{"newspaper_name": "The Southern journal.", "edition": "01", "page": "p2", "byline": ""}
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Ill tiiC ACduCuiy III tAiS P'oeC VII tuC Aoo'tu
Sabbath in this month.





In the review and abstract Of Governor
Browns Message to the Legislature, which
we presented in our last weeks paper;
We mentioned that on two subjects con-
tanned ia it, we wished to make few COM
ments. The first is the proposed memo
rial to Congress for aid in works Of Inter
nal Improvement; the other is the position
taken in the message concerning the Bris-
coe Bill.


There ere some peculiarities in our
system of government, which although
perfectly simple, are not commonly under,
stood. Many suppose, that because the
different States have often acted together,
and because the inhabitants have COM
mon origin, that we were first one people,
under one government and that we have
since been separated and formed into diff.
ferent States, for local purposes, in the
same way that State is divided into coun-
ties. This, however, is not the theory Of
our Government. The thirteen original
States, were after the revolutionary war,
as distinctly sovereign, and independent of
each other as France is of Russia. The
primary object in the formation of our
General Government was defence. Our
fathers came out Of the horrors of the re.
volution victorious but pale, trembling and
exhausted. Then, as the war.worn SOL
diers, reviewed the desperate conflicts.
and exulted in the remembrance Of well
fought field, the Yankee would say to the
Souiherner, as he grasped hid hand, All
brother! what could have done ie you had
not been there7


In view then Of common danger they
agreed to unite in common defence. They
said although we may have our State gov
ernments distinct, separate and independ-
ent, yet so far as regards our intercourse
with foreign nations, let them look upon
US as one united nation--in their eyes let
the identity Of States, and State boundaries
be annihilated. Let our ministers to
foreign Courts, our army, our navy and
even our coin be of the United States
This being agreed on, the next subject OF
consideration, was the means Of supporting
this Government. All agreed that as all
went into this agreement freely and per-
fectly on level, the burden Of supporting
the Government should be borne equally
by all. The profits arising from the Post
Office, the Custom Houses and the sale
Of public lands, seeming the most general
in their nature, were mainly relied upon
This was all simple, and the legitimate
sphere within which Congress ought to
act could be known from this statement of
facts even without recourse TO the Consti.
tuition.


But soon there seems 10 have arisen
misconceptions Of the true reason of fra
ming our General Government, and for
many years every thing tended towards
consolidation. A multitude of influences
began to draw on from which was written
in the Constitution. Petitions began to
pour into Congress for aid in carrying
on great schemes for Internal Improve
men., Education, &C., with which Con-
gress had no more to do, than with the
shawl factories Of Cachmire. Congress
affected by these doleful petitions unguard-
edly granted many Of them. This ex-
cited immense eagerness, and nothing was
heard through the land, but cries of-Up!
up! and be doing. Why sit we here all
the day idlef See! Pennsylvania has got
great road, Louisiana has had Red River
cleaned out. Money lis flowing like a
torrent from the public Treasury: all we
lack is petition to get road, college,
and the distractions 10 the navigation ol
our river removed, without an expense Of
a cent to ourselves. Then there was q
perfect rush for money. Those who hae
not yet received slice of The Government
loaf, said you must not be partial. Yo,
have given this State road, that canal
lmust have my share.


But old Hickory brought them up al
standing when he vetoed the Maysvill
Road Bill. He said--"By the eternal
this thing has gone far enough You
very squabbling shows clearly that ih