For ihs ReeiNe

THE GENERAL TICKET LAW.
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the measure ltse m the hfsf place anu secohuN, |" enquire into it's practical effect upon the elective fran chise. If, upon calm and deliberate investigation it shall be found that the general ticket system IS m strict conformity the principles as well as the let ter of the constitutions and calculated in it's operation greatly to enlarge instead of diminishing the rights of the people, fears or need to be entertained that it will receive the apr"bation of the candid an dsnteresled of all parties even if il should continue to experience opposition al e hands of demagog"es upon small scale, who unable to perceive any higher motive to the performance of important public acts than desire to promote party purposes, and gratify the cravings of ''lll weayed ambition" EV- cry one at all familiar with the history of ihis govern ment, is aware, that one of the great moving causes that led 10 tine separation of the United States from Great Britain, was to the right of separate representation-tlat right which the fathers ol the republic proclaimed in dying terms was, "in- estimable to them (us) and formidable to tyranis only"

 Fresh from the arluous and doubtful but successful and glorious conflicts of the revolution. delegates from the several states (then coones) assembled in convention for the purpose of placing the rights for which they had fought and bed, and in defence oi which thousands had found glorious graves upon solid and lasting foundation The federal consttu- ton is Ihe fruit the best bitter fruit, according to the use we make of it, of the abors of that conyen ton.

 Two great elements necessarily entered into and had to be provided for in the constitution-the sovereignty of the it existed prior to the adoption of the constitution, ,and the rights of the peo pie of the separate independent colonies. The hfst, the sovereignty of the states, was secured by giving to each state equal representation in the Senate with out regard to size or population. And the framers of the constituton faithful to the great object they had in view declared in the very first article of the constitution that, "members of the House of Repre- senatves should be chosen every second year by the people of the several states' 2d Sec. Alt. Con. U States.

 Who, according to this provision of the constu- tion exercise of the great elemental prn- ciples of the new constitution, by choosing members of the House of Representatives '! answer in the language of e constitution, the people of the several states" The people of the several states, not by de-

 

 of the several states in their aggregate, political sov eregn capacity. When we speak of the people Of Alabama in political sense, do not mean the peo pe of Huntsville, Tuscaloosa, or Mobile, but we the people of the state in the broades sense.-

 Hence, when the framers of the constitution spoke of the people of the several states in reference choo sing membs IFS of the House of Representatives, they

 I r.i.-. Lot e,l,, ,i, one limitation, and that that they should possess

 the requisite qualification vote for members of ihe most numerous branch of the State Legislature. The right to choose representatives is right reserved in express the people of the several sates and every person in the State of Alabama possessing the requisite qualifications vote for members of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature, has right to vote for the whole number of members to which the people of the state are entitled according to numbers and the ratio fixed by law. It. is not my object to shew that the district system is uncnstit- tional It is sufficient for the friends of the General Ticket Q, styu, si,ew that tat system conforms strictly the principles well the express letter of the constitution, and is eminently calculated to carry out in practice those great principles for the attainment ofwhich the multiplied horrors of the rev. olutions were encountered. Having shewn, think conclusiyey that the General Ticket Law is strictly constitutional, propose now to test it by analogy. According the federal constitution the Senate of the United States shall be ''composed of two Sena- tors chosen for six years by the Legislature thereof" Here is grant of power the State Legislatures to choose two Senators each, and this grant is clothed in terms almost identical with those employed in giv- ing to the people of the several states the power to choose members of the House of Representatives The grant the State Legislatures is to choose Sem The grant to the people of the several states is to choose members of the House of Representa- tives If, under the power to regulate the time, place and of voting for Senators and Repre- sentatyes to Congress, is competent for the State Legislatures to deprive the people of the several states of the right to vote for portion of the mem bers to which, according 10 numbers they are enti- tied, would it not be equally competent for them in regulating the manner of electing Senators to pro- of the Legislature, the Representatives from one portion of the state and the other Senator by the other branch of the Legislature the members from another part of the sael In the supposed each member of the Legislature would participate in the election of one Senator, which is precisely the prin ciple of the district system.

 But I ask, has not each member of the legislature

 right secured him by the constitution, to vote for two Senators1 Unquestionably he has. And by a parity of reasoning be resisted, each voter in the State possessing the requisite qualification to vote for members of the most branch of the State Legislature, has right to vote for the whole number of members to which, according to numbers ,he State is entitled in the Congress of the United States The grant of power to the people to choose representatives, is just perfect and indvsible as the grant to the State Legislatures choose Sena- tors, and human ingenuity may be safely defed to point out the difference in principle between them Believing then, that have clearly shown that both upon principle, and from the clearest analogy that the General Ticket law is free from constitutional objections, propose inquire into its effect upon the elective franchise and to show that so far from it's abridging the rights of the people that in the election of members of the House of Representatives, it in creases their rights just fve-fod. It will be recol- iected that in one of the most notable attacks on the General Ticket law the printed address of Gen neral Crabb to the voters of Alabama, announcing himself a candidate for Congress, the principle is