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Introduction          Few now employ the notion of “decadence” to describe Mamluk and          Ottoman-era Arabic literature. Recent efforts instead have focused          on the literary environment for which writers wrote. Scholars now          point to the existence of popular culture and literature in the          pre-modern period.1 Oral epics, poetry, and shadow plays existed          alongside of elite forms. Yet these new categories and contexts pose          problems. How did popular and elite literatures interact?          This article discusses the Qāhiriyya from          the Maqāmāt rayyāniyya of Šaraf al-Dīn Abū          ʿAbdallāh al-Ḥusayn b. Sulaymān b. Rayyān (702-770/1302-1369).          Discussing the motifs drawn from popular epic in this maqāma, the article argues that Ibn Rayyān’s Qāhiriyya alludes to the popular sīra. This, in turn, shows the Qāhiriyya to be a site where the ethics of elite          and popular forms contend.                          The maqāma in a Period          of Change: The Maqāmāt          rayyāniyya in the 8th/14th Century          The maqāma is one of the longest lasting          and widest traveling of premodern Arabic literary forms. After the          foundational works of al-Hamaḏānī (d. 398/1008) and al-Ḥarīrī          (d. 516/1122) later authors throughout the Muslim world adopted and          adapted the form. Many writers composed maqāmāt          in the 7th-8th/13th-14th centuries.          The 8th/14th century was a period of  important changes to the          maqāma. Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila states: “After          al-Ḥarīrī, (…) maqama started to be seen as a more or less fixed          genre, and al-Ḥarīrī’s picaresque/philological maqama became the          model for some two centuries until the genre started disintegrating          in the 14th century.”2 Devin Stewart describes what he terms a          “widening” of the maqāma genre during the          same period. As Stewart notes, “from the fourteenth century on, the          term maqāma comes to denote simply an          epistle, written in rhymed prose, which indulges heavily in formal          rhetorical flourishes and aspires to elegance.”3          Modern scholars have studied and edited only a fraction of the          texts from this period. In the absence of detailed studies it is          premature to outline the reasons for these changes and to what          extent they are indicative of larger trends. Nonetheless, one can          point to various features of the maqāma that          were changing. Perhaps the most immediately recognizable is          language. Hämeen-Anttila points to the existence of so-called          “vulgar maqāmas” that employ dialect noting          the possible influence of these works on the shadow plays of Ibn          Dāniyāl.4          The maqāmāt of the 8th-9th/14th-15th          centuries foreground narrative artistry over philological          complexity. I have noted the way in which one Mamluk author,          al-Ṣafadī al-Barīdī (fl. first quarter of the 8th/14th c.) in his          Maqāmat al-faraǧ baʿd al-šidda emphasizes          narrative features of the maqāma through          intertextual references to anecdotes from the genre of “relief after          hardship” tales.5 The Maqāmāt rayyāniyya          represent another example of the important role of narrative          artistry in the maqāmāt of the Mamluk and          Ottoman periods.6 Is this          emphasis on dialectal language and narrative artistry a result of          new audiences for the maqāma form?                          Ibn Rayyān and his Maqāmāt          rayyāniyya          Ibn Rayyān (702-770/1302-1369), the author of the Maqāmāt rayyāniyya, served          in the Mamluk administration for much of his life. In 745/1344-1345,          he became supervisor of the dīwān in Hama, a          position which he held until 748/1347-1348. He then went to Cairo.          Ibn Rayyān returned to Aleppo in 749/1348-1349 where he again served          in the state administration.7          Ibn Rayyān corresponded with the famed Ḫalīl b. Aybak al-Ṣafadī          (696-764/1297-1363). Al-Ṣafadī records several examples of the          poetry and letters which they exchanged. Al-Ṣafadī praises Ibn          Rayyān’s talents as a poet. In addition to the standard forms, Ibn          Rayyān also composed muwaššaḥs, zaǧals, mawāliyās, bullayqs, and dūbayts.8 Al-Ṣafadī particularly          esteemed Ibn Rayyān’s al-bullayq al-hazlī.          