{"word_count": 1102, "character_count": 8107}
Deux appels à papiers de la section 49 de l'ECPR.1/ Call for Submissions: Populism, Political Radicalism and Political Extremism: Normalisation and Contestation in Changing DemocraciesConference: 11th ECPR General ConferenceSection: Populism, Political Radicalism and Political Extremism: Normalisation and Contestation in Changing DemocraciesChairs: Caterina Froio (University of Oxford) and Steven M. Van Hauwaert (Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas)Location and date: Oslo, 6-9 September 2017Deadline for submissions: 15 February 2017For further details: Conference websiteFor several decades now, populism, political radicalism and extremism have been prominent political phenomena and have attracted wide scholarly attention. Initially, political research was mainly concerned with understanding the emergence and the potential challenges of populism, radicalism and extremism. Throughout the recent research efforts, scholars have gradually but systematically shifted their attention to the persistence, resilience and consolidation of what initially could be construed as marginal phenomena. The necessity to cope with the aftermaths of the Great Recession, with repeated refugees’ crises, and with the resurgence of political extremism and religious terrorism are accompanied by increasing distrust towards existing representative institutions. Together, these offer an enhanced possibility for the revival of populism, political radicalism and extremism throughout different aspects of politics and in different contexts. This brings forward two separate, yet intertwined societal evolutions that the section will address. On one hand, we can observe a ‘normalisation’ of certain aspects of populism, radicalism and extremism. Beyond the classic interpretations of populism, radicalism and political extremism conceived as protest challenges to the political establishment, these phenomena may also be interpreted as new ways of linking increasingly depoliticised electorates and weak party governments. Inherently, this suggests research efforts should perhaps include these phenomena in their more ‘traditional’ frameworks, rather than examining them as fringe occurrences or challenger dynamics. On the other hand, certain aspects of populism, radicalism and extremism are much less integrated in traditional or mainstream politics. If a growing number of populist and radical actors access power and extremist actors mobilise in the street, they often remain an exception rather than a rule. Even if their penetration of politics may be multifaceted and on the rise, they continue to serve as contestation mechanisms that challenge politics. The overall question then remains, to what extent are populism, political radicalism and political extremism normalised or contesting phenomena?Populism, radicalism and extremism are extremely multifaceted. Whereas this provides a particular challenge to the study of the normalisation vs. contestation question, it also allows us examine our puzzle through a variety of sub-questions. First, we ask which aspects of populism, radicalism and extremism have become normalised or remain contested? Populism and radicalism range from political input (parties, individuals) to political output (policies, rhetoric). Political extremism can range from political violence (terrorism, hooliganism) to democratic protest (parties, mobilisation) and online activism (dark web). Which of these aspects have penetrated politics to such an extent they are no longer considered atypical? How do democratic polities react to these challenges? Second, under which circumstances can we observe the normalisation and contestation of populism, political radicalism and political extremism? In other words, what factors come into play for a phenomenon to become normalised or remain contested? We wonder what the role can be of the breeding ground, political opportunities, institutions, the political system and certainly also of the political actors themselves? Third, we can also observe a geographical dispersion of (i) how populism, radicalism and extremism are expressed, and subsequently also (ii) the extent to which certain dynamics become either normalised or remain contested. So, how does context come into play here? The combination of these questions invites further research, nourished by distinct paths and approaches, to broaden the overall understanding of these dynamics of normalisation and contestation.Research topics covered by the section Demand and supply sides explanations of populism, political radicalism and extremism Continuities and changes in populism, political radicalism and political extremism: ideas, politics and policies Populist, radical and extremist parties and social movements: organization and strategies of mobilization Populist, radical and extremist political communication Populist, radical and extremist online activism and propaganda Populist, radical and extremist interpretations of diversity and (in)equality: ethnicity, economy and beyond?&#160;2/ Call for Papers: Crises as catalysts: The rise of the pan-European New RightConference: 11th Pan-European Conference on International RelationsSection: Crises as catalysts: The rise of the pan-European New RightChairs: Hartwig Pautz (University of the West of Scotland) Ian Klinke (University of Oxford)Location and date: Barcelona, 13-16 September 2017Deadline for submissions: 10 February 2017For further details: Conference websiteThe spectacular electoral performance of far-right and extreme right political parties and the rise of right-wing extra-parliamentary movements in most European countries have profoundly unsettled political elites, liberal-minded opinion formers, and academic observers. In the course of the Eurozone crisis, the refugee crisis and the EU’s integration crisis, the latter expressed most starkly by Britain’s exit from the Union, a blend of racism, nationalism, anti-‘Western’ civilizational thinking, EUrophobia and a radical disillusion with liberal democracy are threatening to destabilise the coordinates of post-1991 democratic capitalism in Europe. These ideological shifts to the right have not emerged overnight but have arguably been fostered for decades by a set of transnationally active organisations and individuals – known as the New Right, or ‘Nouvelle Droite’. By distancing itself from the anti-Semitic ‘Old Right’ and drawing on a rightwing version of pan-Europeanism, the New Right has the potential to offer a third ‘ethnopluralist’ alternative between the usual binary opposition of ‘liberal Europhilia vs. nationalist Europhobia’ that defines the European media landscape.Submissions will address issues such as: The strategies and successes of far-right parties New right ideas, movements, networks and parties in comparative perspective New right intellectuals and think tanks The renaissance of interwar political thinkers The intellectual roots of the new right New right political and street movements, such as the ‘Identitarian Movement’ The reasons for the absence of the New Right in some European countries Popular and intellectual resistance to the New Right&#160;_____________________________________"The Standing Group provides a platform and infrastructure to the broad range of scholars working on various aspects of ‘extremism and democracy’ around the world. This includes topics such as political violence, religious fundamentalism, parties of the radical left and right, populism, fascism, and so forth. The Standing Group is academically neutral and provides a meeting ground for scholars from various theoretical persuasions and disciplines, although our main focus is on the political aspects of extremism. We particularly welcome scholars who work in a comparative spirit and who focus on the (inter-)relation between extremism and democracy.The Standing Group is run by a team of four convenors who are responsible for the coordination of the group’s activities, its website, and the publication of the Standing Group’s newsletter, e-Extreme."http://extremism-and-democracy.com/