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&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de Rome, Rome, 24-25 mai 2018ArgumentaireLe d&#233;classement social est aujourd&#8217;hui un d&#233;fi politique majeur pour les soci&#233;t&#233;s occidentales. Avant m&#234;me d&#8217;&#234;tre au c&#339;ur du d&#233;bat public, il a &#233;t&#233; un objet d&#8217;&#233;tude pour la sociologie qui a contribu&#233; &#224; d&#233;finir sa temporalit&#233; (interg&#233;n&#233;rationnelle ou limit&#233;e au cycle de vie), ses dimensions prot&#233;iformes (individuelles ou collectives) et son ambigu&#239;t&#233; car il s&#8217;agit autant d&#8217;une r&#233;alit&#233; objective &#8211; donc mesurable &#8211; que d&#8217;un sentiment subjectif tributaire de la perception des dynamiques sociales, autant une exp&#233;rience qu&#8217;une crainte. Interroger le d&#233;classement est donc le moyen, quelque soit l&#8217;&#233;poque, de p&#233;n&#233;trer le fonctionnement du monde social.Prendre en compte l&#8217;Ancien R&#233;gime tout en englobant la c&#233;sure r&#233;volutionnaire est le moyen d&#8217;observer le ph&#233;nom&#232;ne dans le cadre d&#8217;une soci&#233;t&#233; d&#8217;ordres dont la rigidit&#233; des fronti&#232;res sociales &#233;volua dans le temps (alternant des phases de plus ou moins grande ouverture ou fermeture), mais aussi dans une phase de transition et de red&#233;finition des statuts alors que triomphait une soci&#233;t&#233; de classes. Le d&#233;classement n&#8217;est pas compr&#233;hensible sans l&#8217;existence d&#8217;un classement. Dans la soci&#233;t&#233; contemporaine, celui-ci est sociologique et &#233;conomique en l&#8217;absence de fronti&#232;res juridiques entre individus, m&#234;me si leur souvenir peut perdurer. Dans la soci&#233;t&#233; d&#8217;Ancien R&#233;gime, il &#233;tait fond&#233; sur une pens&#233;e hi&#233;rarchique qui se mat&#233;rialisait dans les ordres, le respect des rangs, la transmission des statuts. Mais cette soci&#233;t&#233; rigide, car pens&#233;e comme naturelle, n&#8217;&#233;tait pas immobile. Si l&#8217;historiographie s&#8217;est davantage int&#233;ress&#233;e &#224; la mobilit&#233; ascendante qui &#233;tait aussi plus productrice de sources, elle a abord&#233; le ph&#233;nom&#232;ne du d&#233;classement &#160;&#224; travers l&#8217;&#233;tude des cas de d&#233;rogeances de la noblesse, celle des pauvres honteux et des institutions d&#8217;assistance, et plus r&#233;cemment de la repr&#233;sentation du d&#233;classement et du sens des trajectoires sociales dans une soci&#233;t&#233; hi&#233;rarchique.Axes de r&#233;flexionCe colloque, qui entend embrasser tout le spectre social, se structurera autour de quelques axes de r&#233;flexion.Les discours sur le d&#233;classement. Traiter du d&#233;classement sous l&#8217;Ancien R&#233;gime pose la question de l&#8217;usage de cat&#233;gories d&#8217;analyse mobilis&#233;es par les historiens pour &#233;tudier les soci&#233;t&#233;s anciennes. Le d&#233;classement est ainsi li&#233; &#224; l&#8217;appauvrissement sans en &#234;tre synonyme. Les revers de fortune y menaient s&#8217;ils s&#8217;accompagnaient d&#8217;un changement de mode de vie qui actait un changement d&#8217;&#233;tat. Le d&#233;classement naissait de la perte de ressources mat&#233;rielles et symboliques &#8211; comme l&#8217;honneur - qui obligeaient &#224; un comportement et &#224; des choix jug&#233;s d&#233;gradants au regard du statut social. Il ne peut donc &#234;tre d&#233;fini de mani&#232;re absolue, mais toujours de mani&#232;re relative en fonction de la position des personnes. C&#8217;est pourquoi il importe, dans la mesure du possible, de prendre en consid&#233;ration les discours des acteurs historiques, discours qui n&#8217;&#233;taient pas n&#233;cessairement semblables aux n&#244;tres, et qui n&#8217;&#233;taient pas identiques dans le temps. La perception de l&#8217;abaissement de la position sociale &#233;tait fonction