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ton TO the duties of his place. In the preser
lease, he believed that these documents were al
! most the only papers accompanying the Message
save one or two OF little consequence. Now,
the honorable Secretary was so extremely al
tentve and laborious, how did it happen that n


had not looked at these documents before he sen
them here? The inquryhe wished to put to th'
4 honorable chairman of the select committee Mr.
i RUssELL) was this: had these documents been sen
| to that committee in the usual written form, at


tested by the signature of the proper officer to


give them authenticity? did they consist of mere


scraps cut out from newspapers!


i Mr.. RUSSELL replied, and produced the do


cumens as sent: one was newspaper printed in


New York, and called the ''Truth Teller;" the


other was fragment, cut out from newspaper


which, from its appearance, seemed to have been


taken from another number of the same paper


There were no designations, save some marks


upon the margin, to induce the belief that they


were public Documents officially communicated
| Mr.. CALHOUN resumed, and expressed his


regret and modification at the disclosure thus


made; it reflected little credit on the Secretary oi


the Treasury. That officer stood before the
House, in this transaction, in no very desirable
Hight. This was the first TIME he had ever
known papers to be thus sent; he trusted it was
the first and the last time that scraps cut out of
newspapers would be sent by the Head Of De-
lpartmeM in reply to call of that body. 1t was


an actof charity to believe that the Secretary


saw these vile communications; if he did, the


offence was an atrocious one; if he did not, he


was ncgectiul Of his duty, and forgetlul Of the


relation in which he stood to that House. Mr..


c. regretted this, for the sake Of the character OF
| the Government and of the country.


M. N n n. II I,,,,


been shocked more than himself, by the commu-


nicaton to this House, by the President Of the
United States, of the offensive documents to


which the resolution Of the gentleman from New


York (Mr. Hoffman, related. Such procedure
on the part of the Executive undoubtedly de-
manded the instant notice of the House of Repre-
sentatives; and, in the absence of an instant cx
planation, their marked reprobaton. That notice
was attracted and explanation demanded by the
Resolutions; but must suppose all reprobation to
have been avertcd by the Message which the
House has this morning received from the Presi-
dent, in which he states that the communication
to the House Of the exceptionabc documents was
not Intentional. For myself, am fully salts
| fed with this explanation; and do not, therefore,
require the suppicatory appeals on the part OF the
friends Of the President for an extension to him
| of The charity Of the House. extend to him
i Wnat is more SuDSLdHLdI lHdIl ClldLy-.JNoICCC3


and Justice simply, in my opinion, is all that is


requisite to his defence under such circumstan-
Ices. L


i This, sir, is but an instance of inattention tc
duty, or its violation, in one Of the Executive De-
partments, by subordinate officer, whose pow
ers and duties are assigned by law-the Presi
Ident neither knowing nor participating. The
Just ground Of complaint against the President in
such case, is the continuance in office of the
subordinate after the delinquency is known, ra-
ther than the original delinquency itself.


| 1t must be acknowledged, however, that the


President Of the United States, judged in this


instance by has o,on principles Of Presidential re-


sponsibility, has no right to demand, nor per-


haps even decent prefert for asking, the exc


ncration which has been thus promptly conceded;
1 and cannot allow to pass, unimproved, an occa-


sion so appropriate for inviting the attention OF
the House to what those principles arc-a task Of
no difficulty, as it consists merely in reference
Il to document of no great antiquity, IN which
they arc embodied in the most authentic form.
i On the 18th Of April, 1884, sir the then Presi
dent Of the United States, whose principles and


opinions are, by adoption, those of the now Pre-.
sidont, promulgated to the nation a paper among


the most celebrated in its history: mean his


'ssolcmn protest." Of that date, addressed TO the
!, Senate Of the United States In that remarkable
state paper, the origin and history of which it is
needless now to review, are expressed, fully, the
principles Of that period, as entertained by tha
party, in regard to Executive responsibility for thu
conduct Of subordinate officers. Nor was tina


paper mere abstract declaration Of principles


was, on the contrary, practical display of prn


ciples, in upholding high Erecuiire act; the
i highest, indeed, and the most high-handed Execu-
tive act that dsGgures our history. What are


those principles!


j That sfhc aohole Erecufire poa0cr' is 'ucsfed
IN the PRESIDENT" that ''he is responsible for


its crercisc;" that all subordinate officers are but


agents and instruments "to aid him in the per-


formancc Of has dutics;' that the power of reno
val and appointment ais an original Executive
lpoacer;" and that, for the conduct of all Exccu-
Tive officers, "Me President IS rcsponsibte' -


all, in turn, being irresponsible to him"
! Now, sir, in land Of laws under limited
! Constitution, these must be admitted to be extra


ordinary doctrines; which it is not my present
purpose to expose, but merely, by referring 10


them, to show what they are.


i Erec,aire maity was claimed, with all the
qualities of individuality; and all the thousands o


Executive officers in the civil, military, and nava


service, in peace and in war, at home and abroad