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Cur readers will find in this evenings paper the Ewing. According to the Madisonan, the President

 is ayoraby disposed towards it and will give it his

 sanction in its present form. The whig papers gen. eray object to it, because it's power and the scope

 it affords for jobbing and speculation too limited. The National lntelligencer praises it fanty and hints at notifications. The Baltimore American suggests capital of fifty millions is as the very low for useful purposes. The Charleston Patriot says

 it ought to deal in foreign exchange, so as, pre- sume, to buy up cotton and relieve the planters. The Journal of Commerce says that the mercantile men of New York, opposed to it because it must of necessity be too ''mucha political and too little mercantile machine" The New York American ob-

 ects to it n fOto, yielding the very essentials of national bank, and insists monster in it's fullest proportions. .sr

 These are all the whig opinions we have yet seen this measure, and they plainly exhibit disappoint- ment. That it would not receive the sanction of the Clay party we felt assured, unless the alternative of no bank is presented to them.

 Although abridged of some of the powers belong ing to the old bank, it is difficult discover how this proje escapes the constitutional objections urged against that institution. It is qubble to as- sert that, if Congress has right establish bank in any particular State, it establish in the District of Coumba thence to operate the States through its branches elf Congress" (says the Rich mond Enqurer) ''can place their lever an inch of ground in the District to the Unlon, they might always be violating the Constitution. They might establish interpretations there for commercial, featuring and religious purposes, and tempt single States to admit them into their bosoms, and thus directly the country wh charters, when the o,oer to establish interpretations asked for and expressly refused in te Ftdvai Conpention'' The difficulty is not avoided either by asking the permission of the States to establish branches. If bank, as the whgs contend, is constitutional, Congress has right establish one, without the permission of the States and if branches necessary for the collection and disbursement of the revenues, it has right to estab fish those branches in defiance of the wishes of any State. If it is not constitutional the permission of no State States to allow branches within their bor- ders can make it The constitution stands above them all and can only be reached through the means which itself prescribes

 Besides, taking this plan in its most favorable light, it gigantic corporation with all the essen- tials of bank, ,-and every knows that the fra mers of the constitution expressly refused all power either directly indirectly which could be construed to meant right to make such corporations.

 Inregard to the checks imposed in this plan, the New. York Evening Post makes the following com ments:- ,gHte ... -

 "Mr. Ewing is wrong in supposing that the re- strants imposed by the law would be any restraint

 in practice upon institution of such enormous pow CT. The States have t jed time and again, without effect, to put yoke upon the comparatively small banks which they have created. They have exhaust ed their ingenuity in devising etters vet the banks have done pretty much they pleased. Penalties, forfeitures, nes and liabilities of every sort have been contriyed without number, with about as much influence piece of red tape would have in secur- ing their doors and vaults. "1here never was a law" said member of the British House of Com mons, "there never was law that you cannot walk round, crawl under or ride over;" and the history of legislation in this country is abundant proof of the truth of the saying Nor should it be forgotten in all these attempts that if you make your resric- tions tight, the monied classes whose support is necessary the starting of bank, will have nothing to do with it, while if they not tight enough the bank may play the most fantastic tricks with the and trade of the nation. Nothing but a perfectly free system can adjust the difficulty

 "Mr Ewing is wrong in supposing that he can prevent "overfradine, issues, fluctuations prices of stocks and consequent speculation" by provision in the charter of bank. He must be pro- foundly ignorant of his subject, if he does know that these evils have their origin in the very heart of the banking system, and no more be remedied, by slight modification of bank charters, than you can cure dropsy in the head by bandaging the little toe. His inquiries must go deeper than the rate of dividends, or tbe mere amount of it's loans, if he would probe the disease 10 its source. He will find in the power to issue notes, updar the endorsement of the government, with a promise to pay, which is on the face of notorious lie, more fostering cor Fuption than his searches into details has yet revealed to him.

 sHe is wrong in supposing, too, that an individual will pay cash for the stock in bank, for which the States are suffered pay in bonds deprecated forty or fifty per Will the solvent merchant of New York city pay specie for what the Governor