des normes et des repr&#233;sentations associ&#233;es au milieu d&#8217;appartenance. Le d&#233;classement &#233;tait appr&#233;ci&#233; par les acteurs sociaux en fonction des attentes et des caract&#232;res pr&#234;t&#233;s aux groupes sociaux ou aux familles en fonction de leur rang. Il assumait une dimension &#233;minemment morale en &#233;tant associ&#233; au d&#233;shonneur, &#224; la chute, &#224; la d&#233;ch&#233;ance. On s&#8217;int&#233;ressa dans la production du discours non seulement &#224; l&#8217;exp&#233;rience du d&#233;classement mais aussi &#224; la crainte &#8211; proportionnelle &#224; la position hi&#233;rarchique - qu&#8217;inspirait la perspective de la marginalisation sociale.Le d&#233;classement comme itin&#233;raire. On se propose, en outre, d&#8217;appr&#233;hender le d&#233;classement non pas comme un changement d&#8217;&#233;tat dont on &#233;valuerait les causes et les cons&#233;quences, mais comme un processus qui s&#8217;inscrivait dans diff&#233;rentes &#233;chelles temporelles. La premi&#232;re dimension &#233;tait celle de l&#8217;individu dont il importe de reconstituer &#8211; en fonction du moment du cycle de vie -&#160; la trajectoire avec ses points de ruptures, ses paliers et ses inflexions qui conduisent &#224; un changement de condition. La difficult&#233; est de faire la part des revers passagers ou du d&#233;nuement conjoncturel et du d&#233;classement qui n&#8217;&#233;tait pas n&#233;cessairement un processus irr&#233;versible comme le montre, pour le second ordre, l&#8217;existence de proc&#233;dures de mise en veille du statut pour rendre praticable la d&#233;rogeance. Le ph&#233;nom&#232;ne oblige &#224; prendre en consid&#233;ration l&#8217;&#233;chelle des g&#233;n&#233;rations en interrogeant les modalit&#233;s de la reproduction sociale et de la transmission des statuts. Dans cette perspective, il faut prendre garde de ne pas interpr&#233;ter le changement de m&#233;tier d&#8217;une g&#233;n&#233;ration &#224; l&#8217;autre ou entre branches de la m&#234;me famille comme un indice de diff&#233;renciation et de mobilit&#233; sociale (ascendante ou descendante) sans prendre en compte les univers sociaux d&#8217;appartenance qui leur donnaient sens et qui permettent d&#8217;&#233;valuer l&#8217;orientation d&#8217;une trajectoire personnelle ou familiale. Il semble donc qu&#8217;un changement de statut doive &#234;tre appr&#233;hend&#233; &#224; partir du syst&#232;me de r&#233;f&#233;rence et en relation avec la position des autres. La prise en compte du temps vient rappeler que le d&#233;classement n&#8217;&#233;tait pas seulement une affaire de capacit&#233;s individuelles, mais qu&#8217;il avait &#224; voir avec la conjoncture et avec ce que les sociologues appellent la mobilit&#233; structurelle, c&#8217;est-&#224;-dire celle qui est impos&#233;e par l&#8217;&#233;volution des structures d&#233;mographiques, &#233;conomiques et politiques.Situations de d&#233;ch&#233;ance.&#160;En contrepoint de l&#8217;approche processuelle pr&#233;c&#233;dente, on entend questionner les situations qui, aux yeux des contemporains, conduisaient &#224; la d&#233;ch&#233;ance. Plusieurs situations retiennent l&#8217;attention. La premi&#232;re regarde la&#160;perte d&#8217;ind&#233;pendance&#160;&#224; une &#233;poque o&#249; vivre du sien &#233;tait une source de distinction et d&#8217;appartenance sociales. On peut y rattacher les cas de faillite et d&#8217;endettement qui se traduisaient par une perte de cr&#233;dit, dans toutes les acceptions du terme, au risque de subir une v&#233;ritable mort sociale. La deuxi&#232;me concerne&#160;les cas de d&#233;rogeance&#160;qui entra&#238;naient la perte de privil&#232;ges, voire l&#8217;exclusion du groupe d&#8217;appartenance. La pr&#233;servation du statut social appara&#238;t alors secondaire au regard de la n&#233;cessit&#233; de la survie &#233;conomique. La troisi&#232;me situation englobe&#160;la m&#233;salliance et la naissance