Američko-meksički rat (1846. − 1848.), također poznat pod nazivom Meksički rat ili Rat između SAD-a i Meksika, bio je oružani sukob između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Meksika koji se vodio u jeku pripajanja države Teksas SAD-u 1845. godine, a koju je Meksiko smatrao svojim teritorijem unatoč teksaškoj revoluciji iz 1836. godine.

Borbene operacije trajale su godinu i pol dana, od proljeća 1846. do jeseni 1847. godine. Američke snage brzo su okupirale područje država Novi Meksiko i Kalifornija te krenule u invaziju na sjeveroistočni i sjeverozapadni Meksiko; u međuvremenu američka pacifička eskadrila je napravila blokadu i preuzela kontrolu nad nekoliko garnizona na pacifičkoj obali južno od Baja California. Nakon što je američka vojska zauzela Mexico City, rat je završio pobjedom SAD-a.

Potpisani mirovni sporazum Guadalupe Hidalgo službeno je obilježio veliku posljedicu rata: prisilno odcjepljenje teritorija Kalifornije i Novog Meksika iz Meksika u SAD u zamjenu za 15 milijuna dolara. Uz to, Sjedinjene Države na sebe su preuzele 3,25 milijuna dolara duga kojeg je meksička vlada dugovala američkim građanima. Meksiko je prihvatio gubitak Teksasa i nova državna granica postavljena je kod rijeke Rio Grande.

Ekspanzija američkog teritorija sve do pacifičke obale bio je tadašnji cilj predsjednika Jamesa K. Polka, vođe Demokratske stranke.See Rives, The United States and Mexico, vol. 2, p. 658 Međutim, sam rat u SAD-u smatran je vrlo kontroverznim, a među onima koji su mu se snažno protivili bila je i stranka Whig te razni antiropski pokreti. Veliki broj žrtava (Amerikanaca) i cijena rata također su bili kritizirani. Političke posljedice rata u SAD-u su prouzrokovale snažne diskusije o robovlasništvu koje se često povezuju s izbivanjem Američkog građanskog rata; kompromis iz 1850. godine označio je tek kratak predah od istoga.

U Meksiku rat je poznat pod terminologijom Prva intervencija SAD-a u Meksiku (Primera intervención estadounidense en México), Invazija SAD-a na Meksiko (invasión estadounidense a México) i Rat 1847. godine (Guerra del 47).

 Pozadina sukoba
Nakon što se izborio za vlastitu nezavisnost od Španjolske 1821. godine, Meksiko je bio prepun unutarnjih sukoba koji su doveli do ruba izbivanja građanskog rata; ipak svi su jednoglasno odbili priznati nezavisnost države Teksas. U slučaju pripajanja države Teksas, Meksiko je zaprijetio SAD-u ratom."The Annexation of Texas"  U.S. Department of State. http://history.state.gov/milestones/1830-1860/TexasAnnexation , Retrieved 2012-07-06 U međuvremenu, zahvaljujući vjerovanju u nedvojbenu sudbinu (eng. Manifest Destiny) - vjerovanje koje su imali Demokrati tijekom 19. stoljeća u SAD-u o pravu SAD-a na proširenje vlastitog teritorija čitavim kontinentom - tadašnji predsjednik Polk (inače vođa Demokratske stranke) bio je fokusiran upravo na to: američko širenje teritorija na zapad.

Vojne i diplomatske sposobnosti Meksika nakon proglašenja nezavisnosti drastično su opale pa su sjevernim područjima države harali Komanči, Apači i Navaho Indijanci. Indijanci, posebno Komanči, iskoristili su slabosti Meksika pa su ulazili stotinama milja duboko u područje zemlje kako bi vršili prepade i krali stoku za vlastitu upotrebu ili pak za tržište u Teksasu koje se brzo širilo. Meksikanci su vjerovali da Amerikanci imaju velike koristi od ovakvih prepada.Delay, Brian "Independent Indians and the U.S. Mexican War" The American Historical Review, Vol 112, No. l (Feb 2007), p 35

Indijanski prepadi rezultirali su smrću ili siromaštvom tisuća ljudi u sjevernom Meksiku. Kada su američke trupe napravile invaziju na sjeverni Meksiko 1846. godine sve što su pronašli bili su demoralizirani ljudi. Tek su neki pripadnici civilnog stanovništva pružali otpor nadolazećim Amerikancima.DeLay, Brian.  The War of a Thousand Deserts New Haven: Yale U Press, 2008, p.286

 Republika Teksas
thumb|left|Republika Teksas.
Godine 1820. Mosesu Austinu, bankaru iz države Missouri, odobren je veliki prostor zemljišta u Teksasu, ali on je umro prije nego što je mogao provesti svoj plan koji je uključivao regrutiranje američkih doseljenika kako bi se zemlja učinila plodnom. Njegov sin, Stephen F. Austin, naslijedio ga je i doveo preko 300 obitelji u Teksas čime je započeo stalni trend migracije iz SAD-a u granični predio Teksasa. Austinova kolonija bila je najuspješnija od nekoliko kolonija kojima su meksičke vlasti odobrile imigraciju. Namjera meksičkih vlasti bila je da anglofoni služe kao određena vrsta tampona između meksičkih stanovnika i pljačkaški nastrojenih Komanča, ali su Anglo kolonisti uglavnom zauzimali onaj prostor koji je bio prihvatljiviji za uzgajanje farme i koji je imao veću tržišnu povezanost s američkom državom Louisianom nego s prostorima na zapadu.

Godine 1829. kao rezultat velikog broja američkih imigranata, Anglonaca je na teksaškom teritoriju bilo puno više od domicilnih stanovnika koji su govorili španjolskim jezikom. Meksičke vlasti stoga su odlučile povećati poreze, povećati tarife na uvoz američke robe i ukinuti ropstvo. Doseljenici i većina meksičkih biznismena u regiji protivila se tim zahtjevima što je dovelo do toga da Meksiko zatvori državu Teksas i zabrani daljnju imigraciju. Međutim, imigracija se u Teksasu ilegalno nastavila, pogotovo ona imigracija koja je dolazila iz SAD-a.

Godine 1834. general Antonio López de Santa Anna postao je centralistički diktator Meksika koji je odmah napustio savezni sistem. Odlučio je ugušiti polunezavisnost Teksasa, nakon što je isto uspio i u Coahuliji (godine 1824. Meksiko je spojio Teksas i Coahuliju u jednu veliku državu imena Coahulia y Tejas). Sve to dovelo je do toga da Stephen F. Austin pozove građane Teksasa da uzmu oružje u ruke. Objavili su nezavisnost od Meksika 1836. godine i nakon što ih je Santa Anna porazio u bitci kod Alama, on sam poražen je od strane generala Sama Houstona, zarobljen u bitci kod San Jacinta te bio prisiljen potpisati sporazum u kojem priznaje nezavisnost Teksasa.See "Republic of Texas"

Teksas je učvrstio svoj status nezavisne republike i službeno bio priznat od Britanije, Francuske i SAD-a. Sve tri države predlagale su Meksiku da ne pokušava nanovo osvajati novu naciju. Većina stanovnika Teksasa željela se pridružiti SAD-u, ali pitanje pripajanja bilo je sporno u američkom Kongresu; stranka Whig najviše se protivila istome. Godine 1845. Teksas je pristao na pripajanje nakon upućenog prijedloga američkog Kongresa te je na taj način 29. prosinca 1845. godine postala 28 država SAD-a.

 Podrijetlo rata
Granica Teksasa kao neovisne države nikada nije bila riješena. Republika Teksas svojim prostorom smatrala je zemlju koja se proteže do rijeke Rio Grande, a sve temeljem potpisanog mirovnog sporazuma u Velascu; međutim Meksiko to nije priznavao i svojim prostorom smatrao je područje sve do rijeke Nueces. Referenca na teksašku granicu kod rijeke Rio Grande izostavljena je u rezoluciji o pripajanju Teksasa u američkom kongresu kako bi se osiguralo da rezolucija prođe nakon što je pala u Senatu. Predsjednik Polk tvrdio je da se teksaški teritorij proteže sve do rijeke Rio Grande i da je tamo granica što je na kraju i dovelo do sukoba s Meksikom.Rives, vol. 2, pp. 165–168

U srpnju 1845. godine, predsjednik Polk poslao je generala Zacharyja Taylora u Teksas, a do 3. listopada iste godine tri i pol tisuće Amerikanaca nalazilo se kod rijeke Nueces, pripremljeni da obrane Teksas od meksičke invazije. Osim što je želio zaštititi granicu, Polk je želio proširiti teritorij SAD-a sve do Tihog oceana. Naredio je pacifičkoj eskadri da u isto vrijeme zauzmu luke u Kaliforniji i ostvare dobre odnose s tamošnjim stanovništvom, a sve u slučaju da Meksiko objavi rat. Istovremeno je pisao američkom konzulu u Alta Californiji, Thomasu Larkinu da SAD nema ambicije u Kaliforniji, ali ponudio potporu nezavisnosti od Meksika ili dobrovoljno pripajanje SAD-u te upozorio da bi se protivio britanskom ili francuskom preuzimanju teritorija.

Kako bi izbjegao još jednu prijetnju rata s Velikom Britanijom oko okruga Oregon, Polk je potpisao Oregonski mirovni sporazum kojim se teritorij podijelio što je razljutilo sjevernjačke Demokrate koji su tvrdili da je Polku važnije južno širenje teritorija od sjevernog.

Tijekom zime 1845./1846. godine, savezni istraživač John C. Frémont i skupina naoružanih ljudi pojavili su se u Kaliforniji. Nakon što je meksičkom guverneru i Larkinu rekao da su došli samo kupiti namirnice za nastavak svog puta prema Oregonu, Frémont je umjesto toga ušao u naseljeno područje Kalifornije i posjetio Santa Cruz i dolinu Salinas, pod izgovorom da traži mjesto uz obalu za svoju majku.Rives, vol. 2, pp. 172–173 Meksičke vlasti uskoro su se uzbudile i naredile mu da ode. Frémont je umjesto toga izgradio utvrdu na brdu danas poznatom pod imenom Fremont Peak te tamo podigao američku zastavu. Larkin je nakon toga obavijestio svoje nadređene da su Frémontovi postupci kontraproduktivni. Frémont je u ožujku napustio Kaliforniju, ali se kasnije vratio i pomogao u revoltu oko zastave s medvjedom u Sonomi gdje su mnogi američki imigranti tvrdili da igraju "teksašku igru" i proglasili kalifornijsku nezavisnost od Meksika.

Dana 10. studenog 1845. godineSmith (1919) p. xi. Polk je poslao tajnog predstavnika, Johna Slidella, u Meksiko City s ponudom od 25 milijuna dolara (današnjih 671 538 462 dolara) za granicu Rio Grande u Teksasu i meksičke provincije u Alta Californiji i Santa Feu. Američki ekspanzionisti željeli su da Kalifornija osujeti britanske ambicije na tom području te da dobiju luku na Tihom oceanu. Polk je odobrio Slidellu da oprosti 3 milijuna dolara duga (današnjih 81 milijun dolara) koji je američkim građanima dugovala meksička vlada nakon Meksičkog rata za nezavisnostJay (1853) p. 117. te da plati dodatnih 25 do 30 milijuna dolara (današnjih 672 - 806 milijuna dolara) u zamjenu za dva teritorija.Jay (1853) p. 119.

