{"word_count": 4759, "character_count": 37701}
Colloque international organis&#233; &#224; Nice les 24 et 25 mars 2016ArgumentaireDepuis 1789, les &#201;tats riverains de la M&#233;diterran&#233;e ont &#233;t&#233; affect&#233;s, &#224; des dates diverses, par la mont&#233;e des nationalismes et par un processus de modernisation import&#233;e et souvent contrainte qui d&#233;stabilise les structures socio-&#233;conomiques traditionnelles. C&#8217;est l&#8217;une des raisons des nombreux conflits arm&#233;s que conna&#238;t l&#8217;espace m&#233;diterran&#233;en &#224; l&#8217;&#233;poque contemporaine. Le sud a notamment &#233;t&#233; le th&#233;&#226;tre des nombreux affrontements li&#233;s aux processus de colonisation puis de d&#233;colonisation, alors que le nord est l&#8217;un des points chauds des &#171;&#160;guerres civiles europ&#233;ennes&#160;&#187; &#160;qui partagent le continent au cours des XIXe et XXe si&#232;cles. Elles opposent la &#171;&#160;Civilisation&#160;&#187; &#224; la &#171;&#160;Barbarie&#160;&#187;, le &#171;&#160;Progr&#232;s&#160;&#187; &#224; la &#171;&#160;R&#233;action&#160;&#187;, les &#171;&#160;r&#233;volutionnaires&#160;&#187; puis les &#171;&#160;lib&#233;raux&#160;&#187; aux &#171;&#160;contre-r&#233;volutionnaires&#160;&#187; ou &#171;&#160;conservateurs&#160;&#187;, par la suite le &#171;&#160;communisme&#160;&#187; au &#171;&#160;fascisme&#160;&#187;, les &#171;&#160;r&#233;sistants&#160;&#187; aux &#171;&#160;collaborateurs&#160;&#187;, etc. La dimension id&#233;ologique de ces luttes explique en partie leur caract&#232;re transnational. Il est &#233;minemment sensible en France, une des puissances dominantes de cet espace. Le gouvernement proclame parfois une neutralit&#233; probl&#233;matique, comme lors des &#233;v&#233;nements italiens de 1860 ou de la guerre civile espagnole de 1936. En d&#8217;autres occasions, il s&#8217;implique activement dans ces affrontements, diplomatiquement ou militairement, m&#234;me lorsqu&#8217;il n&#8217;en est pas l&#8217;initiateur ou l&#8217;un des principaux protagonistes. Ses choix suscitent des d&#233;bats politiques int&#233;rieurs, auxquels participent les simples citoyens comme les forces politiques organis&#233;es. C&#8217;est particuli&#232;rement le cas dans le sud de la France (Alg&#233;rie comprise durant la p&#233;riode coloniale), interface terrestre, via les Alpes ou les Pyr&#233;n&#233;es, ou maritime avec le reste de la M&#233;diterran&#233;e. Particuli&#232;rement dans les zones frontali&#232;res, l&#8217;espace m&#233;ridional appara&#238;t ainsi selon les cas comme une base arri&#232;re, par laquelle transitent aides mat&#233;rielles ou combattants, mais aussi comme un espace de repli, accueillant, au moins temporairement, les victimes de ces conflits, simples civils ou bellig&#233;rants.L&#8217;&#233;tude des &#233;lites politiques locales (principalement les &#233;lus comme les maires, les conseillers g&#233;n&#233;raux, ou les parlementaires) apporte un &#233;clairage essentiel sur ces formes d&#8217;implication dans les conflits m&#233;diterran&#233;ens. Leurs activit&#233;s les am&#232;nent naturellement &#224; faire face aux r&#233;percussions de tous ordres qui peuvent affecter leur territoire. Dans le m&#234;me temps, leurs engagements politiques, syndicaux ou religieux, les affinit&#233;s culturelles ou g&#233;ographiques (songeons aux &#233;lus de Catalogne fran&#231;aise par exemple) en font souvent des acteurs majeurs des formes de solidarit&#233; transnationales qui s&#8217;expriment lors de ces &#233;v&#233;nements. Organis&#233; par l&#8217;ANR ICEM, qui &#233;tudie les identit&#233;s et les cultures des &#233;lites politiques en M&#233;diterran&#233;e &#224; l&#8217;&#233;poque contemporaine, ce colloque vise &#224; &#233;clairer leur r&#244;le dans ces circonstances, et notamment montrer dans quelle mesure elles manifesteraient une sensibilit&#233; particuli&#232;re lors de ces conflits. Pour ce faire, on privil&#233;giera les approches suivantes, qui peuvent s&#8217;additionner ou s&#8217;articuler :Les &#233;lites politiques, interm&#233;diaires entre l&#8217;&#201;tat et la populationLes &#233;lites politiques sont parfois les relais de la politique gouvernementale. C&#8217;est notamment le cas de fonctionnaires comme les magistrats, les militaires, les membres de l&#8217;administration pr&#233;fectoral, et de ceux, parfois les m&#234;mes, qui d&#233;tiennent des mandats &#233;lectifs, comme les maires ou les parlementaires. Les uns comme les autres sont souvent charg&#233;s de s&#8217;informer, de surveiller, ou de mettre en place &#224; l&#8217;&#233;chelle locale certaines politiques gouvernementales&#160;: accueil des