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MT. /, Q. AddmS moved the reIeTence OI the message and accompanying documents to the Committee on Foreign Relations. with 'n- structiOns to report on the subject tOrfhtC'th. Mir. Adams followed up this motion in a strain of energetic and impassiOned elOquence which has seldom been heard in the Hall. He spoke scarcely five minutes, but what he said pro- duced a deep sensation. His object was to declare that there was no longer any reasOna- bIe ground to expect that France would rem der us justice, and that the time had come when the House owed it to the nation and to the world, to sustain the President in the pro- position he had made in support of the nation al dignity and honor. long debate ensued, in which the sentiments advanced by MT. Ad- ans were in general responded to. The Opln- ion was almost universal in the House, that the subject ought to be taken up and acted upon after waiting few days longer. in order that the House might retain the vantage ground it had. It may be considered as the unanimous sentiment. that the session will not be permitted to expire, without giving dec'- sive support, in some way, to the stand taken by the President, unless something should Oc- cur before the 18th Or goth to render 1t nnne- cessary. Mir. Adams modified his mOtlun so as to require the Committee ,U report by the 16th inst

 Mir. Cambreleng was in favor of the motion provided the goth should be fixed. But, as Il was thought that it was best to leave the l House and the Committee untrammeIled til that time. in pursuance of the policy already adopted, in regard to the measure, by the House, the instructions were negatived, and the message and documents referred without instructions. Jour. of Com. l It seems that Mr. Adams has explained a. way the supposed .tsver heat of his speech on the French question. He remarked. that he had not said he was ready to support the prop | OsitiOn of the President, or any action of the House, or Ofthe committee, the effect ofwhich would be to produce war. He had not meant l to be so understood. But what he wished was, that the House should deliberate and for the very reason, that the measure ofihe President. or some other measure which the honour of the country might require, might possibly e. ventuate in war, he wished the House to avail itself of all the time which it had remaining, in deberating on the posture of affairs, and comparing the various propositions that might be advanced. It did not follow, be- cause the House deliberated, that it must ei- ther declare war, or authorise reprisals. It did not follow that the House must do any thing"

 MT. Adams's meaning being now rendered explicit. we presume that all those who took the alarm of war from what was at first sup. posed to be intended by him, will of course cool down, and wait for the issue. We tho't, before we saw the explanation, that a good deal more was made Of his sentiments, than the language he made use of necessarily impli. ed. He must have been convinced that there was an object to be accomplished by some of the members of the House, when they seized the opportunity to bestow such high compi- ments upon his public spirit and patriotism. It might, and probably did, remind him of what occurred few sessions ago, when the same game was attempted to be played, by the same description of politicians. by an ex- pertinent upon his vanity. But when he found himself bepraised by the Honorable Mr. Lytle, of Ohio, he must have been i'm pressed with the necessity ofextricating him. self from the prcdicament in which such an eulogy must necessarily place him. Very few men could stand under such an attack.

 ~. Y. Ado.