Meksiko nije bio sklon navedenoj ponudi niti je mogao pregovarati. Samo tijekom 1846. godine predsjedništvo se mijenjalo četiri puta, ministarstvo rata šest puta, a ministarstvo financija čak je šesnaest puta promijenilo svoje vodstvo.Donald Fithian Stevens, Origins of Instability in Early Republican Mexico (1991) p. 11. Međutim, meksičko javno mnijenje i sve političke frakcije u zemlji bile su složne u mišljenju da bi prodavanje teritorija SAD-u bacilo mrlju na njihovu nacionalnu čast.Miguel E. Soto, "The Monarchist Conspiracy and the Mexican War" in Essays on the Mexican War ed by Wayne Cutler; Texas A&M University Press. 1986. pp. 66–67. Oni Meksikanci koji su javno izrekli svoju želju za izbjegavanjem ratnog sukoba sa SAD-om, uključujući i tadašnjeg predsjednika Josea Joaquina de Herreru, bili su proglašeni izdajicama.Brooks (1849) pp. 61–62. Njegovi vojni protivnici, podupirani populističkim novinama, smatrali su Slidellov boravak u Meksiko Cityju uvredom. Kada je predsjednik de Herrera počeo razmišljati o tome da primi Slidella kako bi mirnim putem pokušali riješiti problem pripojenja Teksasa, bio je optužen za izdaju i svrgnut s vlasti. Nakon što je još više nacionalistički orijentirana vlada pod vodstvom generala Mariana Paredesa y Arrillage preuzela vlast, javno je istaknula meksičke zahtjeve za Teksasom; Slidell, sada uvjeren da se Meksiko treba "kazniti", vratio se u SAD.Mexican War from Global Security.com.

 Sukob oko teritorija
Predsjednik James K. Polk naredio je generalu Tayloru i njegovim trupama da odu južno do rijeke Rio Grande i uđu u teritorij oko kojeg su polemizirali s Meksikom. Meksiko je svojim teritorijem proglasio čitavo sjeverno područje do rijeke Nueces - oko 240 kilometara sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande. SAD je svojim teritorijem proglasio čitavo područje do rijeke Rio Grande, obrazlažući svoju odluku mirovnim sporazumom potpisanim 1836. godine u Velascu. Meksiko nije priznavao navedeni mirovni sporazum i odbio je pregovarati; zahtijevao je čitavo područje Teksasa. Taylor je ignorirao meksičke zahtjeve za povlačenjem američkih trupa do rijeke Nueces. Izgradio je utvrdu (kasnije poznatu pod nazivom Fort Brown/Fort Texas) na obali rijeke Rio Grande nasuprot grada Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

Meksičke snage pod vodstvom generala Mariana Ariste pripremile su se za rat. Dana 25. travnja 1846. dvije tisuće teško naoružanih pripadnika meksičke konjice napalo je američku patrolu koja se sastojala od 70-ak vojnika, a koja je bila poslana na osporeni dio teritorija sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande i južno od rijeke Nueces. U onome što je danas poznato pod nazivom Thorntonov događaj, meksička konjica napala je patrolu (pod vodstvom kapetana Setha Thorntona) i ubila 16 američkih vojnika.

 Objava rata
thumb||350px|Pregled Američko-meksičkog rata.
Nakon što je saznao za Thorntonov događaj i nakon što je meksička vlada odbila Slidellovu ponudu, predsjednik Polk vjerovao je da ima casus belli (povod rata).Smith (1919) p. 279. U svojoj poruci upućenoj Kongresu dana 11. svibnja 1846. godine rekao je da je "Meksiko prešao granice Sjedinjenih Država, nasilno ušao na naš teritorij i prolio američku krv na američkom tlu."Faragher, John Mack, et al., eds. Out Of Many: A History of the American People. Upper Saddle River: Pearson Education, 2006. Kongres je odobrio deklaraciju rata 13. svibnja uz snažnu potporu južnjačkih Demokrata. Šezdeset i sedam članova stranke Whig glasalo je protiv rata zbog amandmana o robovlasništvu,Bauer (1992) p. 68. ali u konačnom izglasavanju samo njih 14 glasalo je protiv uključujući i republikanca Johna Quincyja Adamsa. Kongres je službeno objavio rat Meksiku 13. svibnja 1846. godine nakon što je imao tek nekoliko sati vremena za debatu o istom. Premda se izdavanje manifesta predsjednika Paredesa dana 23. svibnja ponekad smatra objavom rata, Meksiko je službeno objavio rat SAD-u putem Kongresa dana 7. srpnja.

 Antonio López de Santa Anna
Nakon što su SAD objavile rat Meksiku, Antonio López de Santa Anna pisao je u gradu Meksiku i izjavio da više nema aspiracija za predsjedništvom, ali da će zdušno upotrijebiti svoje vojno iskustvo i odbiti sve napade stranaca u Meksiko kao što je radio i prije. Predsjednik Valentin Gomez Farias bio je toliko očajan i prihvatio njegovu ponudu. U međuvremenu, Santa Anna je potajno razgovarao s američkim predstavnicima i obećavao im da će se, ako se vrati u Meksiko kroz američku mornaričku blokadu, zalagati za prodaju traženih teritorija SAD-u za razumnu cijenu.see A. Brook Caruso: The Mexican Spy Company. 1991, p. 62-79 Nakon što su mu to dopustili, Santa Anna nije se držao niti jednog dogovora: proglasio je sam sebe predsjednikom i neuspješno pokušao odbiti američku invaziju u Meksiko.

 Protivljenje ratu
Budući da je sve više bio podijeljen regionalnim suparništvom, u SAD-u je rat postao stranački problem i jedan od osnovnih elemenata uzroka izbivanja Američkog građanskog rata. Većina članova stranke Whig na Sjeveru i na Jugu su mu se protivili;Jay (1853) pp. 165–166. većina Demokrata ga je podupirala.Jay (1853) p. 165. Južnjački Demokrati, koje je pokretala njihova vjera u nedvojbenu sudbinu (eng. Manifest Destiny), podupirali su rat u nadi da će stvoriti još više robovlasničkih teritorija na Jugu te da će brojčano nadjačati Sjever koji se brzo širio. John L. O'Sullivan, urednik "Demokratskog časopisa", napisao je u svojim novinama: "Naša nedvojbena sudbina mora biti širenje na kontinent koju nam je dodijelilo vlastito proviđenje."See O'Sullivan's 1845 article, "Annexation,"  United States Magazine and Democratic Review

Sjevernjački pokreti antiropstva bojali su se rasta ropske moći; stranka Whig generalno je željela ojačati gospodarstvo uz pomoć industrijalizacije, a ne šireći je na još veće područje. Demokrati su, s druge strane, željeli više područja; Demokrate na Sjeveru privlačile su nove prilike koje su se same od sebe otvarale na dalekom sjeverozapadu kontinenta. Joshua Giddings nalazio se na čelu grupe koja je imala drugačije mišljenje u Washingtonu. Nazvao je rat s Meksikom "agresivnim, grešnim i nepravednim ratom" i glasao protiv opskrbljivanja vojnika i oružja. Rekao je:

Kolega iz stranke Whig, Abraham Lincoln, također se protivio razlozima rata i zahtijevao da mu se točno kaže gdje je to Thornton bio napadnut i gdje je to točno američka krv bila prolivena: "Pokažite mi točno mjesto gdje se to dogodilo", zahtijevao je. Vođa stranke Whig Robert Toombs iz države Georgije je izjavio:

Sjevernjački abolicionisti protivili su se ratu iz razloga što su u njemu vidjeli želju robovlasnika da učvrste svoju robovlasničku strukturu i na taj način osiguraju utjecaj u saveznoj vlasti. Djelujući iz vlastitih uvjerenja, Henry David Thoreau završio je u zatvoru zbog toga što nije želio platiti porez kojim se financirao rat, a tijekom tog razdoblja napisao je svoj glasoviti esej Civil Disobedience.

Bivši američki predsjednik John Quincy Adams u svojem je govoru u Zastupničkom domu 25. svibnja 1836. godine također izrazio mišljenje koje se temeljilo na tome da razlog rata prvenstveno leži u tome da se proširi teritorij robovlasništva. Kako bi odgovorio na ovakve zabrinutosti, Demokratski kongresmen David Wilmot predstavio je svoj Wilmot statut kojim se namjeravalo zabraniti robovlasništvo na novim teritorijima preuzetima od Meksika. Wilmotov prijedlog nije prošao Kongres, ali je dodatno povećao rivalstvo između ovih dviju frakcija.

 Početak sukoba
Opsada utvrde Texas započela je 3. svibnja. Meksička artiljerija iz Matamorosa otvorila je vatru na utvrdu koja je uzvratila svojim vlastitim naoružanjem. Međusobno bombardiranje nastavilo se i širilo sljedećih 160 sati dok su meksičke snage postepeno opkolile utvrdu. Trinaest američkih vojnika bilo je ozlijeđeno tijekom bombardiranja, a dvoje je poginulo.Brooks (1849) p. 122. Među poginulima bio je i Jacob Brown po kojem će utvrda kasnije dobiti ime.Brooks (1849) pp. 91, 117.

Dana 8. svibnja Zachary Taylor krenuo je sa svojom trupom od 2.400 vojnika kako bi oslobodili utvrdu.Brooks (1849) p. 121. Međutim, Arista je požurio na sjever i presjekao mu put sa svojom trupom od 3.400 vojnika u Palu Altu. Amerikanci su upotrijebili taktiku "letećeg topništa" (što je zapravo bio američki izraz za konjičko topništvo - tip mobilnog topništva koje je bilo prikovano za kočije dok su vojnici jahali konje u bitku). Taj način ratovanja bio je razarajući za meksičku vojsku. Meksikanci su odgovorili sa svojim konjaničkim okršajima i vlastitim topništvom. Ipak, američka taktika s letećim topništvom donekle je demoralizirala meksičke trupe koje su se tijekom noći povukle do suhog riječnog korita. Korito im je ponudilo prirodnu utvrdu, ali su se tijekom povlačenja trupe raštrkale na razne strane što im je izrazito otežalo daljnju komunikaciju.

Sljedećeg dana tijekom bitke u Resaci de la Palma dvije sukobljene strane krenule su u bitku prsa o prsa. Američka konjica uspjela je zarobiti meksičko topništvo i nagnala je Meksikance na povlačenje - povlačenje koje se pretvorilo u nasumični bijeg. Boreći se na nepoznatom terenu, Aristi je bilo nemoguće skupiti na jednom mjestu svoje odbjegle trupe. Broj žrtava na meksičkoj strani bio je ogroman; bili su prisiljeni ostaviti svoje topništvo i naoružanje. Prilikom povlačenja, američki vojnici iz utvrde Fort još su im zadali više žrtava pucajući na trupe u bijegu. Mnogi meksički vojnici utopili su se u rijeci Rio Grande pokušavajući ju preplivati.