Ibn Rayyān also wrote a book entitled the Zahr          al-rabīʿ on badīʿ which is not          extant.9          Ibn Rayyān studied the Maqāmāt of          al-Ḥarīrī with Šams al-Dīn b. al-Ṣāʾiġ (d. 725/1325) who was also          the teacher of al-Ṣafadī.10          Al-Ṣafadī states that he once differed with Ibn Rayyān over the          grammatical interpretation of one verse in the Maqāmāt of al-Ḥarīrī.11 The exchange clearly demonstrates the intimate          knowledge that Ibn Rayyān had of the maqāma          genre.                          The Maqāmāt          rayyāniyya          The ten Maqāmāt rayyāniyya are extant in          two manuscripts.12 The maqāmāt have the following titles (folios are          listed in the Ms Cairo and Ms Gotha, respectively):                      al-ʿUmariyya (ff. 2a-4a; ff.            260a-262b).            al-Qāhiriyya (ff. 4a-8a; ff.            262b-265b).            al-Sinǧāriyya (ff. 13a-19a; ff.            265b-269b).            al-Wizāriyya (ff. 8a-11a; ff.            269b-272b).            al-Ḥamawiyya (ff. 11a-13a; ff.            272b-275b).            al-Wāsiṭiyya (ff. 24b-29b; ff.            275b-277a).            al-Miṣriyya (ff. 19a-24b; ff.            277a-283b).            al-Baṣriyya (ff. 29b-34b; ff.            283b-287b).            al-Baġdādiyya (ff. 34b-41a; ff.            287b-293a).            al-Ḥalabiyya (ff. 41a-46a;            293a-297).                    In the introduction to the work, Ibn Rayyān describes his mode of          composition. He states:          annī samiʿtu min al-ḥikāyāt          šayʾan kaṯīran wa-staḥsantu min mā law ǧamiʿtuhu kāna ǧuzʾan kaṯīran          fa-ntaḫabtu minhā ʿašaran wa-ntaqaytu minhā ġarāʾib law dārat ʿalā          al-asmāʿ la-aršafathā ḫamran wa-sabat al-ʿuqūl bi-ḥusn bayānihā          wa-inna min al-bayān la-siḥran fa-awdaʿtuhā durrān wa-abdaʿtuhā          naẓman wa-naṯran wa-abraztuhā fī ṣūrat maqāmāt.13          I have heard many stories that I have enjoyed.          If I were to collect all of that which delighted me it would have          been a lot. Therefore I selected ten from among these and chose rare          ones were they to travel to those hearing they would drink of them          like wine and captivate their minds on account of their eloquence.          For indeed clear expression is a form of licit magic. I deposited          pearls in them, and created them with original verse and prose, and          made them appear in the form of maqāmas.          Ibn Rayyān thus first heard these tales. He then recorded these          tales in rhymed prose, added verses, and placed them in the form of          maqāmāt (abraztuhā fī ṣūrat          maqāmāt). Ibn Rayyān’s maqāmāt reflect          an awareness of central features of the maqāma          genre. He uses rhymed prose (saǧʿ) and          often alternates between prose and verse (prosimetrum).14 An isnād          ­precedes each of the ten maqāmāt. The          Ḥamawiyya begins with the phrase: “I have          learned from one of my friends, and those whose transmission I trust          among beloved comrades (aḫbaranī baʿḍ aṣḥābī          wa-man aṯiqu bi-naqlihi min aḥbābī).”15 The Miṣriyya opens: “I          learned from some of the charming and elegant known for their          affection and loyalty (aḫbaranī baʿḍ al-ẓurafāʾ mimman yuʿrafu bi-ḥifẓ al-mawadda          wa-l-wafāʾ).”16 A first-person narrator relates every one          of the ten maqāmāt. But there is no          consistent hero trickster figure as in al-Ḥarīrī’s Maqāmāt.          