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different Jourts ot Europe, persons who may remain there a sufficient length of time to De able to uarasel the intriica- cies Of their diplomacy and to become intimate with the springs of action. as well as the chief movers and managers of tine political scene, which should not be less consulted.n

 This reasoning is ali wrong. When Franklin represented us at the Court of Trance, during the Revolution, he re- turned the civilities of the Diplomatic Corps, by inviting them, and the Philo- sophers of Europe then in Paris, to a plain Republican supper. Yet we ne- yer had Minister whose influence was greater at the Court 10 which he was accredited, than was that of Benjamin 1 Franklin.

 The writer thinks that the expend- tnres of Prince Esterhazy is not the standard for our Ministers; yet that we ought not to fall behind Representa-. tive of one Of tine South American Re Publics, or ahaird rotc power in Europe! This IS measuring our national charac- ter by the amount of money which our Ministers may spend. If, therefore, our 1 Ministers in London cannot afford 10 be as extrayagantinhis equipage and mode of living as Prince Esterhazy, we must he content to consider ourselves as some- what beneath the Empire of Austria, and exactly in proportion to what Prince Esterhazy may choose to spend above the allowance to our Minister! We should never attempt to rival them in the race of extravaganza; if we do, it IS evident that we must be defeated.

 This sort of reasoning would, per haps, have been good some ages back, but is iii-iin,ed now. Our character t. broad must depend upon our character athonic and the intelligence of our repre- sentatives, rather than upon the show and extravaganza of their living. Be- sides, the recent events in Europe lead to tie belief, that tlie governments Of all civilized nations must be simplified and reduced to what, in fact, they should be, mere institutions for the despatch of business. 1t would i'll become us, there fore, after setting the example of cheap and simple government, to adopt notions of form, ceremony and extravaganza, which have been already repudiated by the wise in Europe.-U. s. '. l Inited States Bank.--Many of Gene ral Jackson's staunchest friends claim the liberty of differing with him on the subject Of the renewal of the United States bank.

 l Ihcysay that any other United States

 bank Will be liable to the same obiec-

 tlons which are urged against the pres. ent institution.

 That 1t cannot be political engine, since it's branches are managed by men of all parties, and they cannot there fore he concentrated to act on any DO. litical measure.

 That the constant revolutions of par. ty, and the change of views among DO

 lltlcal leaders, render it impracticable for the bank to make any permanent ar.

 engagements in favor of the views of any one man.

 T. That the stock is constantly changing hands, and that it's political relations

 must therefore change, and cannot be

 permanent or dangerous.

 l That its positive benefits are great. in reducing the ratio of interest, and the rates ofinland and foreign exchange. l That it attracts investments of foreign capital which capitalis loaned by the bank to our own active citizens. l That it saves the government great losses by taking bills of the states from the collectors, which would otherwise | De subject to partial loss in the discount on the bills, or q total loss by the possi. ble failure of the local banks.

 I That in q case of non-renewal, the government owning about seven mil lions of its stock. would lose the ad- vance of almost l-3 of the par valuc- loss of nearly or quite two millions ol l dollars to the people of the United I States.

 l That the ncn-rcnewal would injurc 2 the character of the nation abroad for its instability in its financial operations, 1 would make the support of our foreign ministers and agents and the pay of na- val service less convenient and chcass and dcpress the prices of government stocks abroad.