 Tijek rata
Nakon objave rata 13. svibnja 1846. godine američke snage napravile su invaziju na meksički teritorij s dvije glavne fronte. Američko ministarstvo rata poslalo je američku konjicu pod vodstvom Stephena W. Kearnyja da napravi invaziju u zapadnom Meksiku od Jeffersonovih baraka pa sve do utvrde Leavenworth gdje će im se pridružiti pacifička mornarica pod vodstvom Johna D. Sloata. Razlog svega ovoga ležao je u činjenici što su Amerikanci bili zabrinuti da će se Britanci uvući u sukob i pokušati zauzeti navedeno područje. Još dvjema dodatnim trupama, jednoj pod vodstvom Johna E. Woola, a drugoj pod vodstvom Taylora, bilo je naređeno da okupiraju Meksiko sve do krajnjeg juga, do grada Monterreyja.

 Kalifornijska bojišnica
Premda su Sjedinjene Države objavile rat Meksiku 13. svibnja 1846. godine, bilo je potrebno više od mjesec dana (sve do sredine lipnja) da vijest o objavi rata dođe do Kalifornije. Američki konzul Thomas O. Larkin nalazio se u Monterreyju kada je čuo glasine o ratu i pokušao održati mirne odnose između SAD-a i malog meksičkog vojnog garnizona koji se nalazio pod vodstvom Josea Castra. Američki satnik John C. Fremont s oko 60 dobro naoružanih vojnika ušao je u Kaliforniju u prosincu 1845. godine i polagano marširao prema Oregonu kada je saznao za objavu rata između Meksika i SAD-a. Dana 15. lipnja 1846. otprilike 30-ak doseljenika, većinom američkih građana, izazvali su pobunu i okupirali mali meksikanski garnizon u Sonomi. Američka vojska, predvođena Fremontom, preuzela je stvari u svoje ruke već 23. lipnja. Kapetan bojnog broda John Drake Sloat, nakon što je čuo za objavu rata i pobunu u Sonomi, naredio je svojim trupama da okupiraju Monterrey 7. srpnja i podignu američku zastavu; San Francisco, tada znan pod imenom Yerba Buena, bio je osvojen 9. srpnja. Dana 15. srpnja Sloat je prebacio svoju komandu na kapetana Roberta F. Stocktona, puno agresivnijeg lidera koji je pod svoje okrilje uzeo i Fremontove snage. Dana 19. srpnja Fremontova "Kalifornijska bojna" dosegla je brojku od 160 dodatnih vojnika prvenstveno zahvaljujući doseljenicima u blizini Sacramenta te je skupa sa Stocktonovim mornarima i marincima ušla u Monterrey. Američke snage vrlo su lako zauzele sjeverno područje Kalifornije; u samo nekoliko dana pod njihovom kontrolom nalazili su se San Francisco, Sonoma i Sacramento.
left|thumb|250px|Replika prve "medvjeđe zastave"
Meksički general Jose Castro i guverner Pio Pico pobjegli su južno od Alte Californije (današnja Kalifornija). Kada su se Stocktonove snage, tijekom plovidbe južno do San Diega, zaustavile u San Pedru on je poslao pedeset američkih marinaca na obalu; upravo su ti marinci ušli u Los Angeles bez otpora dana 13. kolovoza 1846. godine. Nakon uspjeha ove tzv. "Opsade Los Angelesa", osvajanje Kalifornije gotovo bez prolivene krvi činilo se završenim.

Međutim, Stockton je ostavio premali broj snaga u Los Angelesu; meksičke trupe pod vodstvom Jose Marije Flores, djelujući samostalno bez potpore ostatka Meksika, prisilile su američke trupe na povlačenje u drugoj polovici mjeseca rujna. Kauboji s rančeva koji su se udružili kako bi obranili svoju zemlju borili su se kao kalifornijski kopljanici; bila je to snaga koju Amerikanci nisu očekivali. Stockton je poslao pojačanja s više od 300 ljudi koje je predvodio kapetan William Mervine, ali su svi oni odbijeni u bitci za ranč Dominguez koja se vodila u razdoblju od 7. do 9. listopada 1846. godine u blizini San Pedra. Četrnaest američkih marinaca poginulo je u tom sukobu.

U međuvremenu je general Stephen W. Kearny sa svojom postrojbom od 139 Draguna koje je predvodio preko Novog Meksika, Arizone i pustinje Sonoran napokon stigao u Kaliforniju dana 6. prosinca 1846. godine i vodio malu bitku s kalifornijskim kopljanicima kod San Pasquala u blizini San Diega u kojoj je izgubio oko 22 vojnika. Premda osakaćeni i u lošem stanju, Kearnyjeve snage nastavile su se probijati sve dok se nisu ukopale kod brda "Mazga" u blizini današnjeg Escondida. Kopljanici su opkolili Dragune puna četiri dana sve dok nisu došla pojačanja pod vodstvom kapetana Stocktona.

Odmorne i snabdjevene Kearnyjeve i Stocktonove snage zajedno su krenule u marš sjeverno od San Diega dana 29. prosinca i ušle u područje Los Angelesa 8. siječnja 1847. godine povezavši se s Fremontovim snagama. Skupivši sveukupno 607 vojnika i marinaca krenuli su u bitku i pobijedili kopljaničke snage od oko 300 muškaraca koje je vodio kapetan-general Flores u odlučujućoj bitci kod Rio San Gabriela.Bauer (1992) pp. 190–191. Sljedećeg dana, 9. siječnja 1847. godine, Amerikanci su krenuli u bitku kod La Mese koju su dobili. Dana 12. siječnja posljednje snage kalifornijskih kopljanika predale su se Amerikancima. To je ujedno označilo i kraj otpora u Kaliforniji pa je sljedećeg dana, 13. siječnja, potpisan mirovni sporazum u Cahuengi.

 Bojišnica na Pacifičkoj obali
USS Independence asistirao je u blokadi meksičke pacifičke obale, zarobivši meksički brod Correo i isplovivši 16. svibnja 1847. godine. Brod je pomagao u zauzimanju Guaymasa, Sonore (19. listopada 1847. godine) te iskrcao marince koji su zauzeli Mazatlan, Sinalou 11. studenog 1847. godine. Nakon što je gornji dio Kalifornije bio osiguran, većina pacifičke eskadre krenula je nizvodno uz kalifornijsku obalu zauzevši sve glavne gradove Baje Californie. Usput su zarobljavali ili uništavali gotovo sve meksičke brodove u kalifornijskom zaljevu. Ostale luke koje se nisu nalazile na poluotoku također su bile zauzete. Glavni cilj na ovoj bojišnici pacifičke obale bio je zauzimanje Mazatlana koji je služio kao glavna baza za snabdjevanje meksikanskih snaga. Veliki broj meksičkih brodova bio je osvojen zahvaljujući ovoj eskadri od kojih je USS Cyane sveukupno 18 brodova zauzeo, a mnoštvo uništio.Silversteen, p42
thumb|Američke (lijevo) i meksičke (desno) vojne uniforme tog vremena.
Ulazeći u kalifornijski zaljev, Independence, Congress i Cyane zauzeli su La Paz, a odmah potom zauzeli i zapalili malu meksičku flotu kod Guaymasa. U roku od mjesec dana očistili su cijeli zaljev od neprijateljskih brodova, uništivši ili zarobivši preko 30 brodova. Kasnije su njihovi mornari i marinci zauzeli luku Mazatlan, 11. studenog 1847. godine. Meksikanci su, s druge strane, pružali vrlo mali otpor koji je rezultirao s nekoliko manjih bitki (bitka kod Mulege, bitka kod La Paza i bitka kod San Josea del Caba) i dvije opsade (opsada La Paza i opsada San Josea del Caba) u kojima su američke pacifičke eskadrile pružile snažnu artiljerijsku potporu. Američki garnizoni uspjeli su održati kontrolu nad lukama.

Nakon dolaska pojačanja, pukovnik Henry S. Burton je krenuo u marš. Njegove snage spasile su porobljene Amerikance, zauzele Pinedu i 31. ožujka porazile i raspršile ostatak meksičkih snaga kod Skirmish of Todos Santos, nesvjesne činjenice da je u tom trenutku mirovni sporazum Guadalupe Hidalgo već bio potpisan (veljača 1848. godine). Kada su se američki garnizoni evakuirali iz Monterreyja, mnogi Meksikanci krenuli su s njima: oni koji su podupirali američku stranu u ratu i vjerovali da će donji dio Kalifornije također biti pripojen SAD-u kao i gornji.

 Sjeveroistočni Meksiko
Porazi kod Palo Alta i Resace de la Palma prouzrokovali su političke nemire u Meksiku; nemire koje je Antonio López de Santa Anna iskoristio za oživljavanje vlastite političke karijere i povratak iz progona s Kube sredinom kolovoza 1846. godine. Amerikancima je obećao da će, ako ga puste kroz njihovu pomorsku blokadu, u njihovo ime pregovarali za mirni prekid rata i prodaju područja Novog Meksika i Alta Californije. Međutim, nakon što je došao u Meksiko City prekršio je svoju riječ i obvezao se na služenje meksičkoj vladi. Kada je dobio čin generala, ponovno se pobunio i preuzeo predsjedništvo nad čitavim Meksikom.

Pod vodstvom Zacharyja Taylora, 2.300 vojnika američkih trupa prešlo je rijeku Rio Grande nakon početnih poteškoća s riječnim prijevozom. Njegovi vojnici okupirali su grad Matamoros, a zatim i Camargo (gdje su se prvi puta pojavili problemi s ozbiljnim bolestima) te nastavili prema jugu i opkolili grad Monterrey. Teška bitka kod Monterreya prouzročila je ozbiljne vojne gubitke s obje strane. Američko lako topništvo nije bilo učinkovito protiv kamenih utvrda grada. Meksičke snage pod vodstvom generala Pedra de Ampudije odbile su napade Taylorove najbolje pješačke divizije kod utvrde Tenerija.
250px|left|thumb|Bitka za Monterrey.
Američki vojnici, uključujući i mnoge koji su svoju obuku završili na West Pointu, nikada se nisu nalazili u urbanom ratovanju pa su marširali otvorenim ulicama gdje su ih dobro skrivene meksičke obrambene snage uništavale. Dva dana kasnije Amerikanci su promijenili svoju taktiku. Vojnici iz Teksasa su se ranije borili u Meksiko Cityju i savjetovali su Taylorove generale da je ono što trebaju napraviti "mišja rupa". Drugim riječima, trebali su probiti rupe kroz krovove kuća i boriti se prsa o prsa s meksikancima unutar građevina. Ova metoda pokazala se izrazito uspješnom. U konačnici Meksikanci su se povukli do glavnog trga grada gdje je Ampudia bio prisiljen krenuti u mirovne pregovore. Taylor je nakon pregovora dopustio povlačenje meksičke vojske i prekid vatre na osam tjedana u zamjenu za predaju grada. Međutim, pod pritiskom iz Washingtona, Taylor je pregazio svoje obećanje o prekidu vatre i zauzeo grad Saltillo, jugozapadno od Monterreyja. Santa Anna je okrivio Ampudiju za gubitak Monterreyja i Saltilla i vojno ga degradirao.

