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Cecile Vidal a le plaisir de vous annoncer que *Trevor Burnard, professeur d'histoire et directeur de l'Ecole des études historiques et  philosophiques à l'Université de Melbourne, viendra comme directeur  d'études invité à l'EHESS en novembre-décembre 2015*. Trevor Burnard est l'un des meilleurs spécialistes des sociétés esclavagistes dans le monde atlantique britannique du XVIIe au XIXe siècle. Il aussi bien travaillé sur l'Amérique du Nord que sur la Caraïbe, sur les plantations que sur  les villes, ainsi que sur les maîtres et le personnel d'encadrement d'origine européenne que sur les esclaves. Il s'intéresse, en particulier, à la démographie des sociétés esclavagistes, à la manièredont les rapports de genre étaient transformés par les systèmes esclavagistes, à l'idéologie des planteurs et aux processus d'identification ethnique et raciale ou encore aux relations entre impérialisme et esclavagisme. Auteur de très nombreux ouvrages dont /Mastery, Tyranny, and Desire : Thomas Thistlewood and his Slaves in the Anglo-Jamaican World/ (University of North Carolina Press, 2004), il vient de faire paraître /Planters, Merchants, and Slaves : PlantationSocieties in British America, 1650-1820/ (University of Chicago Press, 2015), tandis que sortira dans quelques mois un ouvrage comparatif,co-écrit avec John Garrigus : /The Plantation Machine : Atlantic Capitalism in French Saint-Domingue and British Jamaica /(University of  Pennsylvania Press, 2016).Trevor Burnard donnera cinq conférences :*- Mardi 17 novembre 2015, 16h-18h, salle 12, CENA, EHESS, 105 bdRaspail, 75006 PARIS : "The Making of Plantation Societies in theGreater Antilles in the Eighteenth-Century" (dans mon séminaire surl'histoire comparée des traites, esclavages et abolitions dans lesmondes atlantiques)*"The success of Barbados (and to an extent Martinique) in becoming aplantation society in which the large integrated plantation, with asmall number of white managerial staff and a large number of enslavedworkers of African descent was the principal labour model for plantationagriculture should have encouraged other places, like Jamaica and SaintDomingue, to transform themselves into similar kinds of plantationsocieties. Yet most British and French American slave societies tookquite a long time before they became plantation societies similar toBarbados. Key to transforming these societies into the kinds ofplantation societies that were so successful, at least in economicterms, in the eighteenth century, was convincing ordinary white men thatworking in the plantation economy and managing often violent andrecalcitrant African-born slaves was something that could lead to wealthand prosperity. The principal argument in this seminar is that before welook at the ways that a shared racial understanding united whites inplantation societies, we need to understand the economic connectionsthat made all white people support the continued growth of plantationsystems."*- Mardi 24 novembre 2015, 12h-14h (brown bag lunch seminar), salle 12,CENA, EHESS, 105 bd Raspail, 75006 PARIS : "Hearing Slaves Speak: WomenSlaves, Second Slavery and Abolition in Berbice, British Guiana,1817-1834"  (dans le séminaire collectif du CENA)*"The abolition of the slave trade by the British in 1807 and thedestruction of the plantation system in Saint-Domingue did not mean thatplantation slavery was in decline everywhere in the Atlantic World inthe early nineteenth century. It obviously flourished in Cuba and theAmerican South but it was also vibrant in British Guiana. In this littlestudied but surprisingly important set of nineteenth-century Britishcolonies in the Americas, new and repressive forms of slave managementcontributed to creating a very harsh form of enslavement. How didenslaved people, especially women, cope with the situation they foundthemselves in? An especially rich set of records, in which we havedirect testimony from slave women, allows these women to speak to us.What they show is a counter-discourse from enslaved people to the ideasof amelioration and “improvement” advocated by planters. Drawing onnotions of moral economy, this seminar explores enslaved women’s notionsof what a slave system should be and the reciprocal rights owed byowners to slaves, as much as those that slaves were obligated to provideto masters."