Although Ibn Rayyān states that he heard the tales, several          derive from written sources. The Wāsiṭiyya          borrows its plot from a tale in al-Tanūḫī’s collection, Relief after Hardship.17 Ibn Rayyān’s Sinǧāriyya          references the plot of both al-Ḥarīrī’s Sinǧāriyya and al-Hamaḏānī’s Maḍīriyya. Several maqāmāt          refer to events during the Mamluk period: the Ḥamawiyya refers to the Ayyubid rulers of Hama,          and in particular to al-Malik al-Muẓaffar, the progenitor of the          Ayyubid line in Hama, ʿUmar b. Šāhanšāh Nūr al-Dīn          (r. 574-587/1178-1191). The Wizāriyya          reflects the cadres of administrative officials to which Ibn          Rayyān belonged.18          Ibn Rayyān’s maqāmāt do not seem to have          circulated widely. Al-Itlīdī (d. 12th/18th century) reproduces Ibn          Rayyān’s ʿUmariyya in his Iʿlām al-nās bi-mā waqaʿa li-l-Barāmika maʿa          Banī ʿAbbās. Al-Itlīdī mentions Šaraf al-Dīn Ḥusayn b. Rayyān          as the tale’s narrator.19                          The Qāhiriyya          The Qāhiriyya is the report of a man who          knows the “history of the rulers” (aḫbār          al-wulāt). He states that his neighbor was a government          official. This neighbor told him a tale of how once he was working          in the government administration in Cairo. This official’s tale is          as follows:          One day, the Sultan recognizes the official’s excellent          performance and appoints him to supervise the affairs of the city of          al-Maḥalla.20 The official turns out to be extremely capable. He          collects a great deal of money and secures the roads from robbers.          For this, the administrator becomes well-known in government          circles. The story begins when, one day, the Viceroy (nāʾib al-sulṭān) resident in Alexandria sends a          shipment of one hundred thousand dirhams to Cairo. He orders a          military officer and group of ten guards to transport the shipment.          A guide brings these men to a location on the banks of the Nile in          the vicinity of al-Maḥalla. That night, a group of men attacks and          robs them of the Viceroy’s money. Learning of this incident, the          Viceroy sends an official missive (al-marāsim          al-šarīfa al-sulṭāniyya) to the official. The Viceroy’s letter          orders the official to arrest the perpetrator and restore the stolen          money. It threatens further that if he does not find those          responsible and the money, the Viceroy will hold him          responsible.          Fearing for his own life, the official is worried and cannot          sleep. After gaining resolve through prayer, he summons a group of          his own men who are “experienced” in affairs, informing them of the          situation. He threatens them so that they recover the stolen money.          He then informs them about the types of tricks.          One of the senior military commanders, however, feels humiliated          by the official’s speech. He dresses in poor man’s clothing,          bringing with him bread and salt and leaves the city. He arrives in          a nearby village where he visits the local mosque where he meets a          group of travelers and sufis. There, the commander begins to          complain of his loss of wealth and family. His companions in the          mosque pray, eat, and lie down to sleep. The men then begin to          discuss recent news.          One of his companions mentions the theft of the Viceroy’s          shipment. He states that the perpetrators are a group of ten led by          a certain Šaybūb. He describes Šaybūb as being a slave of good          character. The man then gives the names of Šaybūb’s companions and          where they live. The commander rushes back to the official to inform          him.          The official then leads a group to find the perpetrators. He          arrests ten of them, and retakes their shares of the money. Šaybūb          then confronts the official on the battlefield, kills his mount and          throws him to the ground. Having the official in a vulnerable          position, Šaybūb decides not to kill him. Instead, he escapes.          Having lost Šaybūb, the official remains worried for he has not          recovered all the money. A short while later, the official learns          that Šaybūb’s master lives in a nearby village. The master is a man          of excellent character, who banished his servant Šaybūb when he          committed crimes.          