r&#233;fugi&#233;s, installation de services de l&#8217;&#201;tat sp&#233;cialis&#233;s, etc. Ces derni&#232;res n&#8217;ont parfois qu&#8217;une existence &#233;ph&#233;m&#232;re, mais ne peuvent-elles annoncer en diverses occasions les &#233;volutions de l&#8217;action de l&#8217;&#201;tat, en mati&#232;re de contr&#244;le des populations ou d&#8217;action sociale, par exemple&#160;? Cependant les &#233;lites ne sont pas de simples relais, elles jouent aussi un r&#244;le d&#8217;interm&#233;diaire. Amen&#233;es &#224; expliquer, &#224; justifier ou &#224; critiquer la politique gouvernementale aupr&#232;s de la population, elles font aussi remonter &#224; Paris les pr&#233;occupations de cette derni&#232;re, ce qui contribue parfois &#224; infl&#233;chir l&#8217;action du pouvoir. La tribune parlementaire s&#8217;av&#232;re dans cette optique un lieu privil&#233;gi&#233;, mais on peut aussi songer aux multiples adresses, p&#233;titions ou rapports r&#233;dig&#233;s ou propag&#233;s par les &#233;lites. L&#8217;&#233;tude de ces diff&#233;rentes questions pourra notamment &#234;tre sous-tendue par une r&#233;flexion sur l&#8217;impact de ces relations entre l&#8217;&#201;tat et les acteurs politiques locaux, sur l&#8217;int&#233;gration de ces derniers &#224; une culture politique nationale, ou au contraire sur l&#8217;affirmation &#224; cette occasion d&#8217;une sp&#233;cificit&#233; m&#233;ridionale.Les &#233;lites politiques et la gestion des r&#233;percussions des conflitsLes &#233;lites politiques peuvent agir aussi ind&#233;pendamment de l&#8217;&#201;tat, voire en contradiction avec une politique nationale contraire &#224; leurs convictions. Par ailleurs, ces conflits ont des r&#233;percussions particuli&#232;rement marqu&#233;es dans le sud de la France. Ils mettent par exemple &#224; mal certaines activit&#233;s &#233;conomiques, en stimulent d&#8217;autres, parfois clandestines. Les passages de volontaires ou l&#8217;installation plus ou moins durables de r&#233;fugi&#233;s ont aussi des cons&#233;quences socio-&#233;conomiques importantes. Comment les &#233;lites g&#232;rent-elles ces obligations, ces difficult&#233;s sp&#233;cifiques&#160;? On pourrait songer pour les maires &#224; la question des certificats de d&#233;c&#232;s des r&#233;fugi&#233;s ou autres individus de passage sur le sol de ces communes. Elles se pr&#233;sentent aussi bien dans le temps court lors d&#8217;&#233;v&#233;nements paroxystiques que dans la longue dur&#233;e. On s&#8217;interrogera sur la fa&#231;on dont ces &#233;lites politiques y ont fait face, mais aussi sur les interactions entre ces t&#226;ches nouvelles et les autres obligations des &#233;lus. On s&#8217;int&#233;ressera tout particuli&#232;rement &#224; la fa&#231;on dont ces activit&#233;s affectent leurs relations avec le pouvoir central et les autorit&#233;s militaires, voire les am&#232;nent &#224; nouer des contacts avec les protagonistes des pays voisins.L&#8217;engagement des &#233;lites politiques dans ces conflitsLes &#233;lites politiques du sud de la France peuvent aussi prendre parti dans ces affrontements. Cette implication peut &#234;tre directement li&#233;e aux fonctions publiques exerc&#233;es, mais aussi ne se manifester qu&#8217;&#224; titre priv&#233;. Aussi convient-il de prendre en compte non seulement les actions des individus exer&#231;ant des fonctions &#233;lectives, mais aussi celles qu&#8217;ils ont pu avoir avant ou apr&#232;s l&#8217;exercice de leur mandat, voire celles d&#8217;acteurs majeurs de la vie politique m&#233;ridionale (cadres de partis, journalistes, etc.). Les formes de ces engagements sont variables, synchroniquement et diachroniquement. Elles se bornent parfois &#224; une prise de parole publique, dont on peut interroger les finalit&#233;s&#160;: dans quelle mesure, par exemple, rel&#232;ve-t-elle d&#8217;une strat&#233;gie &#233;lectorale&#160;? L&#8217;implication peut &#234;tre plus active, allant jusqu&#8217;au d&#233;part pour l&#8217;&#233;tranger, &#224; travers des enr&#244;lements militaires ou humanitaires. On pourra se demander dans quel cadre il s&#8217;effectue, et dans quelle mesure cette exp&#233;rience devient apr&#232;s-coup un &#233;l&#233;ment structurant le rapport &#224; la politique, voire un argument &#233;lectoral. L&#8217;engagement peut aussi prendre des formes interm&#233;diaires, comme l&#8217;organisation de manifestations de soutien, les gr&#232;ves, les collectes de fonds, les aides mat&#233;rielles diverses ou la fourniture de documents administratifs. Ces actions impliquent souvent des rapports, notamment dans les espaces frontaliers, avec les &#233;lites politiques des autres pays m&#233;diterran&#233;ens. Cet engagement a pu &#234;tre plus ou moins formalis&#233;, avoir une dimension essentiellement individuelle ou au contraire s&#8217;inscrire dans des formes collectives, qui peuvent avoir une influence durable sur les liens de sociabilit&#233;, les r&#233;seaux &#233;lectoraux et l&#8217;action des &#233;lus. Ces diff&#233;rentes interrogations permettent-elles plus fondamentalement de mettre en &#233;vidence une culture politique sp&#233;cifique des &#233;lus m&#233;ridionaux, marqu&#233;e par l&#8217;attention particuli&#232;re consacr&#233;e &#224; la M&#233;diterran&#233;e&#160;? L&#8217;&#233;tude des interventions parlementaires des l&#233;gislateurs m&#233;ridionaux peut s&#8217;av&#233;rer ici fort &#233;clairante, de m&#234;me que l&#8217;analyse de l&#8217;implication des m&#233;ridionaux dans des r&#233;seaux nationaux voire transnationaux, ou de leurs rapports avec les acteurs politiques du reste de l&#8217;espace m&#233;diterran&#233;en.Les &#233;lites politiques et la m&#233;moire des conflitsCette sp&#233;cificit&#233; culturelle des &#233;lites politiques m&#233;diterran&#233;ennes se manifeste-t-elle aussi sur le plan m&#233;moriel,&#160;surtout lorsqu&#8217;une partie significative de leurs administr&#233;s ou de leurs anc&#234;tres s&#8217;est trouv&#233;e impliqu&#233;e dans ces conflits&#160;? Se traduit-elle par des r&#233;f&#233;rences durables des &#233;lites &#224; des conflits pass&#233;s, et au r&#244;le qu&#8217;elles-m&#234;mes, leurs anc&#234;tres ou leur famille politique ont pu y jouer&#160;?&#160; On songe naturellement &#224; la publication des m&#233;moires, r&#233;cits et autres &#233;crits autobiographiques. On pourra aussi s&#8217;int&#233;resser aux diverses c&#233;r&#233;monies comm&#233;moratives, &#224; l&#8217;odonymie, &#224; la statuaire ou plus g&#233;n&#233;ralement &#224; la constitution de lieux de m&#233;moire sp&#233;cifiques, mais aussi aux aides diverses dont ont pu b&#233;n&#233;ficier diverses communaut&#233;s ou associations m&#233;morielles. Il conviendra notamment de s&#8217;interroger sur l&#8217;implication des &#233;lus dans les affrontements autour d&#8217;un pass&#233; qui ne passe pas, ou au contraire leur volont&#233; de pacification, en se demandant notamment si ces attitudes recoupent les lignes de clivage politique. Les guerres civiles espagnoles des XIXe et XXe si&#232;cles ou la guerre d&#8217;Alg&#233;rie plus r&#233;cemment pourraient notamment fournir des analyses substantielles. &#160;Des perspectives comparatives seraient &#233;galement les bienvenues, aussi bien sur le plan historique, par des comparaisons portant sur les m&#233;moires de diff&#233;rents conflits, que sur le plan g&#233;ographique, en comparant les points communs et les diff&#233;rences entre les m&#233;moires qui s&#8217;expriment dans le(s) sud de la France et celles qu&#8217;on observe dans le reste de l&#8217;espace hexagonal, voire dans les pays voisins, on songe notamment &#224; ceux o&#249; s&#8217;est d&#233;roul&#233; le conflit arm&#233; initial.M&#234;me si les &#233;tudes biographiques peuvent apporter un &#233;clairage novateur sur ces diff&#233;rentes questions, on privil&#233;giera les &#233;tudes collectives, consacr&#233;es aux solidarit&#233;s ou au contraire aux rivalit&#233;s qui se nouent sur ces sujets parmi les &#233;lites, ou entre celles-ci et le pouvoir central. Ces convergences ou ces oppositions peuvent r&#233;sulter des opinions politiques des uns et des autres, de solidarit&#233;s g&#233;ographiques, religieuses, culturelles, etc. On retiendra tout particuli&#232;rement les approches qui confirment (ou infirment) l&#8217;existence d&#8217;une ou de culture(s) politique(s) sp&#233;cifiquement m&#233;diterran&#233;enne(s).Conditions de soumissionLes propositions de communications sont &#224; soumettre, de pr&#233;f&#233;rence en fran&#231;ais, &#224;&#160;: pierre.triomphe34@orange.fr et j-p.pellegrinetti@orange.frElles ne devront pas exc&#233;der 5 000 signes et devront comporter un bref descriptif des sources envisag&#233;es.Le d&#233;p&#244;t des propositions s&#8217;effectuera jusqu&#8217;au 20 octobre 2015.Les candidats seront inform&#233;s de la d&#233;cision du comit&#233; organisateur au plus tard le 15 novembre 2015.Le comit&#233; organisateur s&#8217;engage &#224; prendre en charge les frais de restauration et deux nuits d&#8217;h&#233;bergement. Les frais de voyage restent &#224; la charge des participants ou de leurs Centres de recherche.Comit&#233; scientifiquePierre-Yves Beaurepaire (CMMC, Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis),Jean-Claude Caron (CHEC, Universit&#233; de Clermont-Ferrand),Bruno Dumons (LARHRA, CNRS Lyon),Jean-Marie Guillon (TELEMME, Universit&#233; Aix-Marseille),Claire