{"newspaper_name": "The daily union.", "edition": "01", "page": "p2", "byline": ""}
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die proud OF her high reputation. Shouldt bs Other
wise-shoud the vo,ersai the approasbing seesios
sustain the wings In the course they have pursued
as respects the Mexican war, ! shall consider he'
honor gone, and my birthright worth buta straw
The next and last subject TO which I would invite
your attention is the tariff Bear with me few
moments and will endeayor 10 define what con
ceive TO be the position Of the democratic party on
this alimportant question. Our opponents have un-
wisely, as think, adhered 10 a particular BILL
While the democratic party have laid down certain
principles by which 10 be governed, the wings have
adhered 10 the tariff of 1912, with pertnaety al
most incredible In fact that bill, and no other, IN
their opinion, eonduee to the prosperity and hap
piness Of the American people.


The wings knew that .proteetion to American
industry" was a understanding term. They
adopted IT, and advocated rate OF imposts higher
than they had previously opposed-in fact no high
as only 10 amount to prohibition on several ar
licles, and not furnish sufficient revenue for the
wants Of government but TO cause seven-sighths OF
our people to give more for all they had TO buy, and
take less for all they had sell for the benefit OF
the remaining eighth. Added to this was the "spe-
eifc principle" principle, in the main, which
every republican must abhor. The injustice and
inequality of its action must be apparent TO every
rehectng mind. II levied the same amount OF duty
upon costly, bigh.priced article such as could ks
used only by the wealthy that Il imposed upon Av
a
wear. An instance is furnished by the New York
custom house. A silk shawl worth 81 500, paid
one per cent. duty, while those worth hve or ak
dollars had TO pay twenty-five and hhy per cent.
The best rule by which we can weigh the justice or
injustice of this principle rs to apply II, IN practice,
TO ourselves. You who own, say small houses In
our city, how would you like IL did tho city assess
sor them as high, and tax you as much as
those who own large, more costly, and extravagant
onesl Or II you own uDproductlse farm. not
yet in high state Of cultivation, that will sell for
ten, twelve, fifteen dollars per acre, how would
you like the levy court commissioners TO assess
that property high, and tax IL as much as the
rich farm that will sell for hundred dollars per
aerel You would not-you could not stand il; yet
it would be as Just as the principle Of minimums
and specific duties advocated by the wings.


come now to notice more particularly the tariff
bill Of 1876 in its details, about which much has
been said that is calculated TO alarm the timid Of oil
classes. Upon the passage Of this bill "ruin 10 eyo-
ry interest" was Immediately predicted by the lead
ing wings; but fortunately, like the shepherd boy 10
the fable they had cried "wolf" so often when there
no wolf 10 be found, that the public discreded
the alarm. Time progressed--buSiness improved
the bill began to develop ITSELF and its popularity
save where certain interests combined 10 effect ia
overthrow, is already unbounded. The panc-ma.
kers were soon convinced of the utiity Of their ef
forts 10 create panic. Notwithstanding the bill
affords an average protection of 30 or 40 per cent,
and our manufacturers of cotton goods were under
selling the manufacturers OF Birmingham and Man.
chester in the East India markets. every effort was
made to convey the impression that our operatives
would be reduced to a level with the pauper labor
Of Europe. Although several enterprsing New
Englanders have been. competing successfully for
the market Of boots and shoes in Paris and Liver
pool, we were TO be " flooded with French boots, ;"
and our sloemakers turned out Of employment. Ia
fact, every interest was assaed or appealed to-
even the stone were told that ready made
cellars would be imported into our seaport towns" !"


might aude TO other statements by these self-same
wings ridiculous they false, but enough has
been said on this branch of the subject. Let US ex.
anime that portion in which we, citizens Of Della
ware, are particularly interested. . .g . .


We do not pretend that the bill Of 1916 is perfect
in its details. We admit the difficulty of levying
any rate Of duties that will be acceptable 10 all sec
tons Of the country. tariff in this country must
be the result Of compromise-should be approached
n spirit Of business, and if the present does not
meet the expectations of the nation, we cheerfully
rely on the ability and patriotism Of Congress to
correct any evils that may grow out of its operation
But WE d. FIRMLY ADHERE TO THE PRINCIPLE, THAT
TAXES, As FAR As PRACTICABLE, SHOULD BE APPoR-
TONED ON PROPERTY RATHER THAN ON PERSONS.
On this principle chiefly, has the tariff of l846 been
framed II requires no ar-sighted person to see the
peculiar benefits Delaware derive from its op-
Grafton. an ... D.. .. .r..... % ........ .....''


Il is asserted that the iron and coal interest will
be destroyed ! am not prepared to admit such u
declaration On the contrary, am convinced from
letters have received from different iron masters,
well as some little personal knowledge that their
interest will flourish under the new law. Else why
the construction Of SO many new furnacesi Every
week we hear Of another establishment going into
operation in Pennsylvania or New Jersey; and can
we suppose capitalists so foolish as to invest their
money where ii will not pay' They know that
40, or As per cent. protection, which is secured
hxrfh fha, a.
handsome dividends and they are eagerly embracing
the business. : - .-. ...... :


As far as the coal interest is concerned, we have
a striking evidence of its destruction in the present
prices. Coal is now 20 per cent. higher than for
some years past. But admit, if you choose, that
these interests will be partially paralyzed pheren
,ciH injuriousy affect The citizens Of Deapare? Are
twenty-five men in Delaware engaged or interested
in the melting of iron, or mining Of coai If not,
are the large body of intelligent, industrious and
epterprsing ship-builders, maehiniss, blacksmths,
and mechanics generally, to object to law that
will furnish their metals at SIS or $40 ton less,
while 1t enables the great mass of our population,
the merchants, millers, farmers, and producers to
give better prices for their vessels, machines,
poughs, harrows, horse-shocs, &c. Take, for ex-
ample, the blacksmith who, with his help, has been
in the habit of working up, say eight tons Of ham
mered iron every year. few years since, in 1910,
he bought this iron for seventyf five dollars per ton,
twenty dollars per ton less than he could procure
the same article in 1845, 80 have been informed
by Fl. Garrett g. Co., the largest iron establishment
of this city. Still, in l845, he was neither able to
make more horse-shoes, or get higher price
for those he did make. The farmer was paying
as much for his hands, and getting less for his
products; he was necessarily constrained to re-
duee his expepscs---he could not even deal with
the blacksmith as before. Tho blacksmith, in his
turn, was paying the same wages for his hands,
one hundred and sixty dollars more for his iron,
and receiving less, rather than more, than when he
bought the iron at S75 per ton. Hence it will be
seen that the blacksmith in question was absolutely
paying, out of his own pocket, at least one hundred
and siriy dollars every year for the benefit of the
Pennsylvania iron-naster, aud that every black
smith in the State was losing 500 for every ton of
iron he worked up. Now n it should be made
appear that the protection afforded by the tariff of
1886 is insufficient for the iron interest," say, and
every democrat will doubtless say let il be increased;
but the moment you increase Il beyond the point
that will enable the capitalist to realize Just per
centage on his capital and labor, that moment you
impose an iniqutous tax, as have shown in the
case oftbe blacksmith, upon other branches Of do
mestc industry. When say during the last few


