{"newspaper_name": "The Arkansas banner.", "edition": "01", "page": "p3", "byline": ""}
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a hope more idle; for never will she he eat lshed whilst an unoccupied spot remains up on It's surface, to tempt her aspirations i, the empire of the world. What claim Ina, she to the territory in question: What mat ter Is there to negotiate about, if 1t be not tc buy peace with territory, under the threat O war. But she has set up claim. that i, the answer. And are we 10 negotiate for nc other reason than because she claims-tbo concious-though positively knowing. tba she does so without even the semblance o right? No, sir. So long as we aoree tc negotiate, she will continue to claim, not on. ly this, but other territory, and other advan- tages. That she will do, for the very req son that you agree to negotiate. For. in ev- cry instance, her argument will be eouallv good. In every instance, as in that of the Name boundary, and the present, she can and will say to you: sshere is territory in dispute between us; you sec that our nre- tensions clash; both cannot have all; but each can loose half; let Us, then, divide for the sake ot peace, rslher than that two such nations should go towar for this inconsider- able object" This the can say, and with equal propriety, as Q ten as she chooses to claim parts of our sol. And that she will continue to claim, so long as we continue to give color to her claws, by opening ne- gotiations, what man can Joubt? This word negotiate" has already bSken the line fixed as our boundary by the triumphant issue of our revolutionary war. Ayeadv has it de- Prlved us of territory whicl we unanimous ly, solemnly, and truly declae, and positive ly know, to be indisputabIy olrs-eyerv inch ot 1t. And here, sir, l denl the principle that we arc bound by the law of nations. by morality, or allowed by considerations of interest or of policy, to opel negotiations for the sole reason that Somc s0rt of claim has been advanced by another to that which IS ours. Should citizen, however respect able, enter that door, anl orcer you to vacate this chamber, alleging that he. out of his own funds, had erected this building. and that therefore he, not he nation, was it's rightful owner,-would bu in such case. send your Sergeant-at-Ans to meet him. with authority upon youipa to compare titles, and make up an aged case for the adjudication of the court i: No; you would treat his claim as presumptuns, as ridiculous you would direct him to e removed. as a contemptuous intruder. Anwhy2 Becaue every claim, in order to be ta proper sub ject of discussion, of suit, orif negotiation. should come with some probabilities in its support-some show of reasorL-some color of right-something upon whh the mind may reasonably hesitale-someiing which the judgment can weigh, and Hance. and compare, before it concludes. It no one of these circumstances-no prob;ilty-no color of right-nothing upon whie thought can be employed-is to be found in claim put forth by England to this terrtor That claim stands unsupported by anything.xcept by the unfortunate fact that the Executh has agreed to consider 4, by opening negotiaons for that purpose.

 But, Mr. President, have allowed myIf to be hurried on further into the general su. ject than l intended to go upon this merI preliminary matter now pending before the Senate. An occasion more appropriate fol full discussion will be offered by the bill up on the table. For the present, therefore, shall submit, in conclusion, but an addition al word, and that, upon the object of the res olution before us.

 In the debate of the other day, it wa asked, Why offer the resolution in Legislative session ?-why call upon the President tc make public these documents, when to dc so may prejudice the interests of the coun. try? The answer is easy and obvious, To the first question, l reply, because the very thing to which the resolution relates, is, a this moment, the subject-mauer of legsla ton in both Houses of Congress. It be- comes, therefore, important that Congress should know the exact condition in whicl the President has placed the matter by hl: late correspondence with the British govern, ment; for otherwise is it not manifect tha Congress may pursue one line of policy whilst the President is pursuing another and thus the two present to the world di vided government, weakened in its position upon this subject by that very division2 Tc the second question, the answer is found 1T the language of the resolution itself. Ina language is, .'that the President be requested to lay copies of the documents before the Senate # m lis judgment that may De don't mithom prejudice 10 Me public intcrests."- Whether this can or cannot be so done, is question expressly submitted, by the words of the resolution, to the President himself He, and he alone, knows the contents of lht documents, and therefore he, and he alone can determine this question If the docu ments can, in his judgment, be sent to th' open Senate without detriment to our inter ests, he will send them; if not, withhold them. For what reason, then, can Senator oppose the resolution Itis in the common form, drawn with the usual preeautlon, an( in strict accordance with practice as old al the government itself. Do they oppose from distrust of the Presidents capacity t( fudge whether the documents can or cannot with safety, be made public? If so, can they safely conide to the same man the more i'm portant matter of conducting the whole ne gotiation, and that in secret, unaded by any other councils? No; they deem him com petent to the latter and far more difficult task and are, therefore, bound to admit his com potency for the former. ask, then, for single reason, why this discretionary call should not be made. None has been-hont can be givaa, Yet is this resolution opposed and will be, fear, with success. But, sir be that as 1t may, having offered it as the re suit of strong conviction, l now give notice that, should 1t fail or pass, and the docu ,,,onfc ba yitbbeld I shall in either event