ill&#233;gitime&#160;qui &#233;taient, pour la descendance, lourdes de cons&#233;quences sur le plan du statut, de la succession patrimoniale, de l&#8217;acc&#232;s &#224; certaines fonctions et de la r&#233;putation, elle-m&#234;me modul&#233;e par la position sociale. On peut aussi s&#8217;interroger sur la&#160;condition de cadets&#160;dans la noblesse par rapport &#224; celle de l&#8217;a&#238;n&#233; promis &#224; perp&#233;tuer la position familiale. Enfin, il n&#8217;est pas inutile de porter l&#8217;attention sur des actes d&#8217;exclusion, comme la&#160;perte de citoyennet&#233;, qui entra&#238;nait la privation de droits et l&#8217;exclusion de la communaut&#233; et sur&#160;l&#8217;installation dans des lieux&#160;et des habitations d&#233;grad&#233;es qui actaient le d&#233;classement.Les freins au d&#233;classement. La hi&#233;rarchie sociale, parce qu&#8217;elle &#233;tait con&#231;ue comme naturelle, &#233;tait consolid&#233;e par des dispositifs juridiques et institutionnels. On entend porter l&#8217;accent sur les modalit&#233;s d&#8217;activation de ces ressources par les acteurs et les pouvoirs qui en avaient la ma&#238;trise. La d&#233;rogeance appara&#238;t alors dans sa double dimension car si elle se traduisait par la perte de statut, elle permettait aussi de le recouvrer une fois r&#233;tablies les conditions de vie qui lui &#233;taient associ&#233;es. On sait que l&#8217;aide institutionnelle (sous forme d&#8217;aide &#224; domicile des pauvres honteux ou de mise &#224; disposition d&#8217;un logement par les institutions caritatives) &#233;tait inspir&#233;e par le principe de la justice distributive qui donnait &#224; chacun selon sa condition&#160;; on peut se demander si ces formes d&#8217;assistance n&#8217;&#233;taient pas activ&#233;es une fois la d&#233;ch&#233;ance av&#233;r&#233;e, si bien qu&#8217;elles ne visaient pas &#224; r&#233;tablir une position hi&#233;rarchique, mais &#224; freiner un changement de condition in&#233;luctable en d&#233;fendant la stabilit&#233; de l&#8217;ordre social.LanguesFran&#231;ais, anglais, italienCalendrier&#160;septembre 2017&#160;: appel &#224; communication&#160;30 novembre 2017&#160;: remise des propositions d&#8217;intervention (3500 caract&#232;res maximum)&#160;31 d&#233;cembre 2017&#160;: s&#233;lection des interventions et d&#233;finition du programme&#160;30 avril 2018&#160;: remise des textes des communications&#160;24-25 mai 2018&#160;: colloque &#224; l&#8217;&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de RomeColloque organis&#233; par l&#8217;&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de Rome, le LARHRA, l&#8217;IDHE.S-ENS Paris-Saclay, l&#8217;Universit&#224; degli Studi di MilanoCoordinateurs scientifiques et comit&#233; de s&#233;lectionJean-Fran&#231;ois Chauvard (Universit&#233; Lumi&#232;re Lyon 2),&#160;jean-francois.chauvard@univ-lyon2.frMichela Barbot (CNRS, IDHE.S-ENS Paris-Saclay),&#160;michela-sara.barbot@ens-paris-saclay.frStefano Levati (Universit&#224; degli Studi di Milano),&#160;stefano.levati@unimi.it&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de Rome,&#160;Rome, 24-25 May 2018ArgumentSocial demotion, or downward social mobility, is a major political challenge for Western societies today. Even before becoming the focus of public debate, it was already a topic of study for sociologists who helped define its temporality (i.e. intergenerational or limited to a single lifespan), its multiple dimensions (individual or collective) and its ambiguity, as it is both an objective (therefore measurable) reality and a subjective feeling dependent on the perception of social dynamics. In short, social demotion is both an experience and a fear. Investigating social demotion in any era is thus a way to see the inner workings of the social world.By taking into account the Ancien R&#233;gime, while also encompassing the disruption of the Revolution, we can observe this phenomenon not only within a &#8220;society