Marynower (IEP Grenoble),Jean-Paul Pellegrinetti (CMMC, Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis),Simon Sarlin (ISP, Universit&#233; Paris Ouest Nanterre La D&#233;fense),Pierre Triomphe (CRISES, Universit&#233; Paul Val&#233;ry-Montpellier III)PartenairesANR ICEM&#160;; CMMC (Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis)&#160;;CRISES (Universit&#233; Paul Val&#233;ry-Montpellier III)&#160;;TELEMME (Aix-Marseille Universit&#233;)International Symposium held in Nice, from March the 24th to March the 25th 2016ArgumentSince 1789, countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea have been affected, at various moments, by the rise of nationalisms and by an imported and often imposed modernization process which often disrupt traditional socio-economic structures. This is one of the reasons of the many conflicts which occurred in the Mediterranean region during the late modern period. Its southern part was the theatre of numerous confrontations bound to the colonization and decolonization processes, whereas its northern part was one of the spot of the &#8220;European civil wars&#8221; which divided the old continent during the 19th and 20th century. They confront &#8220;Civilization&#8221; with &#8220;Barbary&#8221;, &#8220;Progress&#8221; with &#8220;Reaction&#8221;, &#8220;revolutionaries&#8221; or &#8220;liberals&#8221; with &#8220;counter-revolutionaries&#8221; or &#8220;conservatives&#8221;, later &#8220;communism&#8221; with &#8220;fascism&#8221; or &#8220;resistants&#8221; with &#8220;collaborators&#8221;, etc. The ideological component of these struggles partially explains their transnational dimension. It&#8217;s particularly obvious in France, one of the region main powers. Its government sometimes proclaimed a contested neutrality, for instance during the Italian events in 1860 or during the Spanish Civil War. Sometimes, it engaged actively, through diplomatic or military actions, when it was not its instigator or one of its main protagonists. Its choices provoked internal political debates, in which ordinary citizens as well as organized political forces took part. It&#8217;s especially obvious in southern France (which also included Algeria during the colonial era), the land, via the Alpes or the Pyr&#233;n&#233;es, or maritime interface&#160; with the other parts of the Mediterranean region. Especially in the border areas, the Meridional space appeared accordingly as a rear base through which transited material help and warriors, or as a shelter, at least for a time, for the victims of those conflicts, ordinary citizens or fighters.The study of local political elites (mainly representatives such as majors, departmental representatives or members of Parliament) gives major insights into those kinds of commitments to Mediterranean conflicts. Their activities drove them to cope with the various impacts which could have affected their territory. In the same time, their political or religious commitment, their union involvement, their geographical or cultural sympathies (such as representatives from French Catalonia for instance) often turned them into major actors of the transnational solidarities which expressed themselves during those events. Organized by ANR ICEM, which studies identities and cultures of political elites in Mediterranean France in the late modern period, this symposium wants to illuminate their part in those circumstances, and particularly to enlighten to which degree these elites show a specific sensitivity to these conflicts. To this end, we will prioritize the following perspectives, which can be added or linked together:The political elites, intermediary agents between the State and the local inhabitantsPolitical elites were sometimes a transmission belt for governmental policies. This was especially the case for public servants such as judges, military officers, members of prefectural administration, and for the persons, sometimes the same one, who had been elected, such as majors or members of Parliament. All these people were often given the task to collect information, to watch, or to locally implement governmental measures: hosting refugees, installation of utility services, etc. These actions were sometimes transitory, however is it possible that they foreshadow in more than one occasion developments of state actions, in matters such as population control or social action for instance? Political elites were not only transmissions belts, but also go-between for the State and the population. Having to explain, to justify or to criticize the governmental policy to the inhabitants, they also provided Paris with their concerns, which sometimes contributed to change state