{"newspaper_name": "The Arkansas banner.", "edition": "01", "page": "p3", "byline": ""}
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"oOh liStoHu1cd HlIH so much advantage lu- to the other States of the Union, vet thev were given up, rather than endanger the mas sage of the bill, or leave doubtful the ability of Texas to discharge the highest and most sacred of all public obligaloRs-the pay ment of the means which have been bor- roWed and expended to advance the cause of liberty and independence. It is, however. not the less true, if an agreement can be made for the payment of this debt, bv a pledge of these lands for the purpose, that the prosperity of Texas, like that of the oth- CT States ot the Union, would be promoted. The land system now in force in the United States has worked admirably well, and has contributed greatly to the prosperity of the new States, by giving uniformity to the sur Veys, and that general accuracy in the cs- tabllshment of metes and boundaries, which are so useful iii preventing litigation, and protecting the rights of hardy tllers of the SOIL Even those States that surrender the territory out of which the large addition to the republican family has been made, have found that they have been more than con- pensated ln Eeheflfom any system they could have enforced separately for the preservation, survey, and sales of the lands t cannot be doubted that the like causes would produce the like effects ii Texas.

 Under these views of this subject, and sec ing that equal and exact justice to all the States of the Union would require that all their public lands should rest on the same footing, and be administered under the same uniform system; the only question 10 solve is, how can this be done, without leaving Texas unable to discharge her public debt, and without means to put into efficient oper- alton her State government?

 The undersigned in proposing 10 answer this question does so with defofonce to the better judgment and greater experience of the many able citizens who will consider and will have the right to act upon it. Nor would he attemptit, but for his great desire that what may be done on the subject, should be SO done as not to raise any new question respecting the powers of the Congress of the United States. His object is to give success 10 the present measure ol annexation. which Is now entirely within the control of Texas, if she accepts the provisions of the law of Congress before her, and puts nothing in her constitution of a debateabIe nature, as respects either her rights or interests, or those of the Union. If the conventon, soon to assemble, were to make their acceptance of the provisions the first and second sections of that law dependent upon the adoption by the Congress of the United States of any definitedlsposition oft csc debated questions, the measure ofanneXeation might be reopen ed in the United States, and subjected again to all the delay which 1t would be in the power of those opposed 10 1t to .efeate Such questions i made condition of admis- sion, might encounter opposition from mem bers oi Congress, who would make none at all 10 their liberal settlement after Texas is admitted as State. Such members, beliav- Ing the measure el annexation to be injurious to the country, woud make opposition to 1t, while they have any pleaiorso doing After the measure, however, is once settled by the acton oi Texas in fulfilling literally all tie provisions of the joint resolution, il is not to be supposed that they Ygl allow that oppo- 9idon to become inJustE6 CT iiH0eFality to Texas. Hence, if the convention should form and express any definite opinion on these subjects, the safe course would be to express t, not as qualification of their ac- cepance of the terms proposed by the United States or as ln any manner connected with the question of admission, but as a proposi- ton or opinion altogether Independent of such acceptance.

 Forlnslance: the convention, when ma king the new government, and clothing it with the power kas it doubtless vii to ascer- tain and liquidate the public debt of Texas, might direct that this debt should have a perpetual security for is faithful payment, in all the mapproprael lands; and that, thus pledged, it might be competent for the legislature of the Slate to cede the lands in trust to the United States, with an obligation to apply the proceeds arising from the sale thereof to the eXtinguishmeut of the debt of Texas; the United States to have iunsdic- ton over all the land within the occupancy of the Indians, and the right to extend over t the same Indian policy which is in opera ton upon the other Indian territory of the United States. Or fl, instead of waiting for the ascertainmeatandl liquidation of the pub lie debt of Texas, the convention should prefer to empower the legislature to make the cession of the public lands for fair and adequate sum of money-thc amount to be settled, by agreement. between the legislature and the Congress of the United States s-the same object could be obtained in the same manner. An independent proposition, in either of these forms, wopld be so just and reasonable, so consonant with the establish ed policy of the United States, and so bene- fciai to Texas, that it cannot be doubted 1t would receive the sanction of Congress. Snch proposition, the President of the Uni- ted States has empowered the undersigned to say to this government, if adopted separate and apart from the question of her admission into the Union, and Hot as a qualification of her acceptance of the terms contained in the

 first and second sections of the joint sesolu- ton, shall receive his cordial support, and will be earnestly recommended 10 the faYor able consideration of Congress.

 To such proposition might also be ad- ded estimates of the expenditures which have been thrown upon Texas, in consequence of steps necessary to obtain her compliance with the law admitting her into the Union; which, with the claims already acknowledged by the United States, arising out of inc cases of CniycIy and tho rpvpnua district on Red