yeto and Ditto,
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the People. AS in the third case, he does not
even pretend to entertain any Constitutional
scrupes with regard to the bill presented to him,
but he chooses to consider the Land Distribution
anexpedieut, in view of the actual condition ,oi
the Treasury, and on that ground crushes mea-
sure of the deepest interest, the most Imminent
necessity, TO the American People a measure
which would have restored activity to business,
encouragement ard adequate reward TO Industry,
prices to Produce, and Prosperity to the Country,
is ruthlessly knocked in the head because one man,
the accident of many accidents, does not agree
with the Representatives whom the People have
expressly chosen to legslate for them, on an incl
dental question Bear in mind that this President
substitute and this Congress were both chosen ln-
der the banner of WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
who openly and earnestly proclaimed his hostility
to the Veto Power, and pledged himself never to
use it on any question Of mere expediency, or any
other than one of constitutional power! Jehn
Tyler has expressly referred to this Dayton Speech
of General Harrsons containing an exposition OF
the true Republican faith and now this same John
Tyler nnifies the anxious and protracted labers
of Congress, and dashes the cup of Relief from
the parched lips of faintiag People by the most
arbitrary and unreasonable Veto in the annals of
Government. Who shall henceforth blame those
who deride all faith in Man--all confidence in hu-
man integrity?


The Message before us is ably and artfully writ
ten-of course, not by John Tyler. 1t labors to
effect division between the advocates Of Pratec-
ton to Home Industry and those of the Land
Distribution, and thus to defeat both by arrayng
them against each other. We are confident the
friends of Protection are too intelligent, too up
right, TO be thus lured to their ruin. The writer
of the Veto Message labors hard to persuade them
that the receipts from Public Lands would be
steady and uniform, and would not if appropri-
ated to the ordinary purposes of the Government,
cause fluctuations in the Revenue, and thence
changes in the Tariff. But in this he argues
against facts, and against common sense. He
argues too, against the uniform voice Of his allies
in Congress, who have with one voice proclaimed
that the next Congress will be of their stamp,
and will reduce the Tariff, abolshing its Protect
i've features. Well does John Tyler know, mar
row as is his apprehension, that Congress of the
Pckens and Roosevelt school would instantly re.
duce the Tariff as low would provide the neces-
sary revenue, and if the Lands should afford Five
Millions per annum, they would deduct so much
from the Duties, and so in all cases. The defeat
of the Land Distribution is the grave of adequate
and stable Protection, and such is it urged and
resisted all over the Union. On this pon, the au-
thor of this Message deals deceitfully with the
People.


But with what face does John Tyler object to
the blending of the questions of Tariff and Land
Distribution? He himself is the author of tha,
very union! In his first message he recommended
the Distribution, with provso that its execution
should be made to depend on the rate of duties
prescribed by the Tariff, His proviso prevailed
bya union of Southern Wing with Loco-F oco votes
Thus by his own act were these two topics blend
ed, and each made to depend on the other. All
that the Wings now propose to do is to separat.
them, and let each stand by itself, that the nex
Congress may modify either without affecting the
other This is the proposition to which JOIN
TYLER says, Veto II forbid !! and in the sam,
breath he, the author of the union, complains o.
and protests against its existence


We wish ever to treat the Chief Magistrate o.
the Unioa no matter how made such, with proper
respect and yet we are touched by the i,isolence
the mockery-na nay, the atrocious dshonesty--o
his suggestion that the bill may become law by
vote of tsro-thirds notwithstanding his objections
Surely, this is adding insult to oppression ano
wrong GIr. TYLER we'll knows that no Torii bill
ever did or can pass by thirds vote: there are
TOO many minor interests always disafected BY the
details-too many discordaut opinions as 10 the
best reae of raising Revenue. 1t would have
been more decorous and less asgravating ifhe had
told Congress in they did not like the Veto te
help themselves the bes, way they could


We must not waste rosm on this document fol
we have it not to spare. A single additional fal
lacy is all we will stop 10 point out, leaving tht
rest to the dscernment of our readers. Mr.. Iyle
argues thar the Distribution, if sanctioned, vii
excite hos,ilisy-that strong efforts will be made
for its repeal-and asks, is the manufacture,
prepared TO stake his interests on such an issue g
Stake them--how7 Suppose the Land Distribn
non in force, and successful effort made TO repen
it-what then VIII not the Protected Interests
then be Just as well off Mr.. Tyler would have
them aor? Does not Distribution manifesrly
stand as an outpost, which is of itself hard to con
ouer and after it is carried the citadel of Protec
ton remains entire2 And does no, the surrcnde,
OF the outpost now give the adversary an adyan-
ta.,e and emboden him to attack the .
How idle to talk Of giving up one in order to
strengthen the other


But we do injustice to the sagacity, to the
patriotism of our readers, in coolly arguing against
this despo,ic act, this dishonest palhation. The
indignant feeling of an outraged and foully Injured
People will furnish the fitting commen,ary.-And