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Constitution, sufficient cause Of alarIni Are there not plain indications of State jealousy, and rivalry, in commercial enterprise, and in competition tor the use Ot money and ere dit!

 Who is not wise enough to see, if we look to the state of things under the most favora- ble aspects, that there is cause for fear, un- less the Government steps in to take it's pro- per control ?-There are troubles ahead, and i look for relief only to the action of Con- gress. When the State institutions are left to themselves, and are actively engaged in competition, see the necessity of further check and control. There can be no securi- ty to property. no safety to trade, until the true meaning of the Constitution is enforced. With six and twenty States, and the Banks all anxious for the use of money and for the use of credit, say, that if credit can be maintained without the regulating power of Government, shall be most agreeably dis appointed.

 As have already said, these Sub-Treasu- ry schemes are but contrivances for getting away from disagreeable duty. And after all, not one will answer the purpose. Any man with common sense will say, that with thirty millions year revenue, you cannot keep it, so that it will be safe-so but that some one will say it is not his thunder Another plan is for taking bank notes, and tying them up with red strings and deposit ing them in the Banks-for making the Banks Sub- -Treasuries and Depositories- for making ub-Treasures of the broken, rotten, treacherous Banks! It is the object to separate the currency from the Government. To make one money for the Government, and let the people look out for themselves. have said it was the object of myself and ofthose who acted wi:h me, to stay this flood of theory,-to keep aloof from all legal enactment to counte- nance the new plans, until after anew Con- gress had been elected, resort had been had to the ballot boxes, and the opinions of the people could be known. Their only hope was to stay the rushing torrent, till Q might fer arm could come to the rescue. We have succeeded.

 Our services, if they have not contributed to restore prosperity, have preserved, thus far, the Constitution inviolate. On the part ot the Government, no surrender of power is endorsed, upon the Constitution. There is no clause appended to give non o6Stonte to the Executive will. We have snatched the Constitution from the furnace. Yes, out of the furnace of party contention it has been spatched, and we hold it ;up and tell you that even the smell of fire is not upon it.

 But now, gentlemen, it must have another guardianship. A stronger hand must be, aye, and will be, raised to protect it. Time has been given for the people to consider.- An opportunity has been furnished for the country to settle this great question for their public servants. And think that in produ- cing this result, besides our labors, a vastly greater influence is to be attributed to the in- dications of public sentiment which have been manifested to the friends of the Admi- nistration. would direct your attention to the popular revolution in New Jersey, Ohio, New York; and to the still stronger one in Pennsylvania and to similar ono in our own Commonwealth. Since the discussion of the Sub- Treasury Schemes, we have seen the same sentiment exhibited in it's might in the State of Connecticut, and witnessed it's triumph in the distant but respectable State of Louisiana. So that we see, in every State, so far as we have the means of forming our opinion, the sentiment of vast majority is against these experiments and in favor of returning to the practice of the country and the intent of the Constitution. But, in the meantime, although these sentiments return to the authors of the experiments, they are determined to adhere to them. All things show, that the question of divorce-the sepa- ration of the Government from all Banksy is determined 10 be persisted in as a test, and is to be made party question. They expect a reaction. At the last Session had much conversation with members of the party They said there would be reaction, and said the first spot in which it would appear would be Louisiana! Now this expected re- action changed latitude, rather quicker than the sea- serpent, which, when it was expect ed off the coast of Maine, appeared upon the coast of Georgia.

 We have done our duty in presenting the subject before you to the extent of our abili- ty. We have endeavored to lay it before the country, and wait for deliberate and guiding decision. will cut short my re- marks-and will again express my solemn conviction, that this question can be settled only by the people. It is not connected with any antecedent party time. No preceding administration has adopted or sanctioned such principles, and we may hope by a libe- ral address and by just and fair reasoning, to induce even our opponents to hold on to the Constitution.

 At the same time we must not suffer our- selves to be deceived. We must yield to no expedients-adopt nothing out of the Consti- tuition. We can find remedy for our ills in provisions we'll understood. long practiced, and able now, as ever, to afford all security. Any one who will look any where but to the Constitution itself; who will set up his inge- nuity, his Whin, his caprice, or his counter felt schemes, instead of holding on to the Ark of the Constitution itself. will exhibit the foolhardiness, represented 1.-the old mys- tery of him who had climbed to the top of the highest mountain, and, with the flood rising to his chin, told Noah to get on with his old craft, for he did not think there would be much of storm offer all. .,.... .... It was for just such crisis; for precisely such an exigency; for times when, with ruined currency and distracted commerce, that help was needed; it was for such times thatthe Constitution was formed :; and trust, that those who wish for aid. will look to the light which the Constitution sheds upon the