Dana 22. veljače 1847. godine Santa Anna je osobno započeo marš kako bi se sukobio s Taylorom. Sa sobom je poveo 20 tisuća vojnika. Taylor, čije su snage imale 4.600 vojnika, ukopao se u planinskom prolazu Buena Vista. Santa Anna je tijekom dolaska do Buena Viste bio suočen s mnogim dezerterima pa je na kraju ostao na poprilično umornih 15 tisuća vojnika. Zahtijevao je predaju američkih vojnika koji su to odbili; napao ih je sljedećeg jutra. Poslao je svoju konjicu i nešto pješadije uz težak teren s jedne strane prolaza, dok je ostatak pješadije napadao frontalno kroz cestu koja je vodila do Buena Viste. U teškom okršaju američke trupe, unatoč velikim gubitcima, ipak su uspjele zadržati svoj položaj. Meksikanci su također pretrpjeli velike gubitke, a nakon što je Santa Anna dobio vijest o neredima u Meksiko Cityju, povukao se iste noći i ostavio Tayloru kontrolu na cijelim područjem sjevernog Meksika.

Predsjednik James K. Polk nije vjerovao generalu Tayloru za kojeg je mislio da je pokazao nesposobnost tijekom bitke za Monterrey (zbog pristanka na prekid vatre), a također ga je smatrao i mogućim predsjedničkim kandidatom na nadolazećim izborima 1848. godine. Upravo za vrijeme tih predsjedničkih izbora (koje će i dobiti) Taylor je u svojoj kampanji vrlo često upotrijebio bitku kod Buena Viste.

 Sjeverozapadni Meksiko
Dana 1. ožujka 1847. godine Alexander W. Doniphan zauzeo je Chihuahua City. Tamošnji stanovnici bili su puno manje voljni predati se američkim osvajačima nego oni u Novom Meksiku. Britanski konzul John Potts nije želio dopustiti Doniphanu da traži rezidenciju guvernera Triasa i neuspješno ga je pokušao uvjeriti da se ista nalazi pod britanskim protektoratom. Američki trgovci u Chihuahui željeli su da američke snage ostanu kako bi zaštitile njihove poslove. Gilpin je savjetovao da krenu u marš na Meksiko City i u to je uvjerio većinu časnika, ali Doniphan je osujetio taj plan. U drugoj polovici travnja, Taylor je naredio da prva divizija dobrovoljaca iz Missourija napusti grad Chihuahuu i pridruži mu se u Saltillu. Većina američkih trgovaca je ili krenula za njima ili se vratila u Santa Fe. Putem su građani Parrasa zamolili Doniphana za pomoć u borbi protiv indijanskih napada koji su im uzimali djecu, konje, mazge i novac.

Civilno stanovništvo sjevernog Meksika nije se previše opiralo američkoj invaziji, vjerojatno iz razloga što je sama zemlja već bila devastirana konstantnim napadima Komanča i Apača. Josiah Gregg, koji se nalazio u američkoj vojsci u sjevernom Meksiku rekao je da je "cijela zemlja od Novog Meksika pa sve do granica s Durangom gotovo u potpunosti nenaseljena. Hacijende i rančevi su većinom napušteni, a ljudi su se uglavnom povukli u gradove."

 Tabasco
 Prva bitka za Tabasco
Kapetan bojnog broda Matthew C. Perry predvodio je flotu od nekoliko brodova duž južne obale države Tabasco. Došao je do rijeke Tabasco (danas poznate pod imenom rijeka Grijalva) dana 22. listopada 1846. godine i zauzeo luku Frontera skupa s dva meksička broda. Ostavivši tamo mali garnizon, nastavio je s ostatkom trupa prema gradu San Juan Bautista (današnji Villahermosa). Perry je došao u grad San Juan Bautista 25. listopada i odmah zauzeo pet meksičkih brodova. Pukovnik Juan Bautista Traconis postavio je barikade unutar građevina. Perry je shvatio da će, u slučaju da želi istjerati meksičku vojsku izvan grada, bombardiranje biti jedina opcija pa je zbog izbjegavanja štete koje bi bombardiranje prouzročilo tamošnjim trgovcima povukao svoje snage i pripremio ih za sljedeći dan.
250px|thumb|Druga bitka za Tabasco.
U jutro, dana 26. listopada, dok se Perryjeva flota pripremala za napad na grad, meksičke snage započele su pucati po njoj. Američko bombardiranje započelo je po glavnom trgu i nastavilo se sve do večeri. Prije zauzimanja trga, Perry je odlučio otići i vratiti se u luku Frontera gdje je stavio pomorsku blokadu koja je sprečavala dostavu hrane i vojne opreme glavnom gradu.

 Druga bitka za Tabasco
Dana 13. lipnja 1847. godine Matthew C. Perry okupio je flotu (poznatu pod imenom Flota komaraca) i započeo se kretati po rijeci Grijalva s ukupno 47 brodova u kojima su se sveukupno nalazila 1.173 vojnika. Dana 15. lipnja, 19 kilometara ispod grada San Juana Bautiste flota je naišla za zasjedu, ali nije bilo većih poteškoća. Kasnije, kod mjesta poznatog kao "Vražji zavoj" Perry je ponovno naišao na meksički otpor kojeg je flota vrlo brzo i efikasno riješila svojim teškim brodskim naoružanjem.

Dana 16. lipnja Perry je stigao do San Juan Bautiste i započeo bombardiranje grada. Napad je uključivao dva broda koja su non-stop plovila uzduž luke. David D. Porter predvodio je 60 mornara na obalu i zauzeo utvrdu, podignuvši američku zastavu na njezinom vrhu. Perry i ostatak snaga pridružili su im se i oko dva sata poslije podne preuzeli nadzor nad gradom.

 Vojnici
Na američkoj strani, rat su vodile pukovnije redovne vojske, kao i razne pukovnije, bojne i satnije dragovoljaca iz raznih saveznih država, kao i Amerikanci i neki Meksikanci na području Kalifornije i Novog Meksika. Na Zapadnoj obali američka je mornarica ustrojila mornarsku bojnu kako bi povratila Los Angeles.

Sjedinjene Države
Na početku rata američka je vojska imala osam pješačkih pukovnija (od po tri bojne), četiri pukovnije topništva i tri konjičke pukovnije (dvije dragunske, a jedna s puškama). Te su postrojbe pojačane s 10 novih pukovnija (devet pješačkih i jedna konjička), koje su unovačene na godinu dana (prema aktu Kongresa od 11. veljače 1847).Robarts, "Mexican War veterans" str.1–24

Dragovoljci su bili novačeni u jedinicama različitih veličina i tijekom različitih razdoblja, ali uglavnom na godinu dana. Poslije su neki unovačeni za cijelo trajanje rata, kad je postalo jasno da će rat trajati duže od jedne godine.Robarts, "Mexican War veterans" str.39–79

Memoari američkih vojnika opisuju slučajeve pljačke i umorstva meksičkih civila, uglavnom od strane dragovoljaca. Jedan je časnik zabilježio:

Stigli smo u 5 popodne u Burritu, gdje je bila većina dragovoljaca iz Louisiane - razularena pijana rulja. Istjerali su stanovnike, zauzeli njihove kuće i nadmetali se tko će biti veća životinja.Bronwyn Mills U.S.-Mexican war .

John L. O'Sullivan poslije je zapisao:

Redovna je vojska gledala na dragovoljce svisoka i s prezirom ... [Dragovoljci] su Meksikancima otimali stoku i žito, krali im ogradu za potpalu, opijali se i ubijali bezopasne građane na ulicama.

Mnogi su dragovoljci bili nepoželjni i smatrani su lošim vojnicima. Izraz  "kao Gainesova vojska" počeo se koristiti da opiše nešto beskorisno, a potekao je iz događaja kad je general Taylor na početku rata odbio skupinu neuvježbanih i strašljivih vojnika iz Louisiane.Zadnji preživjeli američki veteran iz tog sukoba zvao se Owen Thomas Edgar i umro je 3. rujna 1929. u dobi od 98 godina.

1.563 američkih vojnika pokopano je na Državnom groblju Mexico Cityja.

Meksiko
Na početku rata, meksičke snage bile su podijeljene na stalnu vojsku (permanentes) i aktivne "domobrane" (activos). Trajne snage sastojale su se od 12 pukovnija pješaštva (po dvije bojne svaka), tri topničke brigade, osam konjičkih pukovnija, jednog posebnog odreda i dragunske brigade. Domobranstvo se sastojalo od devet pješačkih i šest konjičkih pukovnija. U sjevernom području Meksika, predsjedavajuće satnije (presidiales) štitile su tamošnja raštrkana naselja.

Jedan od čimbenika koji je doprinio porazu Meksikanaca bilo je njihovo loše oružje. Meksička je vojska koristila britanske muškete (npr. Brown Bess) iz Napoleonskih ratova. Za razliku od zastarjelog pješačkog oružja meksičke vojske, američke su snage imale najnovije puške Hall i repetirke modela 1841. U kasnijim fazama rata, američka konjica i časnici zaduživali su revolvere Colt Walker - američka je vojska 1846. naručila tisuću komada. Tijekom cijelog rata, nadmoćno američko topništvo često bi prevagnulo u bitkama.

Američkoj je pobjedi pomogao i politički razdor unutar Meksika. Za vlast su se nadmetali centralistas i republicanos, pa se ponekad događalo da su se te dvije frakcije unutar meksičke vojske borile međusobno. Još jedna frakcija - monarhisti, čiji su članovi htjeli postaviti kralja (a neki su čak zastupali pripojenje Španjolskoj) - dodatno je zakomplicirala situaciju. Ta će treća frakcija igrati glavnu ulogu u razdoblju francuske intervencije u Meksiku. Amerikanci su se iskrcali u Veri Cruz bez teškoća uglavnom zato što je u Mexico Cityju bjesnio građanski rat, pa je bilo praktički nemoguće organizirati obranu obale. Kao što je rekao general Santa Anna: "Koliko god bilo sramotno to priznati, sami smo krivi za ovu tragediju zbog neprestane bratoubilačke borbe."

Na strani Meksika borila se i Bojna svetog Patrika (San Patricios), skupina od nekoliko stotina useljeničkih vojnika, uglavnom Iraca, koji su dezertirali iz američke vojske zbog zlostavljanja ili zbog sklonosti Meksikancima kao katolicima. Većina ih je izginula u bitki kod Churobusca, a njih stotinjak zarobili su američki vojnici i objesili ih kao dezertere. Njihov vođa Jon Riley izbjegao je smrtnu kaznu zato što je dezertirao prije početka rata.

