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Tom Dwyer et Juremir Machado sont membres du comité de rédaction d'Hermès. Dans les deux articles ci-dessous, ils livrent deux points de vue différents sur les derniers évènements politiques et sociaux survenus au Brésil. On retrouvera ici deux articles de ces mêmes contributeurs, rédigés avant la destitution de Dilma Rousseff, qui analysent en profondeur les raisons de cette crise inédite. &#160;A propos de Dilma Rousseff / un texte de Juremir Machado da SilvaUne femme qui n’a jamais froid aux yeuxComme journaliste, présentateur d’Espace public, une émission politique quotidienne de 13h10 à 14h30 (heure de Brasília) sur Radio Guaíba, chaîne de Porto Alegre, la grande ville la plus au sud du Brésil, j’ai réalisé en 2016, avec ma collègue Taline Oppitz, deux interviews avec Dilma Rousseff. La première fois, elle était encore dans la condition de présidente écartée de ses fonctions attendant son jugement par le Sénat de République. La deuxième fois, elle était déjà destituée. À l’époque de notre première conversation téléphonique, elle y croyait encore et dénonçait la conspiration dont elle se considérait victime. Elle pointait du doigt son vice-président, Michel Temer, comme l’organisateur d’un coup d’État sous la couverture mal dissimulée d’un impeachment fait, à son avis, sans raisons constitutionnelles claires et nettes.[caption id="attachment_649" align="alignleft" width="214"] Dilma Rouffeff, 11 mars 2016. José Cruz — Agência Brasil / EBC[/caption]Notre entretien a eu une répercussion nationale. La fermeté de Dilma Rousseff, même traversant une mauvaise passe, a attiré l’attention des gens un peu partout dans le pays. Au moment de notre deuxième conversation, environ un mois après sa destitution, elle s’est montrée sans rancune, très lucide sur les raisons de sa chute et ironique. Elle a prononcé une phrase qui a provoqué des échos :"Je n’ai pas eu de haine par ceux qui m’ont torturé pendant la dictature et je ne vais pas avoir de haine pour un traître”.Pour Dilma Rousseff la question n’était pas personnelle, mais politique. Elle a été retirée du pouvoir par une coalition de droite, associée aux médias, pour qu'un programme de mesures ultralibérales puisse être approuvé et appliqué : flexibilisation des lois du travail, reforme de la sécurité sociale, fixation d’un âge minimum, à 65 ans, pour la retraite, diminution des investissements dits sociaux, adoption d’un contrôle rigide des dépenses publiques, qui ne pourront pas être corrigées au-dessus de l’inflation annuelle pendant 20 ans, révision du système d’exploitation du pétrole en mer profonde, en faveur d’entreprises étrangères, et reforme des lycées visant la valorisation des aspects techniques en détriment des sciences humaines et des arts.Dilma Rousseff est retournée à Porto Alegre où elle vit dans son modeste appartement de classe moyenne. Grâce à une décision controversée du Sénat, elle a gardé ses droits politiques. Elle ne sait pas encore si elle sera un jour candidate à un nouveau poste politique. Mais elle ne se voit pas hors jeu. Elle se donne comme mission d'aider à renouveler le Parti des Travailleurs (PT), fortement touché par les scandales de corruption et qui a échoué au premier tour des élections municipales de 2016, perdant la ville de São Paulo et diminuant son capital électoral partout dans le pays. Pour ses ennemis, elle ne représente aucun danger. L’homme à abattre est Lula. Il faut tout faire pour l’empêcher d’être candidat en 2018 à la présidence de la République. Attaqué sans répit, il est toujours premier dans les sondages. Dilma n’a jamais froid aux yeux. Lula continue à terroriser la droite avec son immense popularité.Juremir Machado da Silva, université pontificale catholique, Porto Alegre&#160;On the political landscape in Brasil / a text by Tom DwyerIn a nutshell – since last article:A Supreme Court decision banned company financing for the 2016 municipal elections. Political campaigns become more modest, simpler and cheaper.[1]The Senate has passed measures that reduce the number of political parties.[2]Dilma’s lack of leadership has been substituted by a robotic president who transmits a simple message about his aims, he gets parliamentary victories but has yet to prove himself worthy to obtain the people’s trust.The economy is in really bad shape.Unemployment continues to rise. Large and small companies, all levels of government and increasingly individuals have piled up record levels of debt, and bankruptcy is soaring. The country’s ‘growth machine’ has broken. Should pension reform be ignored, Greece is presented as Brazil’s future. Critical economic voices have hushed, the defenders of the ‘new economic matrix’ have disappeared, for many “The PT has destroyed Brazil”.Temer has astutely defined his mission “to save