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instability of all human grandeur, and Il might ado,


the insufficient or treacherous promise Of Corona
fions, however gorgeous and seemingly joyful.


The ceremonial was, perhaps, as strong asst
rance for the soldier of fortune, when Napoleon
stood dlademed at-Notre Dame, and seized the
iron crown of Lombardy, as Coron,tions are, at
This era for any monarch whatever That of
Victoria was the mighty blaze and pageant, the
grand concourse and proud array of arisfocraty;
that of Ferdinand, the magnificent manifestation
and studied game of Royalty; and both are threat
'ened all over Europe with confusion and uproar,
dangerous strife, utter desecralon. overthrow at
| least partial, within fewer years than have been
allotted to persons older than Victoria. The pow
erS and the idols, notwithstanding The recent dis
plays and triumphs, contrived for an imposing ef-
iect and mutual encouragement, may soon sink
together before associations and exhibitions of
very different nature and drapery. There are ar-
partitions more formidable TO the absolute mo-
narchs and privileged orders than the spectre of
Lafayette. The Coronation Of Victoria seems to
have been the signal for unfurlng in England ard
Scotland thu People'a Charter WHICH has drawn
meetings Of hundreds Of thousands at Birmine-
ham and Manchester. The more peaceable the:
immense Radical assemblages, themore ominous.
France, Great Britain, Belgium, the Spanish ard
Italian peninsuas, and large part of Germany,
are all fermenting with the Democratic leaven.
Louis Philippe understood the situation Of Roy
atty in general, when, just after being warmly
greeted by the whole National Guard of Paris lie
said to Lafayette, ''This is worth more to me than
the amounting at Rheims" (Cela yavt nieur
pour MOI que le sacre dc Rheins.)


The "reminiscences which have mentioned
form most instructive and temperate review of
the several Revolutionary periods of France, and
bring under notice most Of the principal persona
1UpS nd of thp Six al,l
exposition Of facts, proving thorough acquant-
ance with every transaction and question, and his
special comments, are blended many profound
general reflections. The whole retrospect is pre-
lcious for history and biography. He manifests
as much adherence Of the Jacobn maxims and
excesses, as love for the cause Of genuine free
dom, and assurance OF it's final triumph. His
constancy on this head is the more meritorious
that few of the noblesse had, personally, more
reason to hate and deplore the Revolution ti.an
himself. Ills large estates confscated he


lost by the guillotine his nearest and dearest re-
latives, and number of ''bosom friends OF his


y hole life;'' multitude, of both sexes, and of
the noblest qualities, were murdered or proscrib-
ed, on the express charge of ''attachment to his


person and principles and to these subjects Of
sorrow and aversion may be added the sanguins-
Try plans and DEGREES ofthe Club and the ConveE-
ton against himself, and the long imprisonment
and agony of his beloved wife in the Paris jas,
during the Reign of Terror.


He repeats the assertion that he earnestly desi-
red and slrove to save Louis XVI, while the pre-
tended friends Of that monarch preferred that he
should perish rather than see him saved BY his
agency. Louis XVI esteemed, but was taught to
distrust him; the Queen hated his presence and
rejected his cOunsels; the rest of The ROYAL Fa-
mily and the Court were far blinded by their
antipathies and suspicious TO machnate against
all his plans and means for the protection of the
royal person and the constitutional monarchy. A.
though irresistible evidence Of his good faith, tie
wisdom of his views, and the infatuation Of the
Queen and Court, has been long extant, yet the
prejudices and resentments Of the Royaliss are
not in the least abated. Of the violent parties in
the Revouon-al of whom he offended and
condemned--hey will be the last to forgive or
spare his memory.


In the correspondence of 1877 and 1898, some
of the letters are to Washington and Hamilton,
whose replies do not belle their lofty intellecs
and generous hearts. Hamilton tells him. april,
1889 Il have never thought that any endeavors
could make republic Of France; and am cor
vinced that the experiment will be productive of
evil alone as long it shall be continued"
One of Lafayettes remarks, in answer TO this
sentiment, had prophetic character: ''I'he re-
surrection of the French monarchy, will, aohen
| he CitoNc HHo Ht Pote1o " ''eo 1A"S "e ~


be determined and sustained, be attended, pro-
badly, with almost as much trouble and risk as
special advantage" While he still thought
that it was not indispensable for France in order
to be free, to have hing, he acknowledges that,
if the republican poy were adopted, "severe
laws severely executed. an active police, and
,iguruus ,ruyrrnnenI, woud be necessary On
these points the exigency unquestionably remains.
Give the Executive Of France what name YOU
please political and social order and external pow
er cannot be preserved unless you impart to it
monarchiai iattributes-fxiiy, prestige, and much
energy-beaucoop denergie, Lafayeue's phrase.


In the year 1898, when war was imminent be-
tween France and the United States, Washington,
with characteristic sincerity, dssuaded Lafayette
from emigra,ing then 10 his second country: al do
not wish you to come now, or before good un-
derstanding is established between the two &C.
: vernments. In case Of rupture, and even
: should matters remain they are, you would
witness scenes, and be called upon to take part,
tha, would greatly embarrass and distress you;
+ your position would be one from which no hu-
i man prudence could eXtrcate you' This was