 Mirovni sporazum Guadalupe Hidalgo

350px|thumb|Bijelom bojom prikazani su teritoriji kojih se Meksiko bio prisiljen odreći potpisom Sporazuma Guadalupe Hidalgo.
Vojno nadjačan i uz mnogo okupiranih gradova, Meksiko se više nije mogao braniti; zemlju su također potresale unutarnje nesuglasice. Mirovnim sporazumom Guadalupe Hidalgo, kojeg su 2. veljače 1848. godine potpisali američki diplomat Nicholas Trist i meksički diplomatski predstavnici Luis G. Cuevas, Bernardo Couto i Miguel Atristain, rat je okončan. Potpisom sporazuma Sjedinjene Države dobile su kompletnu kontrolu nad Teksasom, određena je američko-meksička granica na rijeci Rio Grande, a današnje države Kalifornija, Nevada, Utah, Novi Meksiko, većina Arizone i Colorada te dijelovi Teksasa, Oklahome, Kansasa i Wyominga službeno su se odcjepile i postale dijelom SAD-a. U zamjenu Meksiku je uplaćen iznos od 18 250 000 dolaraSmith (1919) p. 241. (današnjih 490 223 077 dolara) - manje od polovice iznosa kojeg su SAD namjeravale ponuditi Meksiku za navedeni prostor prije početka rata; SAD su se također složile da će preuzeti dug od 3 250 000 dolara (današnjih 87 300 000 dolara) koji je meksička vlada dugovala američkim građanima.

Sama akvizicija prostora bila je predmetom kontroverze među američkim političarima, pogotovo onima koji su se protivili ratu od samog početka. Vodeće antiratne američke novine, Whig Intelligencer sarkastično su zaključile: "Ne uzimamo ništa osvajanjem... Hvala Bogu."

Jefferson Davis predložio je amandman kojim SAD dobivaju većinu sjeveroistočnog Meksika, ali on nije prihvaćen rezultatom 44:11. Podupirala su ga oba senatora iz Teksasa (Sam Houston i Thomas Jefferson Rusk), Daniel S. Dickinson iz New Yorka, Stephen A. Douglas iz Illinoisa, Edward A. Hannegan iz Indiane i po jedan senator iz Alabame, Floride, Mississippija, Ohija, Missourija i Tennesseeja. Većina vođa Demokratske stranke - Thomas Hart Benton, John C. Calhoun, Herschel V. Johnson, Lewis Cass, James Murray Mason iz Virginije i Ambrose Hundley Sevier - bila je protiv. Amandman senatora Whig stranke Georgea Edmunda Badgera iz Sjeverne Karoline o isključenju Novog Meksika i Kalifornije izgubio je u glasovanju 35:15 od kojih su neki južnjački senatori Whig strane glasali uz Demokrate. Daniel Webster bio je ogorčen zbog toga što su četvorica senatora iz Nove Engleske dali odlučujuće glasove za akviziciju novih teritorija.

Dobivena područja zapadno od rijeke Rio Grande u SAD-u se tradicionalno zovu Meksičko prepuštanje za razliku od Teksaškog pripajanja koje se dogodilo dvije godine ranije, premda podjela Novog Meksika po sredini rijeke Rio Grande nikad nije bila utemeljena kontrolom ili meksičkim granicama. Meksiko prije rata nikad nije priznao nezavisnost Teksasa i nije popuštao u svojim zahtjevima za teritorij sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande ili rijeke Gila sve do potpisa ovog sporazuma.

Prije ratificiranja samog sporazuma, američki Senat napravio je dvije modifikacije: promijenio je tekst u članku IX (koji je Meksikancima garantirao život na kupljenim teritorijima i pravo da postanu američki građani) te obrisao članak X (koji je prihvaćao legitimitet zemljišne potpore koju je izvojevala meksička vlada). Dana 26. svibnja 1848. godine kada su dvije zemlje razmijenile ratifikacije sporazuma Guadalupe Hidalgo, naknadno su se dogovorile oko protokola u tri članka (poznatog kao Querétarski protokol, Protocol of Querétaro) kojim bi objasnile izmjene i dopune. Protokol je potpisan u gradu Querétara, a potpisali su ga A. H. Sevier, Nathan Clifford i Luis de la Rosa.

Članak XI nudio je veliku potencijalnu korist za Meksiko, jer su se u njemu SAD obvezale ugušiti navale Apača koje su uništavale područje sjevernog Meksika te platiti restituciju žrtvama napada u slučaju neuspjeha njihovih sprečavanja. Međutim, napadi Indijanaca nisu prestali nekoliko desetljeća nakon potpisa sporazuma, premda je epidemija kolere smanjila broj Komanča 1849. godine.Hamalainen, 293-341 Američki ministar u Meksiku 1850. godine, Robert Letcher, bio je siguran da će "jadan jedanaesti članak" odvesti SAD u financijsku propast ako ga se ne ukine. Pet godina kasnije SAD su razriješene svih obveza članka XI i to zbog članka II Gadsdenovog ugovora potpisanog 1853. godine.

 Rezultati rata
thumb|left|250px|Američka okupacija Meksiko Cityja.
 Teritorijalne promjene
Meksički teritorij, prije odcjepljenja Teksasa, obuhvaćao je prostor od 4 400 000 km2, a nakon 1848. godine smanjen je ustupanjem teritorija na nešto manje od 800 000 km2. Dodatnih 32 000 km2 prodane su SAD-u nakon potpisa Gadsdenovog ugovora 1853. godine.

Pripojeni teritoriji, iako ih se njihovom veličinom moglo uspoređivati sa Zapadnom Europom, rijetko su bili naseljeni. Prostori su obuhvaćali otprilike 14 tisuća stanovnika Alta California i nešto manje od 60 tisuća stanovnika u Santa Feu kao i veliku količinu Indijanaca poput Navaja, Hopija i desetaka drugih. Premda se nekolicina preselila južnije u Meksiko, većina je odlučila ostati u SAD-u i postati američkim građanima iako su do tada već bili brojčano u manjini zbog američkih doseljenika. Upravo su ti doseljenici tvrdoglavo započeli nametati svoj jezik, zakonski sistem i općenito svoju kulturu nad originalnim stanovnicima područja koje je sada predstavljalo jugozapadni dio Sjedinjenih Država.

Američki doseljenici na jugozapadu otvoreno su izražavali svoj prezir prema meksičkom zakonu (građanski zakon koji je bio temeljen na zakonima Španjolske) kao stran i inferioran te su ga u potpunosti odbacili i uvodili svoje vlastite statute kada se god za to ukazala prilika. Međutim, prihvatili su neke aspekte meksičkog zakona i provodili ih i kroz svoj vlastiti.

 Mišljenje o ratu
U većini SAD-a pobjeda i akvizicija novih prostora dovela je do rasta patriotizma. Sama pobjeda označila je vjerovanje Demokrata u Nedvojbenu sudbinu (eng. Manifest Destiny). I dok se predstavnik stranke Whig Ralph Waldo Emerson protivio ratu "kao načinu postizanja američke sudbine", prihvatio je činjenicu da su se "veliki povijesni rezultati uvijek ostvarivali nečasnim načinima." Premda se stranka Whig protivila ratu za predsjedničke izbore 1848. godine izabrali su Zacharyja Taylora, uvelike hvalivši njegove vojne pothvate.

U Meksiko Cityju, u parku Chapultepec spomenik Niños Héroes označava herojsku žrtvu šestorice tinejdžera vojnika-kadeta koji su se, umjesto predaje, borili do smrti protiv američkih vojnih trupa tijekom bitke za dvorac Chapultepec 13. rujna 1847. godine. Spomenik označava jedan od najvažnijih patriotskih mjesta u čitavom Meksiku. Dana 5. ožujka 1947., gotovo stotinu godina nakon bitke, tadašnji američki predsjednik Harry S. Truman stavio je vijenac na spomenik i održao minutu šutnje za poginule.

 Efekti rata na Američki građanski rat
Mnogi vojskovođe na obje strane tijekom Američkog građanskog rata zajedno su se borili kao mladi časnici u Meksiku. Ta lista uključuje Ulyssesa S. Granta, Georgea B. McClellana, Ambrosea Burnsidea, Stonewalla Jacksona, Jamesa Longstreeta, Georgea Meadea, Roberta E. Leeja i budućeg predsjednika Konfederacije Američkih Država, Jeffersona Davisa.

Predsjednik Ulysses S. Grant, koji je kao mladi vojni poručnik služio u Meksiku pod vodstvom generala Taylora, u svojim memoarima objavljenima 1885. godine prisjetio se:

Grant je također izrazio i svoje mišljenje o tome da su zbog rata protiv Meksika SAD kažnjene građanskim ratom:

 Utjecaj rata u SAD-u
thumb|upright|Politički crtić o predsjedničkim izborima 1848. godine koji prikazuje Zacharyja Taylora ili Winfielda Scotta, dvojicu vodećih predsjedničkih kandidata stranke Whig.
Unatoč početnim prigovorima od strane članova stranke Whig i abolicionista, rat je u konačnici ujedinio SAD zbog svojeg cilja, a vodili su ga gotovo u potpunosti ratni dragovoljci. Od početnih 6 tisuća vojnika, vojska se povećala na više od 115 tisuća. Tek jedan i pol posto vojnika ubijeno je u bitkama, a gotovo njih 10% umrlo je od raznih bolesti; dodatnih 12% vojnika bilo je ozlijeđeno ili otpušteno iz vojske zbog bolesti (ili čak oboje).

Tijekom rata pojavile su se političke nesuglasice u SAD-u oko pitanja raspoređivanja osvojenog Meksika. Kratak pokret "Cijeli Meksiko" zagovarao je pripajanje kompletnog teritorija. Ratni veterani koji su vidjeli Meksiko iz prve ruke nisu bili pretjerano entuzijastični tom idejom. Oni koji su bili protiv robovlasništva također su se odupirali prijedlogu i čvrsto zagovarali isključivanje ropstva iz svih novo-stečenih teritorija. Zastupnički dom SAD-a 1847. godine odobrio je Wilmotov statut u kojem je bilo istaknuto da niti jedan novi teritorij ne smije postati robovlasnički. Međutim, statut nije prošao u Senatu niti kasnije u mirovnom sporazumu Guadalupe Hidalgo.

Mirovni sporazum Guadalupe Hidalgo bio je rezultat pregovaranja Nicholasa Trista koja uopće nisu bila odobrena. Američki Senat ga je odobrio tek 10. ožujka 1848. godine, a meksički kongres ratificirao 25. svibnja. Meksičko pripajanje Alta California i Santa Fea te njegovo priznanje suvereniteta SAD-a nad cijelim Teksasom sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande formalizirao je dodatak od 3 100 000 km2 SAD-u. U zamjenu, SAD su platile 15 milijuna dolara i preuzele dug meksičke vlade nad američkim građanima. Konačan dogovor u vezi teritorija i američko-meksičke granice postignut je Gadsdenovim ugovorom iz 1853. godine.

Sve do 1880. godine "Vodič Republikanske stranke" kojeg je napisao Republikanski kongresni odborMexican–American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook. definirao je rat kao "govnastu, smrdljivu korupciju" i "jedan od najmračnijih događaja u povijesti Amerike - rat koji je nametnut i Amerikancima i Meksikancima zbog velikih želja za prisvajanjem novih teritorija predsjednika Polka."

