific Ocean, and every sea and ocean3 What commerce, on the other hand, does Mexico offer, as an indemnity for our losses, to the gallantry and enterprise of our countrymen3 This view of the subject sup poses that the war would be confined to the United States and Mexico as the only bellige- rents. But have we any certain guaranty that Mexico would obtQin no allies among the great European Powers Suppose any such Powers, jealous of our increasing great ness, and disposed to check our growth and cripple us, were to take part behalf of Mexico in the war, how would the different belligerents present themselves to Christen- dom and the enlightened world ! We have been seriously charged with an inordinate spirit of territorial aggrandizement; and, with out admitting the justice of the charge, 1t must be owned that we have made vast ac- quisitons of territory within the last forty years. Suppose Great Britain and France, or one of them. were to take part with Mexico