of orders&#8221; in which the rigidity of social boundaries evolved over time (alternating between phases of greater or less openness), but also in a transitional phase as statuses were redefined with the triumph of a class society. Social demotion, i.e. moving downward to a lower social status, cannot be understood without the existence of a social hierarchy. In contemporary society, this hierarchy is defined in sociological and economic terms given the absence of legal boundaries between individuals, even though the memory of such boundaries may persist. In Ancien R&#233;gime society, social status was based on a hierarchical thinking that materialised in orders, the respect of ranks and the transmission of status. Yet while that society was rigid (because it was conceived as a natural state), it was not immobile. Although historiography has focused more on upward mobility, which also produced more source material, it has looked at the phenomenon of downward mobility by studying cases of derogation of nobility, the situation of the &#8220;shamefaced poor&#8221; and public assistance institutions, and more recently, the representation of social demotion and the meaning of social trajectories in a hierarchical society.Main topicsThis conference endeavours to cover the entire social spectrum, organised around a few focal points for reflection.Discourses about social demotion.&#160;Studying social demotion under the Ancien R&#233;gime raises the issue of the analytical categories used by historians to study societies of the past. Social demotion is thus connected to impoverishment, but the two terms were not synonymous. Reversals of fortune would lead to social demotion if they coincided with a change in lifestyle that materialised a change in status. Social demotion arose from the loss of material and symbolic resources &#8211; such as honour &#8211; that forced individuals to adopt a behaviour or to make choices deemed to be degrading in light of their social status. Thus, it cannot be defined in absolute terms, but always in relation to individuals&#8217; position. Hence the importance of taking into consideration, inasmuch as possible, the discourses of historical agents. Such discourses were not necessarily comparable to our own and not identical over time. The perception of a decline in social status was dependent on the norms and representations related to the milieu to which an individual belonged. Social agents assessed social demotion in light of the expectations and characters attributed to social groups or families according to their rank. Social demotion took on an eminently moral dimension by being connected to dishonour, downfall and forfeiture. In the production of discourse, the focus was not only on the experience of social demotion, but also on the fear &#8211; proportional to the individual&#8217;s position in the hierarchy &#8211; that was sparked by the prospect of social marginalisation.Social demotion as an itinerary.&#160;We also propose understanding social demotion not as a change in status, whose causes and consequences could be assessed, but as a process that fit into different timescales. The first dimension was that of the individual whose trajectory &#8211; based on the point in his or her lifespan &#8211; must be pieced together with its breaking points, plateaus and inflection points leading to a change in condition. The difficulty lies in distinguishing between temporary reversals or deprivation, on the one hand, and demotion, on the other. The latter was not necessarily an irreversible process, as shown &#8211; for the Second Estate &#8211; by the existence of procedures for suspending noble status in order to make derogation practicable. The phenomenon requires an intergenerational scale to be considered, by investigating the methods of social reproduction and transmission of status. In this perspective, care must be taken not to interpret a change in trade from one generation to