policy. The parliamentary forum is of particular interest in this respect, but petitions, addresses or rapports written or spread by political elites can also be taken into account. The study of these topics can be underlied by a reflexion upon the impact of these links between State and local political actors, upon the latter&#8217; integration into a national political culture, or on the contrary upon the assertion in these circumstances of a Meridional peculiarity.Political elites and managing the consequences of the conflictsPolitical elites could also act without state guidance, or even could be opposed to a national policy which goes against their beliefs, when these conflicts consequences were particularly dramatic in southern France. They sometimes threatened some economic activities, favored others &#8211; sometimes illicit ones. The transit of volunteers or the short or long-lasting settlement of refugees also had major socio-economic consequences. How did the elites handle these obligations, these peculiar problems? As far as mayors are concerned, we might think of the question of death certificates for refugees or other foreigners moving across their district. These consequences can be analyzed in the short duration of paroxysmal events as well as in long duration. The ways those elites coped with these situations, as well as the interactions between these new tasks and the other representatives&#8217; obligations, should be questioned. We will particularly consider any insight upon the way these activities altered their relationship with the national power and the military authorities, or even made them establish contacts with protagonists from neighbouring countries at war.Political elites participation in those conflictsPolitical elites from southern France could also take sides in those conflicts. Their implication was sometimes linked to their official duties, other times was entirely a private matter. Thus must be taken into account not only the actions of representatives while they were holding a mandate, but also their behaviour before or after their mandate, or the actions of major Meridional political actors such as journalists, local political leaders, etc. Those commitments expressed themselves differently, synchronically and diachronically. Political elites sometimes just expressed orally their views, but to what end, and, for instance, could it have been only part of an election strategy ? Their involvement was also sometimes deeper, leading sometimes to a departure abroad, through military or humanitarian involvements. We shall ask for the framework in which they left, and to what extent their experience became afterwards a key component of their relationship to politics, or even a electoral argument. Their commitment could also have taken other forms, such as organizing rallies, strikes, raising funds, collecting various goods or giving some administrative papers. Particularly in border areas, these actions often implied ties with political elites from other Mediterranean countries. Their commitments might have been more or less formalized, some were mostly individual, others took part within collective structures, which might have lasting influence over their social bonds, their electoral networks or their political actions. Is it possible, through these various questions, to highlight a specific political culture from southern representatives, characterized by a peculiar interest for the Mediterranean world ? In that respect, the study of representatives&#8217; speeches might be of great interest, as well as the analysis of their commitments in national or transnational networks, or of their relationships with political actors from the rest of the Mediterranean world.Political elites and the conflicts memoryCould this specific culture of Mediterranean political elites also have an affect on collective memory, especially when a significant part of their constituents or of their ancestors was involved in those conflicts ? Are they lasting references from the elites to past conflicts, and to their deeds, or to those of their ancestors or of their political party ? We can think of published memories, narratives, or other autobiographical pieces. Studies of commemorations, of street names, of statues or more generally of places of memory would be welcomed, as well as analysis of subsidies given to communities or&#160;&#160; memory organizations. We could in particular question representatives&#8217; efforts to keep alive the troubled memories of the past, or on the contrary their will to soothen spirits, and ask if these behaviours are linked to their political beliefs. 