{"word_count": 553, "character_count": 3738}
Jump to the next superordinate node: Central-Eastern Walu-Siwaish (link in construction)Central Walu-Siwaish (CWS) includes Rukai-Tsouic and Bunun.&#160; Two innovations have been identified, both of them in the numeral system: the displacement of *isa/*esa/*sa 'one' by *Ca-CiNi in the human counting series; and the displacement of *iCit by *ma-sa-N as 'ten'.The merger of PAN *H1 and *H2 in word-final position comes close to a shared innovation, being attested only in Tsouic (Saaroa) and Bunun, but as Rukai reflects both phonemes as zero, the possibility cannot be excluded that the mergers of *H1 and ¨H2&#160; took place independently in Saaroa and Bunun.1. Displacement of *isa/*esa/*sa 'one' by *Ca-CiNi in the human counting series. In Proto-CWS, a word *Ca-CiNi was innovated to serve as ‘one’ (human): Bunun tatini ‘one’ (human) Tsou cihi ‘one’ (human), Kanakanabu: ta-cini (where ta- has replaced Ca- to form a run with ta-susa ‘2’ and ta-tulu ‘three’ (all human), Saaroa: ca-ciɫi ‘1’ (human). *Ca-CiNi is a human-counting series Ca- reduplication of *CiNi, reflected in Takivatan Bunun (de Busser 2009) as tini means ‘alone, on one’s own’.A system with two contrasting series of numerals (in addition to the serial counting series), one with Ca- reduplication for human reference and another with CV- reduplication for non-human reference, arose in Austronesian languages between the Limaish and Enemish nodes. That system is seen in Siraya, Kanakanabu, Bunun (Isbukun, here (https://mpi-lingweb.shh.mpg.de/numeral/Bunun.htm)), Puyuma; it continued into Malayo-Polynesian. One recurrent problem with the CV- vs. Ca- marking of numerals is that it failed to produce a distinction in those whose first vowel was /a/, especially ‘1’ for which Siraya had sa-saat in both series. As a result there was a tendency in Walu-Siwaish languages to innovate distinct forms of ‘1’ to be used in reference to humans and nonhumans.2. Displacement of *iCit by ma-sa-N as 'ten'. PAN *iCit 'ten' is attested in most languages of the west coast of Taiwan: Luilang, Pazeh, Favorlang-Babuza, Taokas, Papora, Hoanya. Siraya kyttian is probably *ka-iCi(t)-an, with nominalizing *-an suffix, suggesting *iCit vas originally a verb root.The central Walu-Siwaish languages replace *iCit with *ma-sa-N as 'ten': Bunun (Takituduh, Li 1988) ma-cʔan; Tsou máskə, Kanakanabu ma:nə, Saaroa ma:ɬə, Proto-Tsouic *másaɬə (Tsuchida 1976). Proto-Rukai has *poɭoko 'ten' (Li 1977), apparently related to the Puluqish numeral for 'ten' (here), but this is evidently a loanword, as already pointed out by Pauk J.K. Li and E. Zeitoun, since Rukai treats PAN *-q as zero.*ma-sa-N 'ten' consists of *sa, short form of *isa 'one', with the circumfix *ma-...-N 'times' (?). The glottal stop in Bunun ma-cʔan is already present in the word for 'one': Takituduh tasʔa. Bunun geminates the vowels of monosyllables and inserts a glottal stop between the vowel's two copies (Wolff 2010:169). In compounds ma-cʔan and ta-sʔa, the vowel's first copy has been lost.Although superficially similar, Atayal (Mayrinax) maɣalpuɣ 'ten' (which includes lpuɣ 'to count') and Seediq (Paran) maxal id. have medial fricatives which cannot reflect *s.Referencesde Busser, Rik. 2009. Towards a grammar of Takivatan Bunun, Selected Topics. PhD thesis, LaTrobe University, Bundoora, Australia.Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1977. "The Internal Relationships of Rukai." In Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 2004. Selected Papers on Formosan Languages. Taipei, Taiwan: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.Li, P. J.-K. 1988. A c omparative study of Bunun dialects. BIHP 59,2: 479-508.Wolff, John U. 2010. Proto-Austronesian phonology with glossary. Vol. 1. Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia program publications.[cite]