*- Jeudi 26 novembre 2015, 17h-19h, salle 8, EHESS, 105 bd Raspail,75006 PARIS : "The Somerset case of 1772, Granville Sharp and the Birthof West Indian Proslavery" (dans le séminaire du CIRESC sur "Esclaves,affranchis et 'nouveaux libres' dans l'espace public du monde atlantique: race, agentivité et citoyenneté")***"When Lord Mansfield decided that the slave James Somerset was entitledto habeas corpus in 1772, it was both a vindication of the determinedlobbying of Britain’s first antislavery advocate, Granville Sharp, andalso a first warning shot from the imperial centre to a self-confidentWest Indian and British slave trading interest, showing that asignificant body of metropolitan opinion was determined to inflict severeconomic damage on the region, by denying that British laws and coloniallaws relating to slavery went together. This paper examines both how thecase came into being, including the pivotal role played by GranvilleSharp in this process, and also the responses made by West Indianwriters protesting about the decision. I argue that one usuallyoverlooked aspect of the controversy over Somerset was that it was notjust a debate over the morality or otherwise of slavery and the slavetrade but it was also a reflection of the very mixed image that WestIndians had in how they presented themselves and their behaviour to aBritish audience. That audience was increasingly interested in imperialmatters after the end of the Seven Years’ War in 1763 and increasinglyappalled by what they saw as British actions abroad. By failing toconfront the representational battle – how West Indians were portrayedby their abolitionist opponents – West Indians arguing in favour ofproslavery missed a major tool in the abolitionists’ armoury. Thisfailure to counter the negative image of West Indians came to hurt themas anti-imperialist and anti-West Indian feeling became more pronouncedin Britain during the American Revolution and especially during the 1780s."*- Vendredi 27 novembre 2015, 16h-18h, ENS, salle IHMC, escalier D, 3eétage, 45 rue d’Ulm 75005 PARIS : "Plantation Machines: ComparingJamaica and Saint-Domingue as Atlantic Societies, 1748-1788" (dans leséminaire de Philippe Minard sur "Etat, travail et société - Angleterre,France et colonies, XVIIIe-XIXe siècles")*"The sudden arrival of the Haitian Revolution in 1791 and the equallysudden success of the British abolition movement from 1788 meant that wefind it hard to see Jamaica and Saint-Domingue as places of prosperity,social invention and geo-political importance. Yet in the years betweenthe Seven Years’ War and the French Revolution, both colonies were atthe centre of French and British imaginings of the New World. Acomparison of the two places shows some differences but many structuralsimilarities, especially in the development of a relentless brutal butefficient plantation machine in which slaves were worked very hard forthe benefit of a tiny elite of white owners. This plantation machinemade both colonies rich and powerful but also intensely disturbing, atleast for observers worried about the social implication of living insocieties in which nearly everything was commoditized and where moneywas the measure of all things."*- Mardi 1er décembre 2015, 16h-18h, salle 12, CENA, EHESS, 105 bdRaspail, 75006 PARIS : "As Much Trading as Planting Places: Urban Worldsin Jamaica and Saint Domingue, 1745-1793" (dans mon séminaire surl'histoire comparée des traites, esclavages et abolitions dans lesmondes atlantiques)***"The British and French Caribbean in the eighteenth century are usuallyviewed through the prism of the plantation alone. Yet while theplantation was undoubtedly important, both Saint-Domingue and Jamaica inthe Greater Antilles had a significant urban dimension. Cap Français andKingston were vibrant, dynamic and transformative places thatintersected with the plantation system but were coterminous with it. Anexamination of these two places during a period where provincial townswere growing and becoming more important everywhere in British andFrench America helps us to understand why contemporaries found the WestIndies to be at the forefront of fascinating yet often disturbingprocesses of modernization. It also allows us to examine the role ofcommerce as a pulse in shaping life in plantation societies."Vous êtes cordialement invité-e-s à assister à ces conférences dans lalimite des places disponibles.Bien à vous,Cécile Vidal--Cécile Vidalmaîtresse de conférences HDR, EHESSdirectrice-adjointe de Mondes Américains-UMR 8168 (CNRS/EHESS)CENA/Mondes Américains, EHESS, 105 bd Raspail, 75006 PARIS, FRANCE - 33 1 53 63 51 88http://cena.ehess.fr/index.php?306http://www.upenn.edu/pennpress/book/15171.htmlhttp://editions.ehess.fr/ouvrages/ouvrage/francais-1/&#160;