Seeking to get back the remaining money in Šaybūb’s possession,          the official hatches a plot. He goes to where the master resides and          punishes him for the actions of his slave. He strips the man naked,          and whips him. His wives were present at his torture and let their          hair hang loose (as a form of lamenting), such that Šaybūb learns of          it. Being a man of good character, he rushes to the scene and          presents himself to the official. The official asks Šaybūb where the          money is. He answers in rhymed prose, explaining his actions and          shaming the official for unjustly torturing the innocent man.          The official states that Šaybūb astonished him. So he feels pity          for Šaybūb, binds him in chains and brings him to Cairo. He presents          Šaybūb before the Sultan and tells him the tale. The Sultan is so          astonished at Šaybūb’s bravery that he allows him to repent on the          spot for his crime of brigandage. He then offers him money and a          robe of honor. Finally, he makes Šaybūb a military commander (muqaddam) and appoints him to the guards. The          Sultan then reappoints the administrator to his position in          al-Maḥalla.                          References to the Sīra          of ʿAntar b. Šaddād          Ibn Rayyān states that his maqāmāt derive          from oral tales (ḥikāyāt). The name of the          character Šaybūb is well known from the Sīrat          ʿAntar b. Šaddād. In the popular epic, Šaybūb is the trickster          brother and companion of ʿAntar. Born of a slave girl Zabība, Šaybūb          is the son of the “Black King” al-Ġawwār. He appears throughout the          ʿAntar cycle as a virtuous, but deceptive warrior. Ibn Rayyān’s          portrayal of the figure of Šaybūb does seem to conform with his          representation in the sīra of ʿAntar.21          Poetry in the maqāma also directly refers          to the figure of ʿAntara b. Šaddād, such as “when the voice of the          situation” (lisān al-ḥāl) states after the          first confrontation between the narrator and Šaybūb:                                    qad samiʿnā ʿan              ibni Šaddādi aʿnīwa-samiʿnā ʿan ġayrihi min ḏawī              al-baʾsi              ʿAntarā fī              al-ḥurūbi mā qad kafānāumūrun tušayyibu al-wil                                                                                                                  We have heard all we need              of Ibn Šaddād, by which I mean ʿAntar, in battles.We have              heard of other strong men’s feats, which would make youths turn              grey-haired.                                This reference to the popular epic of ʿAntar predates the first          manuscripts of the sīra of ʿAntar which first          appear in the 9th/15th century. But as Konrad Hirschler has noted,          popular epics such as the sīra of ʿAntar          b. Šaddād and al-Baṭṭāl were likely written and performed prior to          this. The Qāhiriyya is thus an important          witness to the increasing awareness of the Sīrat          ʿAntar and other popular epics in elite circles.22          According to Hirschler, popular epics challenged learned          authority over the transmission of knowledge about the past. For          this reason, scholars censured trade in these works which they          viewed as filled with romance, magic and miracles.23 Their complaints          underscore the fact that many were reading or listening to these          works. They portrayed “protagonists who generally emerge out of a          marginal position to claim their pre-destined position through a          series of adventures that allow them to display their ‘knightly’          traits”.24 As such, the works achieved popularity among both          elite and non-elite readers.                          Competing Values in the Qāhiriyya          The Qāhiriyya begins from the point of          view of the narrator, who is an administrative official. The Sultan          appoints the official for his capacity to maintain law and order,          prevent theft, and collect taxes. He is an obedient servant of the          state, who maintains law and order and for this, the Sultan values          his services. His allegiance to the commands of his superiors and          promotion of its interests is valuable to the state and Sultan.          Šaybūb, by contrast, is an outlaw. He breaks the law by stealing          money sent by the Viceroy of Egypt to the Sultan. Šaybub’s band of          outlaws murders innocents and engages in brigandage which is an          offense punishable by death. The representatives of the state first          want nothing more than to capture and kill the perpetrator of this          crime.          