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 ccie payments, floods of paper trash, tender ! laws, relief laws, commercial revulsions, and ] all but revolution, in its train, and wound up | in 1916 with new bank of thirty-five in | lieu of ten millions capital.

 Again. The bank of l70I expired in 1911.

 The question of renewal was party ques-

 ton. The renewal was opposed by the de-

 mocratic republican party, and lost in the

 House by a majority of one vote, and in the

 Senate by the casting vote of the Vice Presi-

 dent. In three years, the circulating medi-

 uln was disordered, the finances deranged,

 and the public credit impaired to such an

 extent that the very same party, becoming sensible of it's error, came forward magnani-

 mously, and itself proposed and carried thro' the act chartcring the second United States Bank. It was even a cabinet measure, intro- duced by the Secretary of the Treasury, car ried twice by a decisive majority of the de-

 mocratic party, and finally approved by MT. Madison. Never did any set of public men make more solemn recantaion of political error than they did, in abjuring their party

 hostility to a national bank. So much for

 the first condemnation.

 The second experiment is still in the full l tide of success. We have gone through it's

 early stages, in the multiplication of banks,

 the circulationof depreciatcd and unequal

 State bank currency, the suspension of spe-

 cie payments, and the commercial convul- l sions which surround us. What more is to

 come know not. But do know that what

 has been is no proof of the popular will. ."-. Quite the reverse. The refusal of the late

 President to sign the bill rechartering the

 bank, like the removal of the deposites, was

 in. defiance and violation of the popular will.

 The bill ofrecharter, passed by the represen-

 tatives of the People in both Houses of Con- ! rrro cvsyrc rocfh fhn veto 0f O

 The removal of the public deposites, disap- proved in advance by both Houses, con- demned afterwards by vote in one, and in re- l ality by both, was perpetrated, arbitrarily, l without legal authority, by him, with charac- teristic contempt of the popular will as ex- | pressed by Congress. In word, this " ex- 1 pertinent" instead of being any expression of the popular will, was, in despite of ii, forced upon the country by the wilfulness, the unbridled passions, and the personal pop

 ularity of Andrew Jackson. @1 \ Besides, the party in power is party of

 personal coalitions, not party of principles

 The late President himself was distinguish

 ed, while in office, by want of consistent

 identity of political principles. In yielding

 up the bank to his vengeance, in re-elccting

 him, the People did not substantiate any thing

 except their devotion to Gen. Jackson. Least

 of all, was it a decision against national l bank So far as the events of that day con. 1 stituted any precise issue, it was not against

 any bank, but only against the bank. Gen.

 Jackson repeatedly recommended national

 bank in messages to Congress.

 l What .fredness there may be in this pre-

 tended popular will remains to be proved.-

 It depends upon this: Whether men arc

 patriots, and capable of acting as such or I whether they will obstinately persist in error, for tho sake of being consistently wrong To those of the men of today, who think it .i we'll to plunge on in reckless desperation from folly to folly, regardless of the good of } their country, rather than to retrace their

 steps into the right path, I commend for study

 the conduct of the men whom they profess } to revere as the ornaments of the democratic faith, from the speech of one of whom on this very question: mean William H. Crawford-l quote tho following:

 "Sir, l had always thought that corpora tion was an. artificial body, existing only in contemplation of law; but if we can believe } the rantings ofour democratic editors in these !, great States, and the denunciations of our ] public declaimers, it exists under the form of : every foul and hateful beast, bird, and creep ing thing. It isan hydra it is a gorgo,s; it is J vulture it is ctper. < Shall we sut- , fer our imaginations to be alarmed, and our } Judgments to be influenced by such miserable

 stuf? Why should we, ut this ) perilous and momentous crisis, abandon a we'll tried system, faulty perhaps in the detail,

 but sound in its fundamental principles

 Does the pride of opinion revolt Ut the idea

 ofacquiescing in the system of your political opponents! Come, and with me sacrifice I your pride and political resentments atthe

 shrine of political good. Let them be made

 a propitiatory sacrifice for the promotion of the public welfare the Savor of which will ascend to heaven, and be there recorded as

 an everlasting evidence of your devotion to

 the happiness ofyour country.'' So much for the condemnation of a nation-

 al bank by the People. fit has twice been put down by them, so by them it has been twice put up.

 : Can the President, when he speaks of the . popular will twice solemnly and unequivo- caiiy expressed" mean to refer, us some nave supposed, to the reelection of Gen.

 Jackson and the election of himself? will not lmpute so poor an argument to him. T JeGlOusy.--A letter from Rio dc Janeiro, l dated the 23d of July, states that an event had } just happened there which had created ve- ry palnfui sensation. It appears that the marriage of the Marchioness d'Ossara, a ve- ] " beautiful widow, with Count Alfronso de Zuniga, aged 26, had been for some time the general topic of conversation. It was said that this marriage, which would have been one of love on the part of the Marchioness,

 was sought by the young Count solely as the means of obtaining a position in society

 through the instrumentality of her handsome } fortune. Ik however, the Count experienced } nothing but indifference towards the Marchi- } oness, 1t was not because his heart was insen- Sible to tender imDressions. and notwifh