the next, or between branches of the same family, as a sign of differentiation or of social mobility (either upward or downward) without factoring in the social universes of belonging that gave such changes meaning and enable the direction of a personal or family trajectory to be determined. It therefore seems that a change in status must be viewed in light of a system of reference and in relation to the position of others. Taking account of the period of time also reminds us that social demotion was only partly a question of individual ability, while also being related to contemporary events and what sociologists call &#8220;structural mobility&#8221;, i.e. the mobility made necessary by changes in demographic, economic and political structures.Situations of forfeiture.&#160;In contrast with the aforementioned process approach, we intend to investigate situations that, in the eyes of contemporaries, would lead to forfeiture. Several situations stand out. The first involves a&#160;loss of independence&#160;during an era when living off of one&#8217;s own assets was a source of social distinction and belonging. This situation would include cases of bankruptcy and indebtedness that led to a loss of credit, in all senses of the term, with the risk of suffering a veritable social death. The second situation involves&#160;cases of derogation, which led to a loss of privileges or even being excluded from the group to which the individual belonged. Here, preserving the social status came second to the necessity of economic survival. The third situation encompasses&#160;m&#233;salliance&#160;and illegitimate birth, which had weighty consequences for descendants in terms of status, inheritance rights, access to certain functions and reputation, which in turn was modulated by social position. We can also study the&#160;condition of younger-born sons&#160;in the nobility, compared to the position of the eldest son who would perpetuate the family&#8217;s status. Lastly, it would be useful to look at acts of exclusion, such as&#160;the loss of citizenship, which led to individuals being deprived of their rights and excluded from the community, as well as&#160;moving to locations&#160;or to homes that were deteriorated and therefore materialised social demotion.Hurdles to social demotion. The social hierarchy, since it was regarded as natural, was shored up with legal and institutional arrangements. We intend to emphasise the ways in which these resources were activated by the actors and powers that controlled them. Derogation thus appears in both its dimensions; while it reflected the loss of status, it also enabled status to be recovered once all the associated living conditions were re-established. It is known that institutional aid (in the form of aid at home for the &#8220;shamefaced poor&#8221; or the provision of lodging by charitable institutions) was inspired by the principle of distributive fairness whereby each individual received according to his or her condition. &#160;We can question whether these forms of assistance were not implemented after forfeiture had become evident, such that they did not aim to restore a hierarchical position but instead to hamper an inevitable change in condition by defending the stability of the social order.LanguageEnglish, French, ItalianTimetable&#160;September 2017: call for papers&#160;30 November 2017: deadline for submitting proposals (a maximum of&#160;3500 characters)&#160;31 December 2017: selection of proposals and conference schedule defined&#160;30 April 2018: deadline for submitting conference papers&#160;24-25 May 2018: conference at the &#201;cole fran&#231;aise de RomeA conference organised by the &#201;cole fran&#231;aise de Rome, LARHRA, IDHE.S-ENS Paris-Saclay and the University of MilanScientific Coordinators and selection committeeJean-Fran&#231;ois Chauvard (University of Lyon II &#8211; LARHRA),&#160;jean-francois.chauvard@univ-lyon2.frMichela Barbot (CNRS, IDHE.S-ENS