The events of the Qāhiriyya resist the          simple opposition between the “good” official and the “bad” outlaw.          The outlaw’s theft of the money and murder of the heroes (abṭāl) guarding the money by another group sets          the plot in motion. Yet there is little dwelling on the injustice of          the act. Rather, the plot focuses on the response of the official to          this theft.          The first part of the story reveals that although the official is          free, he is subject to the ruler’s threat of violence. For the          Viceroy’s letter threatens the official with retribution if he does          not find the perpetrators. The letter frightens the administrator to          such a degree that he begins to worry. Yet the official does not          oppose the injustice of these threats. Instead, he inflicts on his          subordinates the same violent warnings of retribution. He threatens          them so that they arrest the perpetrators and recover the stolen          money.          If the first part of the story focuses on official threats of          violence, the second section points out their inefficacy in the face          of a strong, courageous, and noble opposition. The Viceroy’s          warnings do not achieve their intended result as they pass down          through the hierarchy. For his insulting language causes one of his          own military officers to resign his post. And it is the military          man’s movement outside administrative knowledge that leads to the          crucial discovery of the outlaws. Rather than suppress this new          information, the former military man immediately informs the          administrator. The military man who has deserted his post has shown          that courage is sometimes found in resistance.          The official’s determination to carry out orders brings him into          direct conflict with Šaybūb. But the battlefield reveals Šaybūb to          be the courageous warrior. He could have killed the administrator on          the battlefield, but did not. The voice of the situation (lisān al-ḥāl) extols Šaybūb in verse as being far          braver than the men of the current age.25          The official’s actions after his defeat by Šaybūb further          underscores the distance between the two men. Rather than granting          Šaybūb a victory, the official turns to wanton violence. He seeks to          entrap Šaybūb through the unjust torture of Šaybūb’s innocent          master.          Šaybūb’s daring arrival on the scene marks an abrupt shift in the          tale. Offering himself in exchange for the innocent free man, he          demonstrates his courage. But even more so, he shows the limitations          of adherence to the law. For Šaybūb argues that he stole the state’s          money because he needed to feed his children. Šaybūb’s confrontation          of the official points to the existence of morality outside of the          laws of the state.          In a surprising turn of events, the z Šaybūb persuades the free          official. The official in turn then relates his story of courage and          bravery which then sways the Sultan. The Sultan’s appointment of          Šaybūb to his guard acknowledges his courage and value. The          administrator returns to his position in the end.                          Contending Genres: Elite and Popular          Literature          The official and Šaybūb stand for two sets of contending values          in the Qāhiriyya. The official’s obedience to          the state places him in conflict with the brigands. While Šaybūb’s          loyalty to his kin, comrades, and master puts him into conflict with          the ruler. The official represents loyalty to the state, whereas          Šaybūb exhibits loyalty to one’s family, comrades, and master.          Conflicts between these competing values were inevitable in the          Mamluk period. Thus, the maqāma’s final          scene, in which the official tells the Sultan the tale of Šaybūb’s          great valor and courage is a moment of transaction and transition.          