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distinction is made between National and Lo- cal works of improvement. The powers ot the General Government, under the Constl- tuition, are National both in their character and their objects. In this way the National and Local sovereignties are formed to har- monise and combine in one system. The Ma tional sovereignty is not authorised d to attempt any lccal improvement, for that is made the exclusive province of the local or State s0ve- reigntics; but the power to make National improvements is expressly delegated to it, or perhaps more strictly, but which is the same thing in effect, comes within the range of its exclusive and legitimate action, as necessa- " means to carry into operation some ct the higher powers, expressly and undeniably delegated by the Constitution. And here, it may be proper to give passing notice. to the common objection, that the distinction be- tween National and Local improvements can not be preserved in the administration of the Government This objection is undoubtedly too much urged in the political discussions which agiate the present day, and furnishes more evidence of a devoted attachment to a system of opinions, than of due attention to the ordinary dictates of wisdom and expe- rience The distinction, in the generality ct cases, will be easy and obvious, and there will be as little honest difference opinion on th's | tion. Is it possible to exclude difference ct opinion from the exercise of any important trust or powera It would be ridiculous and ab- surd, to deny to the General Government, the exercise of power SD necessary and beneficial as this, a power no where else vest ed, for the States cannot, under the constltu- tcn, enter into compacts and agreements with each other, which would be unavailable | if they were to attempt national works, and i all this because the power might occasionally l be carried into an abuse. The wisest ar rangement for the conduct of human affairs, the whole system of our Government is liable to abuse, but shall we therefore abandon it' We have better and more approved resource, in constantly guarding against the abuse, while we all enjoy and appreciate its manifold benefits

 Itis inquired in the second place, whether am opposed to the nullifcation doctrines ad- vccated by the leading politicians of South Cardinal As l understand the doctrines, l consider them dii ectly subversvc ct the Un- ion of the States, as established by the con stituton, and indeed inconsistent with any other speculative form of union that could prove of any adequate benefit in times ct trl- al and of emergencv. It is difficult to consi- der these doctrines with precise ideas of the

 

 mate results. which these who advocate them may have had in their contemplation; and 1t is justice to them, while most willingly con- cede, that they stand high for intelligence, honor and patriotism. But we are freed to take the doctrines as we find them. They do not seem to aim at revolution, nor arc they constitutional means 10 obtain redress ct grievances. They claim reverence for the Union, while they do open violence to its fun damental principles. They profess to restore the government to its legitimate operation, not by the methods prescribed in the consti- tuition, slow, uncertain and dishonorable as they deem them in the present crisis ot our affairs; but by new and violent contriVance resort cd to on the emergency, which is held forth as speedy, infallable, and safe, although it comes in conflict, if it does not completely prostrate the vital principles of the confede- ration. These doctrines do not propose to amend any defective or unwse part of the system, in the manner which the constitution ortlains, but seem to prefer to correct the Gn- vernmeht, by practice contrary to 1t. It will not be thought surprising, that all this and even mere, should begin to excite alarm in a country which is governed by the consti- tuition and the laws. These doctrines seem to have had their origin, in nasty and unguard- ed endeavors to obtain redress of the grie- vances imposed by the Tariff, the pressure of which is felt alike by all the Southern States, and which all deprecate and disapprove. Be ing unable to obtain an immediate redress of their grievances, by reason, argument, re- monstrance, and all the established methods, resort was had to this expedicnt, unknow to the constitution, and therefore highly alarm ing and dangerous. am decidedly opposed | to these doctrines, and will continue to be op- l fO fbpu pH ypf H f. cation they may assume, until they cease to be any thing else than constitutional means of obtaining the redress of all our grievances. | The means provided in the constitution, are adequate for every emergency short of that which may demand revolution, or change of cur government; an awful period which sincerely hope may never arrive; and are the only means which may be safely employed to correct the errors, alterations, or injustice which may occasionally take place in the ad- ministraton of our Government.

 1 In answer to the third inquiry, have the 1 pleasure to state, that l greatly approve the leading measures of the present admnstra- tion, and am anxious for the reelection of the present Chief Magistrate. No recent event, to which alusion is made in the inquiry, has in any wise changed my opinion. The cores popdence between the President and Vice President of the United States, as it involves no political principle, and has no connexion with the administration of public affairs, can- not be regarded in any other light than as a personal matter. But as the correspondence may have excited hopes, and quickened the efforts of those opposed tuthe administration, it should only serve to connect its friends by more intimate and necessary ties. ] consider the present administration identified with principles which will restore the Government to it's proper and legitimate operation, and ef- fectually prevent any tendency to usurpation cn the other branches of our free system =