 Izvori

 Literatura
 Glavni izvori

Frazier, Donald S. ed. The U.S. and Mexico at War, (1998.), 584; enciklopedija sa 600 članaka koje je pisalo preko 200 znanstvenika

 Analize

De Voto, Bernard, Year of Decision 1846 (1942.), dobro napisana popularna povijest
Greenberg, Amy S. A Wicked War: Polk, Clay, Lincoln, and the 1846 U.S. Invasion of Mexico (2012.).
Henderson, Timothy J. A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States (2008.)
Meed, Douglas. The Mexican War, 1846–1848 (2003.). Kratka analiza.
Merry Robert W. A Country of Vast Designs: James K. Polk, the Mexican War and the Conquest of the American Continent (2009.)
Smith, Justin Harvey. The War with Mexico, Vol 1. (2 vol 1919), kompletan tekst na internetu.The War with Mexico, Vol 2. (1919.). kompletan tekst na internetu.

 Vojna literatura
Bauer K. Jack. Zachary Taylor: Soldier, Planter, Statesman of the Old Southwest. Louisiana State University Press, 1985.
Dishman, Christopher, A Perfect Gibraltar: The Battle for Monterrey, Mexico," University of Oklahoma Press, 2010. .
Eisenhower, John. So Far From God: The U.S. War with Mexico, Random House (1989.).
Eubank, Damon R., Response of Kentucky to the Mexican War, 1846–1848. (Edwin Mellen Press, 2004.), .
Foos, Paul. A Short, Offhand, Killing Affair: Soldiers and Social Conflict during the Mexican-War (2002.).
Fowler, Will. Santa Anna of Mexico (2007.) 527 stranica; velika znanstvena studija
Frazier, Donald S. The U.S. and Mexico at War, Macmillan (1998.).
Hamilton, Holman, Zachary Taylor: Soldier of the Republic, (1941.).
 Huston, James A. The Sinews of War: Army Logistics, 1775-1953 (1966.), U.S. Army; 755 stranica   online str. 125. – 58.
Lewis, Lloyd. Captain Sam Grant (1950.).
Johnson, Timothy D. Winfield Scott: The Quest for Military Glory (1998.)
McCaffrey, James M. Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846–1848 (1994.)isječci i tekstualno istraživanje
Smith, Justin H. "American Rule in Mexico," The American Historical Review Vol. 23, No. 2 (siječanj, 1918.), str. 287.–302. in JSTOR
Smith, Justin Harvey. The War with Mexico. 2 vol (1919.). Dobitnik Pulitzerove nagrade. kompletan tekst na internetu.
Winders, Richard Price. Mr. Polk’s Army: The American Military Experience in the Mexican War (1997.)

 Politička i diplomatska literatura
Beveridge; Albert J. Abraham Lincoln, 1809–1858. Volume: 1. 1928.
Brack, Gene M. Mexico Views Manifest Destiny, 1821–1846: An Essay on the Origins of the Mexican War (1975.).
Fowler, Will. Tornel and Santa Anna: The Writer and the Caudillo, Mexico, 1795–1853 (2000.).
Fowler, Will. Santa Anna of Mexico (2007) 527pp; the major scholarly study isječci i tekstualno istraživanje
Gleijeses, Piero. "A Brush with Mexico" Diplomatic History 2005 29(2): 223. – 254.  debate u Washingtonu prije početka rata.
Graebner, Norman A. Empire on the Pacific: A Study in American Continental Expansion. (1955.).
Graebner, Norman A. "Lessons of the Mexican War." Pacific Historical Review 47 (1978.): 325. – 42. u JSTOR.
Graebner, Norman A. "The Mexican War: A Study in Causation." Pacific Historical Review 49 (1980.): 405–26. u JSTOR.
Henderson, Timothy J. A Glorious Defeat: Mexico and Its War with the United States (2007.), analiza
Krauze, Enrique. Mexico: Biography of Power, (1997.), udžbenik.
Mayers, David; Fernández Bravo, Sergio A., "La Guerra Con Mexico Y Los Disidentes Estadunidenses, 1846–1848" [The War with Mexico and US Dissenters, 1846–48]. Secuencia [Mexico] 2004. (59): 32–70. .
Pinheiro, John C. Manifest Ambition: James K. Polk and Civil-Military Relations during the Mexican War (2007.).
Pletcher David M. The Diplomacy of Annexation: Texas, Oregon, and the Mexican War. University of Missouri Press, 1973.
Price, Glenn W. Origins of the War with Mexico: The Polk-Stockton Intrigue. University of Texas Press, 1967.
Reeves, Jesse S. "The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo," American Historical Review, Vol. 10, No. 2 (Jan., 1905), str. 309. – 324. u JSTOR.
Rives, George Lockhart. The United States and Mexico, 1821–1848: a history of the relations between the two countries from the independence of Mexico to the close of the war with the United States (1913) kompletan tekst na internetu
Rodríguez Díaz, María Del Rosario. "Mexico's Vision of Manifest Destiny During the 1847 War" Journal of Popular Culture 2001. 35(2): 41. – 50. .
Ruiz, Ramon Eduardo. Triumph and Tragedy: A History of the Mexican People, Norton 1992., udžbenik
Schroeder John H. Mr. Polk's War: American Opposition and Dissent, 1846–1848. University of Wisconsin Press, 1973.
Sellers Charles G. James K. Polk: Continentalist, 1843–1846 (1966), the standard biography prvi i drugi dio su na internetu kao e-knjige
Smith, Justin Harvey. The War with Mexico. 2 vol (1919). Dobitnik Pulitzerove nagrade. kompletan tekst na internetu.
Stephenson, Nathaniel Wright. Texas and the Mexican War: A Chronicle of Winning the Southwest. Yale University Press (1921.).
Weinberg Albert K. Manifest Destiny: A Study of Nationalist Expansionism in American History Johns Hopkins University Press, 1935.
Yanez, Agustin. Santa Anna: Espectro de una sociedad (1996.).

 Memoari i knjige iz povijesti
Faulk, Odie B., and Stout, Joseph A., Jr., eds. The Mexican War: Changing Interpretations (1974.)
Rodriguez, Jaime Javier. The Literatures of the U.S.-Mexican War: Narrative, Time, and Identity (Sveučilište u Teksasu; 2010.) 306 stranica. Obuhvaća radove Angloameričkih, meksičkih i meksičko-američkih pisaca.
Benjamin, Thomas. "Recent Historiography of the Origins of the Mexican War," New Mexico Historical Review, Ljeto 1979., Vol. 54 treće izdanje, str. 169. – 181.
Vázquez, Josefina Zoraida. "La Historiografia Sobre la Guerra entre Mexico y los Estados Unidos," ["The historiography of the war between Mexico and the United States"] Histórica (02528894), 1999., Vol. 23 drugo izdanje, str. 475. – 485.

 Primarni izvori
Calhoun, John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun. Vol. 23: 1846, ed. by Clyde N. Wilson and Shirley Bright Cook. (1996.). 598 str.
Calhoun, John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun. Vol. 24: December 7, 1846 – December 5, 1847 izdanje Clydea N. Wilsona i Shirley Bright Cook, (1998.). 727 str.
Conway, Christopher, ed. The U.S.-Mexican War: A Binational Reader (2010.)

Robinson, Cecil, The View From Chapultepec: Mexican Writers on the Mexican War, Sveučilište u Arizoni (Tucson, 1989.).

William Hugh Robarts, "Mexican War veterans: a complete roster of the regular and volunteer troops in the war between the United States and Mexico, from 1846 to 1848; the volunteers are arranged by states, alphabetically", BRENTANO'S (A. S. WITHERBEE & CO, Proprietors); WASHINGTON, D. C., 1887.

 Vanjske poveznice
 Vodiči, bibliografije i kolekcije
Library of Congress Guide to the Mexican War
The Handbook of Texas Online: Mexican War
Reading List  compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History
Mexican War Resources
The Mexican–American War, Illinois Historical Digitization Projects at Northern Illinois University Libraries

 Medijski i primarni izvori
Robert E. Lee Mexican War Maps in the VMI Archives
The Mexican War and the Media, 1845–1848
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and related resources at the U.S. Library of Congress
Letters of Winfield Scott including official reports from the front sent to the Secretary of War
Franklin Pierce's Journal on the March from Vera Cruz
Mexican–American War Time line
Animated History of the Mexican–American War

 Ostalo
PBS site of US-Mexican war program
Battle of Monterrey Web Site – Complete Info on the battle
A Continent Divided: The U.S. - Mexico War
Manifest Destiny and the U.S.-Mexican War: Then and Now
The Mexican War
Smithsonian teaching aids for "Establishing Borders: The Expansion of the United States, 1846–48"
A History by the Descendants of Mexican War Veterans
Mexican–American War
Invisible Men: Blacks and the U.S. Army in the Mexican War by Robert E. May

 Sestrinski projekti

Kategorija:Ratovi
Kategorija:Povijest Meksika
Kategorija:Povijest SAD-a (1789. – 1861.)

The expansion of the US territory to the Pacific coast was the then target of President James K. Polk, the leader of the Democratic Party.See Rives, The United States and Mexico, vol.

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The expansion of the US territory to the Pacific coast was the then target of President James K. Polk , the leader of the Democratic Party . See Rives , The United States and Mexico , vol .

Ekspanzija američkog teritorija sve do pacifičke obale bio je tadašnji cilj predsjednika Jamesa K. Polka, vođe Demokratske stranke.See Rives, The United States and Mexico, vol.

Ekspanzija američkog teritorija sve do pacifičke obale bio je tadašnji cilj predsjednika Jamesa K. Polka, vođe Demokratske stranke.See Rives, The United States and Mexico, vol.

The expansion of the US territory to the Pacific coast was the then target of President James K. Polk, the leader of the Democratic Party.See Rives, The United States and Mexico, vol.

The expansion of the US territory to the Pacific coast was the then target of President James K. Polk, the leader of the Democratic Party.See Rives, The United States and Mexico, vol.

After voting for its own independence from Spain in 1821, Mexico was filled with internal conflicts that led to the edge of the escape of the Civil War; however, all unanimously refused to recognize the independence of the state of Texas.

