{"newspaper_name": "The North-Carolina standard.", "edition": "01", "page": "p1", "byline": ""}
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Of


they might have been introduced more safely, some


of them wisely. But by being so nearly united
as they will be, in the time of their commence


ment, il is calculated to excite apprehension and
alarm. 70 put them into Simultaneous operation


was, indeed, political movement of party, too
violent and too potent for good. They will
affect all the business of the people most njuri-
ously; and, with a government expenditure of
fifty millions, and revenue under twenty millions.
the government itself, may be crushed under their
combined operation. To attempt it, when the ma
ton was at war abroad and the government was
in the money.market, or soon expected there, a
borrower at home, clearly appeared 10 my mind
10 be unwisely jeopardng public credit and private
confidence Revolutions seldom reforms, end
certainly reforms need not always be revolutions.
One must reasonably fear that, without miracle,
such strong measures, acting with their combined
powers against the existing order of things in the
country, may create revulsion in trade, pecunary
distress, hard times, popular excitements and sec
tonal agitations, preceding another contest for the
presidency, and do nobody any good, bua few poit-
lcal agllators and rich Spectators. thought they
would go very far towards producing an overthrolv
of the democratic party, if they did entirely
complIsh 1t. These consequences were too natural
not to be apprehended; and the last mentioned re-
suit was openly predicted by some, and probably
anticipated by others, of my own friends, who yet
voted for the experimental tariff bill. without ap-
proving of it Unless it should be repealed or
materially modified, its consequences now, belong
to the developments of the future; so l need not
illustrate the grounds of my conviction by minuter
statements. Let time test its correctness. TO t-s


Fourth In none Of the tariff acts ofthe United
States in former years the industry of oHr own
country burdened by the determinations made
against home manufactures. Their policy was
to build up and not to destroy--to protect and not
to Cypress. No so the experimental tariff. And
is It not a mistake to suppose that the republican
people of North Carolina were at any time hos
tile to those acls merely because they were "pro-
tectioe p Our hostility was aimed at the erient
of the thing. not the thing tself-at extreme pro-
lection, not protection per With here and there
days were allowed to dfer) l boldly affirm that
this the republican doctrine Of our State; and
the people will know it to be true, when 1 remind
them that it precisely the point of dispute
with the nullIfiers. They were against protection
out and out We, the (Jackson) republican party
of North Carolina, in particular, went for inCide-
tai protection-moderote protection, by a "judi-
cious tariff" They were for declaring The tariff
of 1928 and 1882 Unconstitutional. and nulIifying
it because it protected manufactures. We ethought
it was unjust bfcause the protection was crtreme,
but not unconstitutional. and that the ' Union
must be preserved" What the republican party
of North Carolina thought then, thought, and
spoke, and wrote.


And coming down to more recent events let
me say, that McKay's bill of 1914 was a tariff of
incidental protection, which you and l. and all
the democrats in Congress from North Carolina
approved and sustained, and the people of our
party, in North Carolina, nowhere opposed last
year, and the press the party defended up to the
Inauguration and afterwards and even down to the
day of the report from the present Secretary OF the
Treasury. Careful study, longer experience. and
close examination, have confirmed me in the faith
of those times fortified as was, by the authority
of The administrations of Washington and Jefcr
son, and Madison and Monroe, and Jackson, all
southern republicans and southern Presidents. Is
consistency treasonf 1t may be misfortune to ME
that was unable to change with the times, but it
would be a crime to deny my faith. To avoid
misrepresentation, / give you the words of those
wise and eminent patriotic men. Hear Washing
ton: s rG .s....f 81 3.-. #.. I'D
Extract of speech Of George WashtngtOn,


--Presietest efe United States, to- Congress-


J0nuury 8, $780,, aE "a


"a free people ought not only TO be armed, but
disciplined, 10 which end uniform and well-di-
gesIed plan is requisite and their safety and in
terest require that they should promote such man
ufdctorieS as tend to render them independent Of
others for essential, particularly military, supplies


-"The advancement OF agriculture, commerce,
and manufactures, by all proper means, mil moi,
thrust. need recommendation" ~.t t .'-'


In accordance with this general recommends
tion, the House of Representatives passed reso-
luton directing the Secretary of the Treasury
(Mr. Hamilton) to report to them upon the subject
Of manufacturers and particularly as 10 the means
of promoting such as would tend to render the
United States independent of foreign nations for
military and other essential supplies; and his
port was submucd in December, 1871, wherein
he said faa,.'' t-


"The expedieney of manufactnres in the United
States, which was not long since deemed very
questionable, appears this time be pretty gem
orally adrnitted."-P. 1873! -.


And again he said


GA question has been made concerning the con-
stitutional right of the government Of the United
States 10 apply this species of encouragement, TO
manufactured but there is certainly no good foun-
dation for such a queston"-P. E36. "a fj .s


And again he said aa *


s;It is not uncommon 20 meet with opinion;
that, though the promoting Of nanufacrures may
be the interest Of part Of the Union IL is contrary
TO that Of any other part. The northern and south
ern regions are sometimes represented as having
adverse interests in this respect. Those are call
ed cturing these agricultural States and a
species of opposition is imagined to subsst be-


tween the manufacturing and sgriculural interests.
"Ideas of a contrariety of interests between the
northern and southern interests of the Union are,
in the main, as unfounded as they misehIevous.
The diversity of circumstances on which such con-
lrarietV is usually predicted authorizes directly
contrary concIusion Mutual wants constitute one
of the strongest links Of pocal connexion; and The
extent Of these bears natural proportion 10 the
diversity In the means Of mutual supply. Sugges-
tions of an opposite complexion are ever to be de-
plored, as unfiiendly 10 the steady pursuit of one
nd l0f fhn harnnOnu