At this point, the Sultan recognizes the real and unappreciated          value of Šaybūb. The act of including Šaybūb in his personal guard          legitimates his heroic virtue.          The moment of the Sultan’s recognition of the hero is not only          important for the action of the tale but evokes the basic narrative          feature of the maqāma. The uncovering of the          hero’s identity (anagnorisis) has been          suggested by Philip Kennedy as a central feature of the maqāma genre.26 The epic hero          Šaybūb, the man of wiles, similarly evokes the trickster hero of the          maqāmāt, thus clearly showing the links          between these elite and popular traditions.          Moreover, the Sultan’s appreciation of Šaybūb points to a          positive evaluation of the popular epic as a literary genre. While          the character of Šaybūb is from the remote past, his virtues are          not. The popular epic of ʿAntar celebrates Šaybūb and his heroism.          This positive valuation of epic seems to come not only from the          Sultan of the story, but also reflects ideas of the Mamluk literary          elite.          The central concern of this maqāma is an          exchange of money between Alexandria and Cairo. Šaybūb’s gang of          outlaws interrupts the flow of this transaction. While such outlaws          were not uncommon during the Mamluk period, the significance of          their actions seems to be greater than a plot complication.27          For throughout the maqāma, Šaybūb’s trickster          actions evoke the genre of the popular epic. Popular literature thus          serves to enrich the maqāma and elite          literary fictions. More than a simple monetary exchange, this maqāma seems a subtle act of literary borrowing          that enriches the final composition.                          Appendix: The Arabic Text of al‑Maqāmā al‑qāhiriyya          This edition is based on two manuscripts. I have preferred          readings of Ms Cairo to Ms Gotha in most cases. I have refrained          from altering the prose to conform to Classical Arabic grammar, and          intervened only in the poetry.          المقامة الثانية          القاهرية ق: معهد المخطوطات العربية (القاهرة)غ:          غوتاأخبرني بعض الرواة عمن له معرفة بأخبار الولاة          قال:كان لي بالقاهرة دار هي          مسكني * وإلى جانبها جار هو سكني * وذو كفاية وإصابة ومهابة وصرامة          وشهامة * قد قدمته يد العناية * إلى أعلاء مراتب الولاية28 * قال أعجب ما رأيته29 * من الغرائب وأغرب ما          رويته 30 * من العجائب          أن31 مولانا السلطان          عظمه الله وأجله * وأحله من منصب السيادة وأجله32 * فوّض إليّ ولاية المحلة * وهي          عمل كبير * يجبى منه خراج كثير * فباشرتهم مباشرة عارفاً          بأحوالها * خبيراً بعمالها وأعمالها * مجتهداً في تمييز أمر33 أموالها * وتتميز          غلالها * فأقمت الحرمة * وقمعت كل ذي جرمة * فأمن السبيل * وصار34 لي بذلك ذكر جميل 35 * واتصل بالمسامع          الشريفة * حسن سيري وسيرتي 36 * وجميل معاملتي * في معاملتي 37 وكفايتي * في ولايتي          ومسالمتي *  لأهل الدولة ومجاملتي38 * فكنت إذا ذكرت * شُكرت * فإن عرض أخذ بذمي 39 * كان لي في الحاضرين من          يردع خصمي *          فاتفق أن نائب الإسكندرية * جهز          حملاً إلى الديار المصرية * مبلغه مائة ألف درهم ومعه عشرة من          الأعوان 40 عليهم مقدم فنزل بهم 41 الدليل * مكاناً 42 على شاطئ النيل * وذلك المكان قريب          من بلدي * داخل في العمل * تحت يدي * فما استقر بهم النزول * ووضعت          الحمول * حتى وقع عليهم جماعة من الأبطال * فقتلوا الرجال * وأخذوا          المال * فطالع نائب الإسكندرية بالقضية * وفوردت المراسم 43 الشريفة          السلطانية * تتضمن الانكار والتعنيف * والتحذير والتخويف * والتأكيد في          التشديد * والترديد في التهديد * والمزيد في الوعيد * والمبالغة في عدم          المراوغة والإلزام بإحضار الغرماء ذوي الإجترام والقيام * بالمال على          التمام * وإن تعذر ذلك كانت أرواح المقتولين بروحك * والمال          بمالك * فاستفزني الغيظ وصمت * وتفكرت في هذه الحالة وكظمت  44          [من الطويل]:                                    وُلَيتُ الولاياتِ التي قدْ              تَعَدَّدَتْ              فَكَمْ نالَني مِنْها أذىً أَتْعَبَ              القَلْبا                                      وَمِنْ عَدَمِ الإنْصافِ أنّي              مُطالبٌ              بِذَنْبٍ وَغَيْري قَدْ جَنى ذلكَ              الذَنْبا                                      وَكَمْ مَرَّةٍ أنْشَدْتُ رَبْعَ              وِلايتي              