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it is tfifiing with common experience to say, Congress would not vest such a power in a single foreigner. Once admit the right, and the limits to discretion are shoreless. All history proves there is no protection from the excesses of unlimited power, nor no guaranty against it's exercise, either in the wisdom or honesty of any of its depositaries. The mo- ment they decide that the measure is neceSsa- ry or kiroher, to carry an express power of the Constitution into effect, the decree be- comes destiny to the nation, though it should contain fifteen millions of intelligent freemen.

 We may here be indulged in remark, which may serve as passing sigh over the perverted power of corporations. In their first institution in Italy, at the close of the crusades, they were notoriously intended as a relief against feudal oppression; and it is re- markable, that they are considered the dawn of what little liberty exists in Europe. They were designed to check the arbitrary sway of larger rulers and still more unfeeling despo- tism of petty tyrants. They spread from Ita- " to France, and from France to the rest of Europe, in the 18th century, and are justly esteemed the efficient instrument of the down fall of baronial tyranny, and the not less vex- atious dominion of their unbounded wealth. It remains for the free and enlightened Re- public of America to use them for the very objects they were designed to overthrow, and by such introduction, to bring back, in all its olium, the expressions and rigorous exactions of monied Aristocracy. From their origin to the present day, with but the one and me- morable exception of the American experi- ment, history may be safely challenged for the production of an instance where a nriUate exploration has ever been employed by go- vernment for the execution of any of it's fun damental principles.