During his tenure, U.S. President James K. Polk oversaw the greatest territorial expansion of the United States to date. Polk accomplished this through the annexation of Texas in 1845, the negotiation of the Oregon Treaty with Great Britain in 1846, and the conclusion of the Mexican-American War in 1848, which ended with the signing and ratification of the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo in 1848.
The Battle of Veracruz
These events brought within the control of the United States the future states of Texas, California, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Washington, and Oregon, as well as portions of what would later become Oklahoma, Colorado, Kansas, Wyoming, and Montana.
Following Texas’ successful war of independence against Mexico in 1836, President Martin van Buren refrained from annexing Texas after the Mexicans threatened war. Accordingly, while the United States extended diplomatic recognition to Texas, it took no further action concerning annexation until 1844, when President John Tyler restarted negotiations with the Republic of Texas. His efforts culminated on April 12 in a Treaty of Annexation, an event that caused Mexico to sever diplomatic relations with United States. Tyler, however, lacked the votes in the Senate to ratify the treaty, and it was defeated by a wide margin in June. Shortly before he left office, Tyler tried again, this time through a joint resolution of both houses of Congress. With the support of President-elect Polk, Tyler managed to get the joint resolution passed on March 1, 1845, and Texas was admitted into the United States on December 29.
President John Tyler
While Mexico did not follow through with its threat to declare war if the United States annexed Texas, relations between the two nations remained tense due to Mexico’s disputed border with Texas. According to the Texans, their state included significant portions of what is today New Mexico and Colorado, and the western and southern portions of Texas itself, which they claimed extended to the Rio Grande River. The Mexicans, however, argued that the border only extended to the Nueces River, several miles to the north of the Rio Grande.
In July, 1845, Polk, who had been elected on a platform of expansionism, ordered the commander of the U.S. Army in Texas, Zachary Taylor, to move his forces into the disputed lands that lay between the Nueces and Rio Grande rivers. In November, Polk dispatched Congressman John Slidell to Mexico with instructions to negotiate the purchase of the disputed areas along the Texas-Mexican border, and the territory comprising the present-day states of New Mexico and California.
Following the failure of Slidell’s mission in May 1846, Polk used news of skirmishes between Mexican troops and Taylor’s army to gain Congressional support for a declaration of war against Mexico. The President neglected to inform Congress, however, that the Mexicans had used force only after Taylor’s troops had positioned themselves on the banks of the Rio Grande River, which was effectively Mexican territory. On May 13, 1846, the United States declared war on Mexico.
Following the capture of Mexico City in September 1847, Nicholas Trist, chief clerk of the Department of State and Polk's peace emissary, began negotiations for a peace treaty with the Mexican Government under terms similar to those pursued by Slidell the previous year. Polk soon grew concerned by Trist’s conduct, however, believing that he would not press for strong enough terms from the Mexicans, and because Trist became a close friend of General Winfield Scott, a Whig who was thought to be a strong contender for his party’s presidential nomination for the 1848 election. Furthermore, the war had encouraged expansionist Democrats to call for a complete annexation of Mexico. Polk recalled Trist in October.
Chief Clerk of the Department of State, Nicholas Trist
Believing that he was on the cusp of an agreement with the Mexicans, Trist ignored the recall order and presented Polk with the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, which was signed in Mexico City on February 2, 1848. Under the terms of the treaty, Mexico ceded to the United States approximately 525,000 square miles (55% of its prewar territory) in exchange for a $15 million lump sum payment, and the assumption by the U.S. Government of up to $3.25 million worth of debts owed by Mexico to U.S. citizens.
While Polk would have preferred a more extensive annexation of Mexican territory, he realized that prolonging the war would have disastrous political consequences and decided to submit the treaty to the Senate for ratification. Although there was substantial opposition to the treaty within the Senate, on March 10, 1848, it passed by a razor-thin margin of 38 to 14.
The war had another significant outcome. On August 8, 1846, Congressman David Wilmot introduced a rider to an appropriations bill that stipulated that “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist” in any territory acquired by the United States in the war against Mexico. While Southern senators managed to block adoption of the so-called “Wilmot Proviso,” it nonetheless provoked a political firestorm. The question of whether slavery could expand throughout the United States continue to fester until the defeat of the Confederacy in 1865.

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which american state refused to recognize the independence of mexico in 1821

Question: what war was mexico at the edge of

Question: why did mexico vote for independence from spain

why did mexico vote for independence from spain

Question: mexico voted for its independence from which country

mexico voted for its independence from which country

Question: which country voted for its independence from spain in 1821

which country voted for its independence from spain in 1821

After voting for its own independence from Spain in 1821 , Mexico was filled with internal conflicts that led to the edge of the escape of the Civil War ; however , all unanimously refused to recognize the independence of the state of Texas .

Pozadina sukoba Nakon što se izborio za vlastitu nezavisnost od Španjolske 1821. godine, Meksiko je bio prepun unutarnjih sukoba koji su doveli do ruba izbivanja građanskog rata; ipak svi su jednoglasno odbili priznati nezavisnost države Teksas.

Pozadina sukoba Nakon što se izborio za vlastitu nezavisnost od Španjolske 1821. godine, Meksiko je bio prepun unutarnjih sukoba koji su doveli do ruba izbivanja građanskog rata; ipak svi su jednoglasno odbili priznati nezavisnost države Teksas.

After voting for its own independence from Spain in 1821, Mexico was filled with internal conflicts that led to the edge of the escape of the Civil War; however, all unanimously refused to recognize the independence of the state of Texas.

After voting for its own independence from Spain in 1821, Mexico was filled with internal conflicts that led to the edge of the escape of the Civil War; however, all unanimously refused to recognize the independence of the state of Texas.

All of this led to the fact that Stephen F. Austin invited Texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands.