فَدُنياكَ مِنْ رَبْع وإنْ زِدَتْنا              كَرْبا                                قال فضقت ذرعاً وكدت أبغي * وبت تلك          الليلة وقد حار ذهني * لم يغمض جفني * وقد اشتد قلقي * واستدت          سبلي * وطرقي وقت أزفت الآزفة * ليس لها من دون الله كاشفة * توضأت          وصليت * وسألت الله المعونة فيما توليت * وتلوت سورة الأنعام * ودعوت          بين الجلالتين بالدعاء المأثور عن سيد الأنام 45 * النبي صلى الله عليه شعر[ من          الطويل]:46                                    إلَهِيَ سَهِّلْ لي خَلاصي              وَنُصرتي              على الغُرما القاتلينَ فَقَدْ              طَغوا                                      سطوا بأناسٍ لا يُريدونَ              قَتْلهم              ولا أضْمروا يوماً أذاهم ولا              ابتغوا                                      ولا زال لُطْفُ الله جُمّاً              وإنمّا              يُعَجِّلُ هَلْكَ الظالمينَ إذا              بغوا                                فنهضت في الحال * وقابلت المراسم          الشريفة بالامتثال * وأحضرت من حولي من الرجال * والمتقدمين          الأبطال * وأصحاب الإدراك في تلك الأعمال * وأعلمتهم بما جرى من          الأحوال * وما طرأ 47 على          أولئك الرجال 48          والمال * وشددت وهددت وخوفت * وأكدت ووعدت وأوعدت * وصرفتهم في ذلك          العمل * وعرفتهم ما يعتمدونه في 49 أنواع الحيل * فقابلوا أمري بالامتثال * وتفرقوا من بين          يدي في الأعمال * [من الطويل]:                                    لقَدْ ذَهبوا لا خَيَّبَ الله              سَعيْهم              وَيَرْجونَ لُطْفَ الله في ذلكَ              السَفَرْ                                      بأيِّ قُلوبٍ يَذْهَبونَ              وَكُلٌّهُم              عيونٌ تُريدُ الكَشْفَ عَنْ ذلكَ              الخَبَرْ                                      هُمومٌ وَتَهْديدٌ وَخَوْفٌ              ولوعةٌ              وما كلُّ هذا الحالُ يَحْمِلُهُ              البَشَرْ                                      إذا اشْتَدّ أَمْرُ المرءِ وازداد              همُّه              تَيَقّنَ أنَّ اللَه يَأْتيه              بالظَفَرْ                                وكان فيهم مقدّم مرت به          التجارب * وهذّبته النوائب * وكأنه 50 أنف من كلامي * وما حصل له من الذلّة قدامي * فترك          داره على حالها * وحملها على أهوالها 51 * وقال إن ولاية المحلة لا تفي بهذه          الذلة * ولأخلصنَّ من هذا 52 البلاء ولبس زي الفقراء فلبس مِسْحاً 53           * واستصحب الزاد خبزاً وملحاً * فخرج من المدينة هارباً 54 مما جرى وضرب 55 بين هاتيك القرى فأفضى به          المسير * إلى بلد صغير * فأوى إلى مسجده * وتأوه لفقد أهله وولده 56 * والمسجد قد اجتمع فيه          من الفقراء الصالحين * والمشايخ السائحين * فصلوا فريضة          العشاء * واجتمعوا على ما معهم من العشاء * ثم أخذوا مضاجعهم * وفتحوا          مسامعهم * فصار كل منهم يتكلم على قدر57 ما عنده من المعرفة * ويحكي ما 58 سمعه من الوقائع          المستطرفة *          فقال شخص هل سمعتم بهذه الأخيذة *          التي أخذتْها الحرامية * من الجماعة الواصلين من الإسكندرية * ثم حكى          الحكاية معنعنة * وأوضحها مبينة * وذكر أن أخذتها عشرة من          الأبطال * كلّ واحد منهم يعد برجال * مقدمهم عبد يُقال له شيبوب          السلال * وهو عبد عزيز المروة * كثير الفتوة * لا يتميز في المغنم عن          رفاقه * ولا يخرجون عن وفاقه * ثم ذكر أسماءهم وأماكنهم * وبين          حلاهم 59 ومواطنهم *وذلك المقدم قد أصغى إليه * وفتح لإسماع          قوله أذنيه * حتى استوفى في كلامه * وبلغ من مرامه * فسمع هاتفاً يسمع          صوت مقاله * ولا يرى شخص خياله * وهو ينشد في شرح حاله [من          الطويل]:                                    تَوَقِّعْ مِنَ الله الكريم              لطائفاً              وَثِقْ بالذي أّوّاكَ في خَيْرِ              مَسْجِدِ                                      فَشاهدْتَ فيه الأولياءِ              وَقَلَّما              تراهُمْ عُيونُ الناسِ في كلِّ              مَشْهَدِ                                      أَتيْتَ إليه بانكسارٍ وذُلّةٍ              وتأتي وَتَشْكو مِنْ زمانٍ              مُنَكِّدِ                                      وَرُمْتَ اتّضاحَ الحال عنْ كلِّ              معْشِرٍ              حراميّةٌ ما فيهِم غير معْتدِ                                      وهُمْ 60 معْشرٌ أُسْدٌ وفيهِم مُقَدَّمٌ              عوائدُهُ ضَرْبُ الحُسامِ              المُهَنَّدِ                                      إذا لاذ مَظْلومٌ ببابِ إلهه              تَيَسَّرَ ما يَرْجوْهُ مِنْ كلِّ              مَقْصِدِ                                      فقابلْ جَميلَ اللُطْفِ بالشُكْر              واعْتمدْ              على اللهِ تَظْفِرْ بالنجاحِ              وأنْشدِ                                      