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 portionately participated, we have, as mat ters now stand, but little security that the at tempt would do more than change the me quality from one quarter to another.

 Thus viewing the subject, l have hereto fore felt 1t my duty to recommend the adoP- ton of some plan for the distribution or the surplus funds which may at any time remalh in the Treasury after the national debt snail have been paid, among the States, in propor- tion to the number of their representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal im- provement

 Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, it has also elicited' objections which merit deliberate considera- tion. A brief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, l trust, be regarded as out of place.

 They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the following grounds: lst, an objection to the ratio of distribution; 2d, an apprehension that the existence of such re- gulation would produce improvdent and op- Dressive taxftion to raise the funds for dis tribution: Sd. that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of works of local nature, to the exclusion ct such as are general, and as would consequently be of more use fnl character; and, last, that II would create adiscreditable and injurious dependence, on the part of the State Governments, upon the federal power. Of those who object to the ratio of representaton as the basis of dstri button, some insist that the importations of the respective States would constitute one that % ,yould h. more eouitable; and others, agaln, that the extent or their respective territories would furnish q standard which would be more expedient, and sufficiently equitable. The ratio of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of con- tribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the customs or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that it's adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be con- siderations appertaining to the subject which would render departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution, proper. Nori is it absolutely necessary that the basis of dis tribution be confined to one ground. It may, if, in the judgement of those whose right it is to fix it, it be deemed polite and just to give it that character, have regard to several.

 In my first message, l stated it to be my opinion that cit is not probable that any ad- justment of the tariff upon principles satis- factory to the people of the Union, will, until a remote period, if ever, leave the Govern ment without considerable surplus in the treasury beyond what may be required for its current service" l have had no cause tc change that opinion. but much to confirm it. Should these expectations be realized, suit able fund would thus be produced for the plan under consideration to operate upon; and ii there be no such fund, it's adoption will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; for cannot assent to the justness of the apprehen- sion that the establishment of the proposed system would tend to the encouragement of improvdent Legislation of the character snp- posed. Whatever the proper authority, in the exercise of constitutional power, shall, at any time hereafter, decide to be for the gene al good, will, in that as in other respects, de- serve and receive the acquiescence and sup port of the whole country; and we have am- ple security that every abuse of power in that regard, by the agents of the people, will re- ceive spcedy and effectual corrective at their hands. The views which take of the future, founded on the obvious and increasing i'm proyement of all classes of our fellow-c citizens, in intelligence, and in public and private vir- tue, leave me without much apprehension on that head

 do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we are to the obliga- tion upon all the trustees of polite power to exempt those for whom they act from all un- necessary burthens; and as sensible of the great truth, that the resources of the nation, beyond those required for the immediate and necessary purposes of Government, can nc where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people

 It may sometimes happen that the interests of particular States would not be deemed t. coincide with the general interest in relation to improvement within such States. But, ii the danger to be apprchended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion z.-nlxk1 |. such improvements of general character as the States concerned might net be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of confin- ing to each State the expenditure of it's ap- propriate quota. It may, however, be as- sumed as safe general rule, that such i'm provements as serve to increase the prosperi- ty of the respective States in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole. The strength as well as the true glory of the confederacy is mainly founded on the prosperity and pow CT of the several independent soveregnties of which it is composed; and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful, ac- tive cooperation, through the agency of the Federal Government.

 It is, moreover, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant with public af- fairs, that schemes of internal improvement have, from time to time been proposed, which from their extent and seeming magnifcence, were regarded as of national concernment; but which, upon fuller consideration and fur thcr experience, would now be rejected with great unanimity.

 That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certain