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which the advocates of the powers of Con gress have raised their most formidable de- fences; and from which the most of dangers arc to be apprehended It is that section which says:

 "Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports and excises; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States"

 By this provision Congress has the right to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; and can for that purpose collect taxes, duties, imports and cXcises; and under the %"rm "general welfare" Congress can gono further than the applying of all the funds of the country to the resisting of ofhostle attacks; of protecting our citizens from aggression, either from home or abroad, and guarding generally the country from all danger. For these purposes, the laws of Congress would be constitutional; and to support the claim of Congress to pass the present Tarih laws, some other ground must be resorted to- The most popular one at the present day is, that clause which says: Congress shall have the power "to regulate commerce zviM foreign nations and bet7veen he States" So far as the Ia riff laws are for the purpose of regulating commerce, they are undoubtedly consrtu- tional. The Inquiry here, then, is, are they l for that purpose9 Did commerce. require themo or did the necessities of the govern ment require them. The most awfal expe- rience answers, they did not Our commerce 1 in 1894, whtened every sea, and its prosper ous condition required no additional regulation from us, and none was asked. Ali the pre- sent moment, how awfuliy changed is its situ- ation, how sickly is it's appearance, and how jovfully would they not hear the welcome news, that all again was Free Trade and Sai- 1 lor's Rights! The power to regulate com merce was given expressly to improve, pre- serve and defend foreign commerce, then the most profitable employment of the States I They were the old States who had fought the battles of Independence, and which lying on the ocean, were united by ties which one would then have thought could never have 1 been weakened. The Tariff laws of 1924 and 1928, so far from regulating and improving foreign commerce, were its d,strnction, and were passed for other purposes not known to the constitution Nor were those acts requr- ed for revenue. The treasury at the time was in an overnowing condition, and the reve- nue more than sufficient for the necessities of the government. But the complaint is not merely that the laws are unconstitutional, but that they are bearing down to the dust the southern planter. The laws are unequal in their operation. They are building up the interests of the north and west, and prostrat- ing those of the south. They arc taking from the pockets of the planter 40 per cent. of his cotton, and putting it into those of the nor thern manufacturers. Were we to speak the common language of freemen, we could style this nothing more nor less than licensed robe ry of the south. Upon repetition of the history of our wrongs and grievances, they would be found to be more cnor, nous than those enumerated against Grea+-Rr tain; and monstrance and petition. So great lhas been, and yet is our devotion to the Union, that it has become feeling rather than principle. It enters into all our anticipations of future greatness and renown, and is mingled with all our hopes of prosperity and felicity. And shall we again appeal in vain to those of our brothers with whose blood that of our own has been so freely shed in defence of the homes ofeach? And shall that blood cry from the ground which it has consecreated, in vain and in vain.

 Your mcmorialists, whatever may be their feelings, are not disposed to attribute lmpro- per motives to Congress in the passage ot these laws But that revenue has no part in the motives which induce their continuance, they must believe, indeed no doubt, can exist.

  ported, "that duties on imports were not le- vied for the purpose of revenue, but for the hrotection of National Industry against for egn competition; hence they cannot, and ought not to be repealed"

 Iii regard to the system of Internal improve ment, we look in vain among the enumerated powers of Congress, to find some provision that gives such power to the General Govern ment Viewing the list of specified powers, we cannot arrive at any other conclusion than that our government originated in the ncccs- sity for federal head to protect our com merce and defend us in time ct war; and 1t is absurd to say, that General Government can be wanted for any other purpose. It is in these matters that the people ot all the States are equally interested, and Tn these on | ly. And can it be contented that the "gene- ral welfare" requires that millions upon mil lions of dollars shall be drawn from one sec ton of the country to improve the internal condition of another; or that the constitution contemplated that Congress should have the power to cut up State for roads and canals, or any other improvements which they might conceive the general welfare required! A more substantive power than this could not be well imagined, involving as 1t does the 1 right of soil and jurisdiction over our citizens. Nor can it epossible that the sages who penn ed the constitution, and who believed it neces- sary that a specific grant of power author izing Congress to have jurisdiction over its forts, arsenals and dock-yards, could intend to give them the unlimited jurisdiction which the opening of roads and canals naturally confers. They are the devices resorted to by the ma jority, to live by the industry ofthe minority. And what are we to receive in return9 No thing! The overfowing treasury is drained to be expended in the north. We know the General Government, not by its acts of Kind ness and care, but by its expressions. And 1 ,uhat ir the canse2 The enemies of the Com