سَتُبدي لَكَ الأيامُ ما كنتَ              جاهِلاً              ويأتيكَ بالأخبار من لم تُزَوّد 61                                ثم نهض من ساعته * خفية من          جماعته * وسلك الطريق * والتوفيق له رفيق * فوصل 62 آخر الليل وفعل من سرعة          السير * ما لا يفعله 63          جياد الخيل * وأخبرني بالخبر * وذكر ما ذكر * فركبت في الحال * بمن معي          من الرجال * وتتبعتُ الغرماء من أماكنهم 64 * ومسكت تسعة منهم من مساكنهم * واستعدت من          المال * تسعين ألف درهم على الكمال 65 * وبقي العبد المقدم * ومعه عشرة آلاف          درهم * فأخذت خبره * وتبعت 66 أثره 67 * فوصف لي مكانه * وعظم لي 68 شأنه * فقصدت ذلك المكان          بالرجال * واحتطنا بذلك المجال 69 * فلم يَكُ بأسرع مِن أن 70 خرج العبد إلينا * وحمل بسيفه          علينا * وصرخ صرخة أرعبت القلوب *           وقال: أنا شيبوب * ثمّ ضرب فرسي          بصارمه * فألقى رأسه بين قوائمه * فجندلني71 * أومى بسيفه إليّ ثم          تركني 72 * ولو شاء أن          يقتلني قتلني * ثم عطف عليّ من معي من الرجال * فطرح منهم عشرة في ذلك          المجال * فما ضرب ضربةً إلا سقط بها مجروح * وكانت كفيلة بخروج          الروح * فأحجمت عنه الرجال حياراً * وولوا فراراً * وخرج هو على حمية          حتى استتر عنّا وتوارى وأنشدَ لسانُ الحال [من الخفيف]                                    قَدْ سَمِعْنا عَنْ ابْنِ شَدّادِ              أَعْني              عَنْتَرَا في الحُروبِ ما قدْ              كفانا                                      وَسَمِعْنا عَنْ غَيرهِ مِنْ ذوي              البأْسِ (م)              أمورٌ تُشيّبُ الوِلدانا                                      وَرَأَيْنا في عصْرِنا حالةَ الحرب              (م)              رجالاً تَجَنْدَلَ الشُجْعانا                                      غَيرُ أنّي ما شاهدت قطّ عَيني              مِثْل هذا الغُلام لمّا التقانا                                      صادقُ الضرْبِ ثابِتُ الجأشِ              يَحْكي              صُوْرةَ اللَيْثِ بلْ أشدُّ              جَنانا                                      لَمْ يَخَفْ سَطْوَةَ الرجال ولا هابَ              (م)              المنايا لمّا التقى الفُرْسانا                                      فإذا لَمْ يكنْ مِنَ المَوْتِ              بُدٌّ              فَمِنَ العَجْزِ أَنْ تَكونَ              جَبَانا                                فقال فرجعت مهموماً مكسوراً * بعد          ما كنت مسروراً منصوراً * فأُخبرتُ أن العبد له مولى في بلد قريب          إلينا 73 * غير بعيد          عنا * وهو رجل معروف بالخير * موصوف بحسن السيرة والسير * لمّا تعلق          العبد بالحرام أبعده 74 * ونفاه عنه وطرده * فسوّل لي الشيطان * قصد ذلك          المكان * وإمساك مولاه عقوبته على ما فعل عبده وجناه فأتيت البلد ونصبت          الخشب * وصلبت 75          التسعة على اللعب * ثم أحضرت مولى العبد وهو مرعوب * وألزمته بإحضار          العبد شيبوب 76 * وجرّدته من أثوابه * وأوقفته عرياناً بإزاء          بابه * وأمرت الجلاد أن يرقمه بأثيابه * فرقمه وأسال دمه ونساؤه          لعقوبته مباشرات 77           * ولشعورهن ناشرات * فلمّا اتصل خبر الرجل بالعبد عز عليه * وحملته          المروة بالحضور إليه * ووجد وقوع نفسه فيما يخشاه * أسهل عليه 78 من وصول الأذى الى          مولاه * فاخترق الصفوف * ووقف بين الوقوف * ثم نظر إليّ وقال يا          مصحوب * كيف يكون شيبوب المطلوب * وهذا الشيخ المضروب * أين تذهب من          علام الغيوب * كيف تنجو 79 من ظلامة هذا الشيخ المرعوب * كيف تخلص من دعاته          المنكسرات القلوب * قال فأمرت بإمساكه * والتعجيل بإسلاكه * وقال لا          تعجل * وافعل ما تفعل * أن المروة لا تقتضي عقوبة هذا الشيخ ظلماً ومن          كنت عبده فالواجب أن يعد ويحمى فأطلق الشيخ إلى قصده * وافعل ما تختاره          بعبده * فقلت أين المال * فقال يا أبطال المال مال * والحال ما حال          المال * ينتفع به بعدي الرجال * المال أصرفه الى الكماة          والأبطال * المال تستعين به العيال * المال أتركه لهؤلاء الأطفال * لم          ينفع الذي استعدته من رفاقي * فكيف تطلب مني إحضار الباقي *          تعين الفوت * حضر الموت * والله لو نصبت سلماً * وصعدت فيه إلى السماء          ما أحضرت من المال درهماً * فقال فحير عقلي وعطفي عليه عطفة عن قتله          فقيدته وزندته * وسلسلته وغلقته * وحملت بين يدي المواقف الشريفة          وأحضرته وأخبرت عنه بما شهدته منه وشاهدته ورويت ما رأيت وشرحت من          شجاعته ما لمحت فعجب مولانا السلطان من شجاعته * واستتوبه          لساعته * وقال مثل هذا الشجاع ما يضاع وسامحه  بالمال *وخلع عليه خلعة          القبول والإقبال * وقرره على الحرس مقدّماً وأجدى عليه من العين والغلة          ما يكفيه منهما ثم بإنعام الشريف * وأعادني إلى الولاية بتشريف *          قال الراوي فعددتها من لطائف ما          يعقل * وظرائف ما ينقل.