19th and 20th Spanish civil wars or more recently the Algerian War of Independence could lead to substantial analysis. Comparative approaches would also be welcomed. They could make historical or geographical comparisons, between memories of various conflicts, or between memories which appear in southern France and those which can be noticed in other parts or France or in neighbouring countries, and especially in the country where the conflict took place.Even if biographical studies might be of great interest, we are mostly looking for collective studies, devoted to solidarities and antagonisms which arose between political elites, or between them and the national government.&#160; These common points or these divisions might be the consequences of political beliefs, of geographical, religious or cultural solidarities, etc. We will be particularly interested in approaches confirming (or contradicting) the existence of (a) distinctive Mediterranean political culture(s).Submission guidelinesContribution proposals must be sent, preferably in French, to pierre.triomphe34@orange.fr and j-p.pellegrinetti@orange.frThey should not exceed a thousand words and must describe briefly their historical sources.Proposals can be made until October the 20th.Applicants will be given an answer by the organizing committee before November the 15th.The organizing committee will provide catering costs and lodging expenses for two nights. Travel fees will be paid by the intervenant or his laboratory.Scientific committeePierre-Yves Beaurepaire (CMMC, Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis),Jean-Claude Caron (CHEC, Universit&#233; de Clermont-Ferrand),Bruno Dumons (LARHRA, CNRS Lyon),Jean-Marie Guillon (TELEMME, Universit&#233; Aix-Marseille),Jean-Paul Pellegrinetti (CMMC, Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis),Claire Marynower (IEP Grenoble),Simon Sarlin (ISP, Universit&#233; Paris Ouest Nanterre La D&#233;fense),Pierre Triomphe (CRISES, Universit&#233; Paul Val&#233;ry-Montpellier III)Supporting research centersANR ICEM&#160;; CMMC (Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis)&#160;;CRISES (Universit&#233; Paul Val&#233;ry-Montpellier III)&#160;;TELEMME (Aix-Marseille Universit&#233;)Convegno internazionale organizzato a Nizza i 24 e 25 &#160;marzo 2016ArgomentoDal 1789, i paesi che bordono il Mediterraneo sono stati segnati, in epoche diverse, dall&#8217;ascesa dei nazionalismi e da un processo di modernizzazione eterogeneo e spesso costretto che destabilizza le strutture socio-economiche che difficilmente si adattano. Questa &#232; uno dei motivi dei numerosi conflitti armati che ha conosciuto il Mediterraneo in epoca moderna. Il sud di quest'area &#232; stato teatro di numerosi scontri legati ai processi di colonizzazione e decolonizzazione, mentre il Nord &#232; uno dei punti caldi delle &#8220;guerre civili europee&#8221; che dividono il continente nell&#8217;Otto e Novecento. Esse oppongono la &#8220;Civilt&#224;&#8221; al &#8220;Barbarismo&#8221;, il &#8220;Progresso&#8221; alla &#8220;Reazione&#8221;, i &#8220;rivoluzionari&#8221; e i &#8220;liberali&#8221; ai &#8220;contro-rivoluzionari&#8221; o &#8220;conservatori&#8221;, in seguito il comunismo al fascismo, la Resistenza al collaborazionismo, ecc. La dimensione ideologica di queste lotte spiega in parte il loro carattere transnazionale. Questi &#232; particolarmente sensibile in Francia, una delle potenze dominanti in questa zona. A volta i governi proclamono una neutralit&#224; problematica, come negli eventi italiani nel 1860 o durante la guerra civile spagnola. In altre occasioni, &#232; attivamente coinvolto in questi scontri, diplomaticamente o militarmente, anche quando non ne &#232; l'iniziatore o uno dei principali protagonisti. Le sue scelte generano dibattiti politici interni, coinvolgendo semplici cittadini come forze politiche organizzate. Questo &#232; particolarmente vero nel sud della Francia (compresa l&#8217;Algeria durante il periodo coloniale), che fa d'interfaccia terrestre, attraverso le Alpi oi Pirenei, o maritima con il resto del Mediterraneo. In particolare nelle zone di confine, la zona meridionale appare tanto come base logistica attraverso quale transitano combattenti o aiuti materiali, tanto come un&#8217;area di &#160;ripiego, di accoglienza almeno temporanea per le vittime di questi conflitti, civili ordinari o belligeranti.Studiare le &#233;lite politiche locali (principalmente i rappresentanti eletti comme i sindaci, i consiglieri provinciali o i parlamentari) getta una luce essenziale su queste forme di coinvolgimento. Le loro attivit&#224; portano naturalmente loro a far fronte alle conseguenze di ogni genere che possono influenzare il loro territorio. Allo stesso tempo, i loro impegni