Brazil”. Firstly, the economic team projects an aura of competence, professionalism and absolute respectability (in contrast, two former PT finance ministers were arrested by Car Wash), members are didactic, enjoy very positive media profiles and are led by the former president of Lula’s Reserve Bank (portrayed as socially oriented). The government’s key economic reform requires emending the Constitution, it has passed in the House and awaits the Senate vote. Other reforms will follow.Brazil has a very charged environment where a spark can cause a bushfire. To ‘save Brazil’ requires avoiding obstacles, adhering to the constitution, and skillful piloting of the waves produced by complex causes: Car Wash, reactions to economic reforms, a severely wounded PT, the federative system, a corruption-riddled parliamentary base and the emergence of new social actors. Perhaps 200 politicians will be denounced for corruption by some 70 top executives through plea bargaining. This event is predicted to be an earthquake for the former government and others.[caption id="attachment_648" align="alignleft" width="500"] Manifestations. AFP - Miguel Schincariol[/caption]The society is boiling, and so many bubbles appear as carefully scripted events to maximize media attention, others escape the script. Two short weeks ago Rio de Janeiro’s governor declared the state bankrupt, and proposed pension reforms. Within a week , two of the state’s ex-governors were arrested (one in a cinematographic dawn Car Wash operation in wealthy Leblon), the minister of Culture resigned accusing the ‘deputy prime minister’ of Patrimonialism, fifty right wing militants supporting Car Wash and military rule stormed a session of national Congress and a televised clash between two former chief justices viralized. In the previous week the magnificent Rio de Janeiro State legislative assembly was the stage for an atypical occupation in these hyper-effervescent times, civil servants and armed policemen fighting pension reforms. Elsewhere, secondary students occupy schools, sometimes creatively, protesting against fiscal and educational reforms. A challenge for the media is to help make these different conflicts comprehensible!For many, none of this is normal! It frightens, yet also gives voice and hope. However, the country’s situation continues to be extremely difficult. At another level events inspire jokes, ideas, memes, slogans that feed back into a critique power. New material for making celebrities appears noticeably in carnival fantasies: as was the case in 2016 for “The Japanese Federal Policeman,” who makes the arrests, and Car Wash’s judge.The ‘deputy prime-minister’s’ resignation took a slow week, where the press and the social media portrayed the case as patrimonialism, and the public no longer considers such practices to be healthy. “Brazil is changing!” Recent weeks have also seen efforts to make a ‘big pizza’ - an amnesty for politicians accused by Car Wash. Shared outrage on the internet aligned both supporters of impeachment and opponents of Temer. On Sunday November 27th, as I finished this article, the government presented a hastily reformulated communication strategy. Then, a presidential announcement – any ‘big pizza’ will be vetoed!Carnival and politicsAs the military government lost its grip on power, the 1984 carnival added its voice – when live TV transmission occurred people all over Brazil interrupted ‘playing’ and chanted for direct (democratic) elections pressuring the course of history. Brazil’s first impeachment occurred in 1992, at the following Carnival a scandal was blown so out of size that lead some to call for the weakened and enigmatic new president to forfeit his job!2016 has been a nightmare! 2017 should be far from easy! Barring a hecatomb Brazil will plunge into Carnival at the end of February. Yesterday’s heroes and hangers-on become tomorrow’s villains and new heroes will emerge. Carnival is a space for the construction of personal statements, one ‘plays’, relaxes, laughs, establishes dialogue and provokes - at the center of the spirit - the mockery of power. But power can also surprise! Trump became president of the US, this offers some Brazilians an occasion to laugh off their woes onOn Ash Wednesday the country will go back to ‘routine’, on present projections the government’s popularity is likely to remain low, but not unpopular like Dilma’s was towards the end. Temer’s says his mission is to save Brazil, not to be popular! His government’s best hopes hinge upon a reaction from the economy, and his worst nightmares in not being able to avoid the traps.Tom Dwyer, University of Campinas[1] The PT was thrashed, Temer’s centrist party stagnated, and the major former opposition was greatly strengthened.[2] This still has to go to the vote in the lower house.&#160;