Paris-Saclay),&#160;michela-sara.barbot@ens-paris-saclay.frStefano Levati (University of Milan),&#160;stefano.levati@unimi.it&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de Rome, Roma, 24-25 maggio 2018ArgomentoIl declassamento sociale &#232; attualmente una fra le maggiori preoccupazioni politiche delle societ&#224; occidentali. Prima ancora di arrivare al cuore del dibattito pubblico, questo tema &#232; stato oggetto di una serie di indagini sociologiche che ne hanno evidenziato le dimensioni individuali e collettive, le scale cronologiche multiple (intergenerazionali o inscritte nei cicli di vita personali), nonch&#233; la natura intrinsecamente duplice, trattandosi di un concetto che rimanda sia a realt&#224; oggettive e misurabili, sia a percezioni soggettive di esperienze e di dinamiche sociali.Oggi come in passato, lo studio del declassamento &#232; essenziale ai fini di comprendere il funzionamento dei sistemi sociali. Abbordare un simile fenomeno su una lunga et&#224; moderna, estesa dal tardo medioevo fino al primo Ottocento, consente di osservare il passaggio da societ&#224; di ordini, pi&#249; o meno chiuse o aperte a seconda dei momenti, a societ&#224; di classi la cui affermazione ha richiesto processi complessi di ridefinizione di status e condizioni sociali.Il declassamento non pu&#242; sussistere in assenza di classificazioni: se nelle societ&#224; contemporanee, formalmente prive di frontiere giuridiche, tali classificazioni hanno una matrice prettamente socio-economica, nelle societ&#224; d&#8217;Ancien R&#233;gime&#160;esse erano il frutto di una cultura gerarchica che si traduceva nel rispetto di ordini e ranghi e nella rigida trasmissione di statuti e privilegi.Nemmeno le societ&#224; del passato, tuttavia, erano esenti da forme di mobilit&#224; sociale. Bench&#233; la storiografia, per ragioni essenzialmente documentarie, si sia concentrata principalmente sui meccanismi di ascesa sociale, diversi lavori hanno permesso di far luce anche sul processo inverso: &#232; il caso degli studi dedicati alla&#160;d&#233;rogeance&#160;nobiliare, alla povert&#224; vergognosa e alle istituzioni preposte a mitigarla, alle rappresentazioni sociali di percorsi familiari e individuali discendenti.Assi di riflessioneIl presente convegno intende affrontare i temi appena evocati in un ampio spettro di contesti sociali, indagati a partire da quattro maggiori assi di riflessione.Il lessico del declassamento. Lo studio del declassamento impone anzitutto di indagare le categorie concettuali e lessicali adottate per descriverlo.Seppure non siano perfetti sinonimi, il declassamento &#232; spesso associato all&#8217;impoverimento. Nelle societ&#224; del passato, i rovesci di fortuna portavano al declassamento ogniqualvolta si accompagnavano a modifiche negli stili di vita suscettibili di tradursi in cambiamenti di status: il declassamento, infatti, era legato a una perdita di risorse materiali e simboliche che obbligava a scelte e comportamenti considerati degradanti rispetto al proprio rango.Poich&#233; il declassamento non &#232; mai definito in maniera assoluta, ma &#232; sempre relativo alla posizione sociale occupata, &#232; necessario, nella misura del possibile, tenere conto dei discorsi di quanti lo subiscono. Nelle societ&#224; del passato, la percezione del declassamento era fortemente dipendente dalle norme e dalle rappresentazioni sociali condivise dal gruppo di appartenenza: si trattava di un fenomeno dalla forte dimensione morale poich&#233; rinviava al disonore, al declino, alla decadenza. Diventa perci&#242; importante tener conto non solo dei racconti di esperienze vissute, ma anche dei discorsi evocativi del semplice timore suscitato dallo spettro di una marginalizzazione sociale.Il declassamento in quanto processo. Pi&#249; che analizzare le cause e gli effetti del declassamento, si tratter&#224; di coglierne gli aspetti processuali nel loro dispiegarsi nel tempo. Una particolare attenzione