The STATE Prison Question.
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GsSTLEMES: The effort. making by Me
chanics in this City, and generally throughout cur
State to shake OF the incubus Of the State Prison
system mas, as your correspondent L. y X in your
paper of the 23d so truly remarks, caused the
great mass of our citizens to believe that there il


in reality some fe where there is smoke But
here. permit me to suggest, all truth and fairness
on his par; cease; and perchancc the charge Of
iulging without reflection and denouncing without
thought, 80 literally made by him, may possibly
have its origin in his own superficial views, and
wha, at least hasty conclusions. With these
conclusions, as suck, We DO not suarrel; for as
suming his premises to be correct, they are not to
be Questioned. His premises ,hemselve. we be-
lievc to be wrong, and, with your permission,
we will occupy small space in your columns, in
representing what appears to US the justice and
truth Of the subject.


Most certainly state Of labor the one in
which nature has placed Us. To earn our support
By the sweat of our brow, is the common and wise
direction of Providence. That he who has tres
passed against the laws sf the land and violated
their iniunctons should be sustained in idieness.
by the industry Of the vrtuous, is assuredly neither
desirable nor just. That his own happiness would
not be promoted nor his heart reformed BY such
course, is equally evident. A regard for the good
of the offender, well as for the interests OF the
public alike forbid ii but better would it be- far
better, that the good to the guilty should be lost,
and any pecunary advantage the State might gam
should be sacrificed rather than the method pur-
sued by our government should be perp-tuated


From he general ad missions above made, YOUR
correspondent assumes that when attempts
to gain a subsistence by preying on the labor of
others, society in It's organized capacity should
compel him to labor" - On what principle then.
he asks lriumphanty, " can the labor of convicts
and tcIons be objected tor Why, on no principle
but this, that it is wrong to bring their labor in
competition with that OF the honest man. In this
perfectly accord with him. But of this argu-
ment, 50 cnvalierly disposed Of we have not Vet
learned the taacy la 1t is our strength, and on
It's justice content to rest--but .h, wonder
tul discovery OH prodgious expansion OF human
intellect hs has asceralned that this argument is
founded on the assumption tha: only the virtuous
are entitled to lahar and in this view it (labor)
becomes privilege, and not duty" Ga what
grounds the discovery Is made, we confess ig-
Horance. He'd he asserted that the virtuous only
were entitled to the rerard OF labor there would
have been more show OF reason. That men work
for the sake of labsr merely, do most heartily
deny. The rew0rd OF labor Is the inducing cause
and whatever tcnds diminish that reward below
fair average equivalent tor services rendered, Is
both private injury and public wrong. On this
general principle we might safely rely. But the
subject before Us needs more than the application
Of merely general principles. In the very outset
OF his argument, in the very first position your cor
res rondent assumes, in his Zeal annitilatc the
efforts and strike deaih-blow to the hopes OF the
mechanic, he states that it mus, be understood
that in civilized communities the common veal re-
quires division of labor" Undoubtedly he is right
in this, and that the labor of class is much
labor as that of another AS much needed by
the community as that of another.


If this be so, (and no one has ever dreamed OF
denying it) then ale the laborers in each depart
ment equally entitled to reward and support; and
if, ut the first blush, instinctvcly shrink from
the idea OF State using the products OF crime TO
compete with the hard labor and unweared In
dustry of the honest and deserving OF the citizens
generally, how much more rcpucnant is II to our
sense OF Justice select for the object o. that com
petition single class from among them BE
the theory what it may this Is the practical effect
of our State Prison System and while perhaps II



almost total ruin of the Mechanic. Thrown upon
his own resources compelled TO rely on himself
before the creation Of this odious sy STEM the boy
OF hardy health and strong integrity in the re-
turns of his daIy iabor sure support. and pro-
spective competence. Industry failed not OF lis
correspondent good Economy saved portion OF
what Labor gained. and coming Age seemed not
the cold and frosty thing she Is 10 poverty. Under
its operation how different the feelings OF iis VIC
ims. With equal energy and equal skill, the Me
chanic parting wiki his hGndwurk for scarce The
cost OF lis material, gains but mere SUBSISTENCE
for kimSeIt and scarce Yields to ms laboIers
There is no tiction here, the experience OF too
,nanv can testify Suffer this blot To remain unre-
moved ana the system, taking away the stlmuant
to active industry by denying It's adequate reward,
will only create the vice which II Is intended TO
DESTROY That such state Of things is opposed to
Justice aud right Is clearly evident. That II should
exist any where would be Natter OF astonishment;
but that it should be the policy of the Empire State
o4 our own Union; and that when the voice OF
those who have suffered under its blshtlng iniu-
escc is raised in respectful, but earnest remons-
trance. there should be found those who still can
advocate It's continuance. may well cause Us 10 tear
lest the great principle OF civil and political equal
itv Is in danger of subversion. TIE great beatty
the feature that breaihcs harmony throughout the
tabric-lhe yery foundation OF our Government Is,
that aH without distinction both as individuals and
As classes ma, receive protection and claim It's
aid. Let Us preserve that JeGtnre-let Us cherish
that spirit OF our glorious Constitutions.


Your obedient servant, W


sep! 2i, ISL,


TgsyEssgE.-The Hon. Jane. c. Jones Nhig)
,,as Ias, ,veek inausursted Governor OF Tennessee