politici, sindacali o religiosi, le affinit&#224; culturali o geografiche (si pensi ai rappresentati della Catalogna francese per esempio) spesso ne fanno i principali attori delle forme transnazionali di solidariet&#224; che si esprimono nel corsi di simili eventi.Organizzato dall&#8217;ANR ICEM, che indaga le identit&#224; e culture politiche delle &#233;lite politiche nel Mediterraneo in epoca contemporanea, il convegno vuole mettere in luce il loro ruolo in queste circostanze, e in particolare dimostrare in quale misura essi manifestano una particolare sensibilit&#224; di fronte a questi conflitti. In questa prospettiva, ci concentreremo sui seguenti approcci, che possono aggiungersi o articolarsi:Le &#233;lite politiche, intermediari tra lo Stato e i cittadiniLe &#233;lite politiche possono servire di agenti della politica governativa. Ci&#242; vale in particolare per i funzionari, come i magistrati, i militari, i membri dell'amministrazione prefettizia, e per quelli, a volte gli stessi, che hanno carica elettiva come i sindaci o i parlamentari. Gli uni e gli altri sono spesso incaricati di informarsi, controllare, o esecutare nell&#8217;ambito locale le politiche governative: accoglienza dei rifugiati, organizzazione di servizi pubblici speciali, ecc Queste politiche spesso hanno solo una fugace validit&#224;, ma possono in diverse occasioni annunciare i cambiamenti nell'azione dello Stato sul terreno del controllo delle popolazioni o dell&#8217;azione sociale, per esempio. Le &#233;lite per&#243; non sono semplici agenti esecuti, essi svolgono anche un ruolo di intermediario. Devono spiegare, giustificare o criticare la politica del governo nei confronto dei cittadini, e nello stesso tempo informare Parigi sulle preoccupazioni di questi ultimi, con possibili influenza sull'azione del potere centrale. La tribuna parlamentare svolge in questo ambito un ruolo privilegiato, ma possiamo anche pensare agli indirizzi, alle petizioni o relazioni scritte o diffuse dalle &#233;lite. Lo studio di questi diversi approcci pu&#242; aricolarsi con una discussione sull'impatto delle relazioni tra gli attori politici statali e locali, sull'integrazione di questi nella cultura politica nazionale o al contrario l&#8217;affermazione in queste circonstane di una specificit&#224; meridionale.Le &#233;lite politiche e la gestione delle ripercussioni dei conflittiLe &#233;lite politiche possono agire indipendentemente dallo Stato o addirittura in contrasto con una politica nazionale contraria alle proprie convinzioni, quando questi conflitti producono incidenze particolarmente marcate nella Francia meridionale. Tali conflitti danneggiano determinate attivit&#224; economiche, ne stimolano altre, a volte clandestine. I passaggi di volontari o la sistemazione pi&#249; o meno durevole di rifugiati hanno anche un importante impatto socio-economico. Come le &#233;lite affrontano le loro missioni di fronte a queste specifiche difficolt&#224;? Si potrebbe pensare, nel caso dei sindaci per esempio, alla questione dei certificati di morte per i rifugiati o altre persone di passaggio sul territortio del Comune. Queste difficolt&#224; sorgono sia nel tempo breve degli eventi parossistici che nei conflitti di lungo respiro. Discuteremo il modo in cui le &#233;lites politiche affrontato queste sfide, ma anche le interazioni fra questi compiti eccezionali e gli altri normali obblighi dei rappresentanti eletti. Esamineremo soprattutto come queste attivit&#224; possono influenzare le relazioni con il governo centrale e le autorit&#224; militari, portare a creare contatti con i protagonisti dei paesi vicini in conflitto.L&#8217;impegno delle elite politiche nei conflittiLe &#233;lite politiche della Francia meridionale possono anche prendere posizione di fronte ai conflitti. Questo coinvolgimento pu&#242; essere direttamente legato alle funzioni pubbliche esercitate, o manifestarsi solo privatamente. &#200; quindi opportuno tener conto non solo gli impegni dei rappresentanti durante il loro mandato elettivo, ma anche quelli che possono avere prima o dopo l'esercizio del loro ufficio, assieme a quelli dei personnagi importanti della politica del sud ( parti cadre, giornalisti, ecc.) Le forme di questi impegni sono variabili sia sincrono che diacronicamente. A volte si limitano alla presa pubblica di parola, con scopi da interrogare: fino a che punto, per esempio, essa rileva di una strategia elettorale? Il coinvolgimento pu&#242; essere pi&#249; attivo, fino alla partenza per l&#8217;estero, attraverso l&#8217;arruolamento militare o umanitario. Possiamo chiederci in quale contesto si svolge, e come questa esperienza diventa in seguito un elemento strutturante del rapporto alla politica o