sar&#224; dedicata ai punti di rottura e ai momenti che segnano dei cambi di status, discriminando fra rovesci passeggeri, difficolt&#224; congiunturali e vere e proprie cadute sociali. Altrettanto importante sar&#224; l&#8217;esame dei passaggi generazionali e delle strategie di riproduzione familiare, gli uni e le altre analizzati facendo attenzione a non interpretare le differenze professionali interne alle famiglie come indici di mobilit&#224; sociale senza tenere conto delle posizioni relative dei loro protagonisti. La dimensione cronologica mostra infine come il declassamento non sia esclusivamente legato alle capacit&#224; individuali, ma dipenda anche da forme di mobilit&#224; cosidetta strutturale, provocate dall&#8217;evoluzione delle macrostrutture demografiche, economiche e politiche, di cui bisogner&#224; tenere debitamente conto.Le situazioni di decadenza.&#160;Oltre all&#8217;esame del declassamento in termini processuali, si tratter&#224; di analizzare anche le situazioni concrete che i contemporanei associavano alla decadenza. Pensiamo, in primo luogo, alla perdita di indipendenza in seno a societ&#224; nelle quali &#171;vivere del suo&#187; &#160;era uno fra i maggiori criteri di distinzione sociale. In simili contesti, i casi di fallimento o di indebitamento potevano tradursi in un deficit di credito, nel duplice senso del termine, fino a produrre una vera e propria &#171;morte sociale&#187;. Un&#8217;altra situazione critica era legata alla&#160;d&#233;rogeance: di fronte al rischio di esclusione dal gruppo di appartenenza, la salvaguardia del rango sociale poteva passare in secondo piano rispetto alle necessit&#224; di sopravvivenza economica. Anche le cattive alleanze matrimoniali o le nascite illegittime erano gravide di conseguenze negative, non soltanto sul piano ereditario, ma anche in termini di accesso a determinate funzioni e professioni. Vi era poi il caso dei cadetti, i quali occupavano una posizione inevitabilmente pi&#249; fragile rispetto ai primogeniti. Infine, anche atti prettamente giuridici come la revoca della cittadinanza, portando a una privazione di diritti e inducendo a cambi di residenza, potevano e accompagnarsi a forme di esclusione, se non di vero e proprio declassamento sociale.I freni al declassamento. Percepite come naturali, le gerarchie sociali erano rafforzate attraverso dispositivi giuridici e istituzionali dagli esiti complessi. La&#160;d&#233;rogeance, ad esempio, era suscettibile di generare una perdita di status, ma al tempo stesso consentiva di riguadagnare posizioni una volta ristabilite le condizioni di vita precedenti. Sappiamo inoltre che gli aiuti ai poveri vergognosi e la concessione di alloggi da parte delle istituzioni caritative erano ispirati a un senso di giustizia distributiva secondo cui ciascuno doveva ricevere secondo la sua condizione; in questa prospettiva, &#232; possibile chiedersi se simili forme di assistenza fossero attivate non tanto &#8211; o non solo - ai fini di ripristinare posizioni individuali, quanto ai fini di garantire la stabilit&#224; complessiva dell&#8217;ordine sociale.Lingue&#160;Italiano, francese, ingleseIl calendario&#160;settembre 2017: call for paper&#160;30 novembre 2017: invio delle proposte di intervento (3500 battute al massimo)&#160;31 dicembre 2017: selezione dei partecipanti e definizione del programma&#160;30 aprile 2018: invio dei testi&#160;24-25 maggio 2018&#160;: convegno all&#8217;&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de RomeConvegno organizzato dall&#8217;&#201;cole fran&#231;aise de Rome, dal LARHRA, dall&#8217;IDHE.S-ENS Paris-Saclay e dall&#8217;Universit&#224; degli Studi di MilanoCoordinatori&#160;scientifici e comitato di letturaJean-Fran&#231;ois Chauvard (Universit&#233; de Lyon II), jean-francois.chauvard@univ-lyon2.frMichela Barbot (CNRS, IDHE.S- ENS Paris-Saclay),&#160;michela-sara.barbot@ens-paris-saclay.frStefano Levati (Universit&#224; degli Studi di Milano),&#160;stefano.levati@unimi.it