addirittura un argomento elettorale. L&#8217;impegno pu&#242; assumere anche forme intermedie, come l'organizzazione di manifestazioni di sostegno, scioperi, raccolte di fondi, vari aiuti materiali o la fornitura di documenti amministrativi. Queste azioni significano spesso la stesura di rapporti, anche nelle zone di confine, con le &#233;lite politiche di altri paesi del Mediterraneo occidentale. L&#8217;impegno assume forme pi&#249; o meno formalizzate, con una dimensione essenzialmente individuale o al contrario all&#8217;interno di logiche collettive, che possono avere un&#8217;influenza duratura sui rapporti di sociabilit&#224;, le reti elettorali e l&#8217;azione degli rappresentanti eletti. Attraverso queste problematiche, si chieder&#224; pi&#249; fondamentalmente se si pu&#243; evidenziare una specifica cultura politica dei politici meridionali, segnati dall&#8217;attenzione particolare dedicata al Mediterraneo. Lo studio degli interventi parlamentari dei legislatori meridionali pu&#242; allora essere molto illuminante, cos&#236; come l'analisi del coinvolgimento dei meridionali nelle reti nazionali o transnazionali, o del loro rapporto con gli attori politici del resto dell&#8217;area Mediterranea.Le &#233;lite politiche e la memoria dei conflittiLa specificit&#224; culturale delle &#233;lite politiche mediterranee potrebbe manifestarsi anche sul terreno della memoria, soprattutto quando una parte significativa degli amministratori o dei loro antenati si trovarono coinvolto in questi conflitti. Hanno questi fatto riferimenti durevoli ai conflitti del passato, e al ruolo che essi, i loro antenati o la loro famiglia politica hanno svolto? Naturalement si riferisce alla pubblicazione di memorie, storie e altri scritti autobiografici. Di simile interesse sono le varie cerimonie commemorative, l&#8217;odonomia, la statuaria o pi&#249; in generale la formazione di luoghi specifici della memoria, ma anche i vari aiuti destinati a comunit&#224; o associazioni commemorative. L&#8217;approccio includer&#224; il tema del coinvolgimento dei rappresentanti eletti negli scontri nati da &#8220;un passato che non passa&#8221;, o al contrario il loro desiderio di pacificazione, chiedendoci in particolare se questi atteggiamenti si confondono con le classiche linee della divisione politica. Le guerre civili spagnoli del XIX e XX secolo, o pi&#249; recententement la guerra in Algeria, potrebbero fornire analisi sostanziali. Prospettive comparative sarebbera anche gradite, sia storicamente, paragonanando le memorie di diversi conflitti, che geograficamente, confrontando le somiglianze e le differenze tra i ricordi che si esprimono nel Meridione francese (nelle sue varie parti...) e quelle osservate nel resto dello spazio nazionale o anche nei paesi vicini, soprattutto quelli in cui si &#232; svolto il conflitto armato iniziale.Anche se gli studi biografici sono in grado di fornire una nuove luce su questi temi, privilegiamo gli oggetti collettivi, legati alle solidariet&#224; o alle rivalit&#224; che si formano all&#8217;interno del gruppo degli eletti, o tra questi e il governo centrale. Queste convergenze o opposizioni possono derivare dalle diverse idee politiche, della solidariet&#224; geografica, religiosa, culturale, ecc. Ci interessano in particolare gli approcci che confermano (o confutano) l'esistenza di una cultura politica o di culture specifiche nel Mediterraneo.Modalit&#224; di partecipazioneLe proposte devono essere mandate, di preferenza in francese, a: pierre.triomphe34@orange.fr e j-p.pellegrinetti@orange.frEsse non dovranno superare le 5000 battute e includere una breve descrizione delle fonti proposte.Le proposte saranno accettate fino al 20 ottobre 2015.I candidati saranno informati della decisione del comitato organizzatore entro il 15 novembre 2015.Il comitato organizzatore si si far&#224; carico del sostenimento e dell&#8217;alloggio per due notti. Le spese di viaggio rimangno a carico dei partecipanti o dei loro centri di ricerca.Comitato scientificoPierre-Yves Beaurepaire (CMMC, Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis),Jean-Claude Caron (CHEC, Universit&#233; de Clermont-Ferrand),Bruno Dumons (LARHRA, CNRS Lyon),Jean-Marie Guillon (TELEMME, Universit&#233; Aix-Marseille),Jean-Paul Pellegrinetti (CMMC, Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis),Claire Marynower (IEP Grenoble),Simon Sarlin (ISP, Universit&#233; Paris Ouest Nanterre La D&#233;fense),Pierre Triomphe (CRISES, Universit&#233; Paul Val&#233;ry-Montpellier III)Istituti collaboratoriANR ICEM&#160;; CMMC (Universit&#233; Nice Sophia Antipolis)&#160;;CRISES (Universit&#233; Paul Val&#233;ry-Montpellier III)&#160;;TELEMME (Aix-Marseille Universit&#233;)