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REPUBLIC OF TEXAS. In the fall of 1835 many Texans, both Anglo-American colonists and Tejanos, concluded that liberalism and republicanism in Mexico, as reflected in its Constitution of 1824, were dead. The dictatorship of President Antonio López de Santa Anna, supported by rich landowners, had seized control of the governments and subverted the constitution. As dissension and discord mounted in Texas, both on the military front and at the seat of the provisional government of the Consultation at San Felipe, the colonists agreed that another popular assembly was needed to chart a course of action. On December 10, 1835, the General Council of the provisional government issued a call for an election on February 1, 1836, to choose forty-four delegates to assemble on March 1 at Washington-on-the-Brazos. These delegates represented the seventeen Texas municipalities and the small settlement at Pecan Point on the Red River. The idea of independence from Mexico was growing. The Consultation sent Branch T. Archer, William H. Wharton, and Stephen F. Austin to the United States to solicit men, money, supplies, and sympathy for the Texas cause. At New Orleans, in early January of 1836, the agents found enthusiastic support, but advised that aid would not be forthcoming so long as Texans squabbled over whether to sustain the Mexican constitution. They then proceeded to Washington and separated: Wharton remained in the capital, Archer went to Richmond, and Austin headed for New York City.
The convention held at Washington-on-the-Brazos on March 1, 1836, was quite different from the Consultation. Forty-one delegates were present at the opening session, and fifty-nine individuals attended the convention at some time. Two delegates (José Francisco Ruiz and José Antonio Navarro of Bexar) were native Texans, and one (Lorenzo de Zavala) had been born in Mexico. Only ten of the delegates had been in Texas by 1836. A majority were from other places-primarily from the United States, but also from Europe. Two-thirds of the delegates were not yet forty years old. Several had broad political experience. Samuel P. Carson of Pecan Point and Robert Potter of Nacogdoches had served, respectively, in the North Carolina legislature and in the United States House of Representatives. Richard Ellis, representing the Red River district and president of the convention, and Martin Parmer of San Augustine, had participated in constitutional conventions in Alabama (1819) and Missouri (1821), respectively. Sam Houston, a former United States congressman and governor of Tennessee, was a close friend of United States president Andrew Jackson. Houston was chosen commander in chief of the revolutionary army and left the convention early to take charge of the forces gathering at Gonzales. He had control of all troops in the field-militia, volunteers, and regular army enlistees. The convention delegates knew they must declare independence-or submit to Mexican authority. If they chose independence they had to draft a constitution for a new nation, establish a strong provisional government, and prepare to combat the Mexican armies invading Texas.
On March 1 George C. Childress, who had recently visited President Jackson in Tennessee, presented a resolution calling for independence. At its adoption, the chairman of the convention appointed Childress to head a committee of five to draft a declaration of independence. When the committee met that evening, Childress drew from his pocket a statement he had brought from Tennessee that followed the outline and main features of the United States Declaration of Independence. The next day, March 2, the delegates unanimously adopted Childress's suggestion for independence. Ultimately fifty-eight members signed the document. Thus was born the Republic of Texas.
The convention declared all able-bodied men ages seventeen to fifty liable for military duty and offered land bounties of 320 to 1,280 acres for service from three months to one year. Those men who left Texas to avoid military service, refused to participate, or gave aid to the enemy would forfeit their rights of citizenship and the lands they held in the republic. The convention also halted public land sales and closed the land offices. It authorized its agents in the United States to seek a $1 million loan and pledge land for its redemption. With the declaration of independence, the chairman appointed one person from each municipality to a committee to draft a constitution. If one individual can be designated the "father of the Texas Constitution," it should be David Thomas, who chaired the committee, spoke for the group, and put the draft together. The convention adopted the document about midnight on March 16.
The Constitution of the Republic of Texas was patterned after that of the United States and several Southern states. It provided for a unitary, tripartite government consisting of a legislature, an executive, and a judiciary. The arrangement was more like that of a state than a federal system of states bound together by a central government. The document specified that the president would serve three years and could not succeed himself in office. He would be the commander in chief of the army, navy, and militia, but could not "command in person" without the permission of Congress. There would be a two-house Congress. The House of Representatives would comprise from 24 to 40 members until the population reached 100,000; thereafter the number of seats would increase from 40 to 100. Members would serve one-year terms. The number of seats in the Senate would be "not less than one-third nor more than one-half that of the House." Senators were to serve three-year overlapping terms, with one-third elected each year. The constitution legalized slavery but prohibited the foreign slave trade. Immigrants from the United States could bring slaves with them. Free Blacks could not live in Texas without the consent of Congress. No minister of the Gospel could hold public office. The constitution also contained a bill of rights. An ad interim government would direct affairs until general elections were possible.
With news that the Alamo had fallen and Mexican armies were marching eastward, the convention hastily adopted the constitution, signed it, and elected an ad interim government: David G. Burnet, president; Lorenzo de Zavala, vice president; Samuel P. Carson, secretary of state; Thomas J. Rusk, secretary of war; Bailey Hardeman, secretary of the treasury; Robert Potter, secretary of the navy; and David Thomas, attorney general. The delegates then quickly abandoned Washington-on-the-Brazos. The government officers, learning that Houston's army had crossed the Colorado River near the site of present La Grange (Fayette County) on March 17 and was retreating eastward, fled to Harrisburg and then to Galveston Island. With news of the Texan victory at San Jacinto, the Burnet government hastened to the battlefield and began negotiations to end the war. On May 14 at Velasco, Texas officials had Santa Anna sign two treaties, one public and one secret. The public treaty ended hostilities and restored private property. Texan and Mexican prisoners were to be released, and Mexican troops would retire beyond the Rio Grande. By the terms of the secret treaty, Texas was to take Santa Anna to Veracruz and release him. In return, he agreed to seek Mexican government approval of the two treaties and to negotiate a permanent treaty that acknowledged Texas independence and recognized its boundary as the Rio Grande. Military activity continued briefly along the Gulf Coast. On June 2 Maj. Isaac W. Burton, leading twenty mounted rangers, contacted a suspicious vessel in Copano Bay and signaled the vessel to send its boat ashore. His men captured the vessel, named the Watchman, and found it loaded with supplies for the Mexican army. On the seventeenth Burton seized the Comanche and the Fannie Butler, which were carrying provisions for the enemy valued at $25,000. Word soon reached Texas that the Mexican Congress had repudiated Santa Anna, rejected his treaties, and ordered the war with Texas to continue.
There was a widespread clamor that Santa Anna should be put to death, and on June 4-after the dictator, his secretary Ramón Martínez Caro, and Col. Juan N. Almonte had been put aboard the Invincible to be returned to Veracruz-Gen. Thomas Jefferson Green, who had just arrived from the United States with volunteers, compelled President Burnet to remove the Mexicans from the vessel and confine them. On June 25 Burnet appointed as secretary of war Mirabeau B. Lamar, a major general, to succeed Rusk, who had asked to be relieved. But with word that Gen. José de Urrea was advancing on Goliad, Rusk changed his mind about retiring. Thomas Jefferson Green and Felix Huston, who had brought volunteers from Mississippi, stirred up the soldiers against Lamar, and Rusk resumed command. When Urrea failed to appear, Rusk vacated his command and the army chose Huston to replace him. Army unrest continued as the officers openly defied the government and threatened to impose a military dictatorship.
There were also other problems. On the morning of May 19, Comanche and Caddo Indians attacked Fort Parker, on the Navasota River some sixty miles above the settlements, and carried into captivity two women and three children. The government lacked the men and resources to retaliate. Communications were poor, roads were few, and there was no regular mail system. The treasury was empty, the new nation's credit was in low repute, money was scarce. There was much confusion over land titles. Many families were nearly destitute. They had lost heavily in the Runaway Scrape after the fall of the Alamo, and upon returning home found their property ravaged and their stock consumed or scattered. By July Burnet and his cabinet began shifting responsibilities. The ad interim president called an election for the first Monday in September to set up a government under the constitution. The voters were asked to (1) approve the constitution, (2) authorize Congress to amend the constitution, (3) elect a president, other officers, and members of Congress, and (4) express their views on annexation to the United States.
The choice of a president caused concern. Henry Smith, governor of the provisional government, quickly announced his candidacy for the office. Stephen F. Austin also entered the race, but he had accumulated enemies because of the land speculations of his business associate Samuel May Williams. Many newcomers to Texas knew little of Austin, and some thought he had been too slow in supporting the idea of independence. Rusk refused to run. Finally, just eleven days before the election, Sam Houston became an active candidate. On election day, September 5, Houston received 5,119 votes, Smith 743, and Austin 587. Lamar, the "keenest blade" at San Jacinto, was elected vice president. Houston received strong support from the army and from those who believed that his election would ensure internal stability and hasten recognition by world powers and early annexation to the United States. He was also expected to stand firm against Mexico and seek recognition of Texas independence. The people voted overwhelmingly to accept the constitution and to seek annexation, but they denied Congress the power of amendment.
The First Texas Congress assembled at Columbia on October 3, 1836. It consisted of fourteen senators and twenty-nine representatives. The next day ad interim President Burnet delivered a valedictory address. He urged Congress to authorize land grants to the veterans of the revolution and reminded his listeners that the national debt stood at $1,250,000. On October 22 Houston took the oath of office as president before a joint session of Congress. In his inaugural, he stressed the need for peace treaties with the Indians and for constant vigilance regarding "our national enemies-the Mexicans." He hoped to see Texas annexed to the United States. Houston requested the Senate to confirm his cabinet appointments. He named Stephen F. Austin to be secretary of state; Henry Smith, secretary of the treasury; Thomas J. Rusk and Samuel Rhoads Fisher secretary of war and secretary of the navy, respectively; and James Pinckney Henderson, attorney general. When Congress later established the office of postmaster general, Houston named Robert Barr of Nacogdoches to that post, and at Barr's death chose John Rice Jones, who had held the office under the provisional government, as his successor. Jones patterned the Texas postal system, which was placed in 1841 under the State Department, after that of the United States. All persons transporting mail for the Post Office Department during 1837 could take payment in land at fifty cents an acre and pay expenses. Postal rates were 6¼ cents for the first twenty miles, and rose to 12½ cents for up to fifty miles. The rates applied to one-page letters folded over and addressed on the front. Envelopes came into use around 1845.
Congress adopted a flag and a seal for the new republic. The first national flag had "an azure ground, with a large golden star central." In January of 1839, the flag was redesigned to have a blue perpendicular stripe one-third the its length, a white star with five points in the center of the blue field, and two horizontal stripes of equal width, the upper being white and the lower red. This "Lone Star Flag" remained the state flag after annexation. Provisional governor Smith had used a large overcoat button with a star for a seal. This design led Congress on December 10 to decree that the seal would be circular with a single star and the words "Republic of Texas" encircling it. In 1839 Congress decreed that the seal should include "a white star of five points, on an azure ground, encircled by an olive and live oak branches, and the letters Republic of Texas."
The court system inaugurated by Congress included a Supreme Court consisting of a chief justice appointed by the president and four associate justices, elected by a joint ballot of both houses of Congress for four-year terms and eligible for reelection. The associates also presided over four judicial districts. Houston nominated James Collinsworth to be the first chief justice. The county-court system consisted of a chief justice and two associates, chosen by a majority of the justices of the peace in the county. Each county was also to have a sheriff, a coroner, justices of the peace, and constables to serve two-year terms. Congress formed twenty-three counties, whose boundaries generally coincided with the existing municipalities.
The choice of a national capital proved difficult, and each house appointed a committee to make recommendations. The Senate selected Nacogdoches, while the lower house favored a site at San Jacinto. On November 14, the two houses agreed on a temporary location. Augustus Chapman Allen and John Kirby Allen, two brothers who were promoting a new town named Houston on Buffalo Bayou, offered to provide buildings for the government and lodgings for congressmen. Congress chose Houston to be the temporary capital, and the government moved there in April 1837.
On December 19, 1836, the Texas Congress unilaterally set the boundaries of the republic. It declared the Rio Grande to be the southern boundary, even though Mexico had refused to recognize Texas independence. The eastern border with Louisiana presented problems. Houston took up the matter with the United States through diplomatic channels, and a treaty was signed in Washington on April 25, 1838, which provided that each government would appoint a commissioner and a surveyor to run the boundary. Texas chose Memucan Hunt and John Overton to join their United States counterparts at the mouth of the Sabine River. The work stalled when the commissioners could not agree on whether Sabine Lake was the "Sabine river" named in the treaty. On November 24, 1849, after annexation, the United States Congress recognized the Texas claim that the boundary ran through the middle of the lake.
National defense and frontier protection also claimed Houston's attention. Threats of a Mexican invasion and the fear of Indian raids kept the western counties in turmoil. Congress passed several acts dealing with frontier defense. In December 1836 it authorized a military force of 3,587 men and a battalion of 280 mounted riflemen, and appropriated funds to build forts and trading posts to encourage and supervise Indian trade. In case of a Mexican invasion, Congress empowered Houston to accept 40,000 volunteers from the United States. President Houston took a practical view of the situation. He downplayed Mexican threats, labeling them braggadocio and bombast. If the enemy invaded, he reasoned, Texans would rush to defend their homes. Ranger units on the frontier could handle the Indian situation. Houston's primary concern was to negotiate treaties with the Indians ensuring fair treatment. As for the army, Houston feared that Felix Huston, the commander and a military adventurer, might commit a rash act. He sent Albert Sidney Johnston to replace him. When Johnston reached Camp Independence, near Texana, on February 4, 1837, Huston challenged him to a duel and severely wounded him. Huston retained command, but later relinquished his position to Johnston. In May General Johnston left for New Orleans to seek medical attention and turned over his command to a Colonel Rodgers. The temporary commander urged the soldiers to march on the capital at Houston, "chastise the President" for his weak defense policies, "kick Congress out of doors, and give laws to Texas." At the same time Huston came to Houston and raised a clamor for a campaign against Mexico. When the general visited the president, Houston treated him cordially, but promptly ordered acting secretary of war William S. Fisher to furlough three of the four army regiments. The remaining troops were gradually disbanded. Houston planned to depend on the militia, ranger companies, and troops called for special duty.
Houston hoped, by keeping military units out of the Indian country and seeking treaties with various tribes, to avoid difficulties with the Indians. He sent friendly "talks" to the Shawnees, Cherokees, Alabama-Coushattas, Lipans, Tehuacanas, Tonkawas, Comanches, Kichais, and other groups. The most pressing problem involved the Cherokees, who had settled on rich lands along the Sabine and elsewhere in East Texas. Neither Spain nor Mexico had given them title to their lands. At the time of the Texas Revolution, the Consultation, hoping to keep the Cherokees and their associated bands quiet, sent Sam Houston to make a treaty guaranteeing them title to their land, and they had remained quiet during the difficult days. When Houston became president, he submitted the Cherokee treaty to the Senate for ratification, but that body killed it in December 1837. In October 1838 Houston authorized agents to run a line between the settlements and the properties of the Cherokees and associate bands, per the treaty of 1836, but he had to halt the project when difficulties developed.
Land disposal presented another problem that Houston grappled. In 1836 the Republic of Texas had a public domain of 251,579,800 acres (minus 26,280,000 acres granted before the revolution). This land eventually freed Texas from debt, pay for military services and public buildings, and provided endowments for many of her institutions. The Texas Congress had voted liberal land laws in 1836. Under the constitution, the heads of families (Blacks and American Indians excepted) living in Texas on March 2, 1836, could apply for a square league (4,428 acres) and a labor (177.1 acres) of land. Single men over age seventeen could receive one-third of a league. No one was required to live on the land. To encourage settlement, Congress also offered immigrants arriving between March 2, 1836, and October 1, 1837, a grant of 1,280 acres for heads of families and 640 acres for single men. Congress later allowed 640 acres and 320 acres, respectively, to heads of family and single men arriving after October 1, 1837, and before January 1, 1842. However, all immigrants arriving after March 2, 1836, had to live in Texas three years to receive clear title. Texas Revolution veterans arriving before August 1, 1836, received the same grants as original colonists and if permanently disabled could claim an additional 640 acres (known as donation grants). Veterans of the battle of San Jacinto (including those wounded on April 20 before the battle and members of the baggage and camp guard), participants in the siege of Bexar, and the heirs and survivors of those who died at the Alamo or had served in the Matamoros and Goliad campaigns could receive additional land. Grants were given for postrevolution military service varying from 320 acres for three months' duty to 1,240 acres for twelve months'.
Land sales, however, ran into problems. Texas offered land scrip or land at fifty cents an acre, when public land in the United States was $1.25 an acre, but the republic actually made few sales. Scrip sales ran into the problems of depreciated currency and forged certificates. Despite the cheap selling price, land acquisition could be costly, since applicants had to pay for locating, surveying, and obtaining title, services that amounted to about one-third the value of the land. Because old settlers and veterans were not required to live upon the land to obtain title, they frequently sold their certificates to others who located land outside the settlements. This land often sat ten or more years before it became part of a county. To encourage home ownership Congress enacted a homestead law on January 26, 1839. The act, patterned somewhat after legislation of Coahuila and Texas, guaranteed every citizen or head of family in the republic "fifty acres of land or one town lot, including his or her homestead, and improvements not exceeding five hundred dollars in value." Earlier, in December 1836, Congress had voted to reopen the land offices closed by the Permanent Council and the Consultation. Houston vetoed the bill, saying that existing land claims should be validated before new surveys were made. Congress passed the law over his veto, but in December 1837, before it went into effect, the succeeding Congress enacted a more comprehensive land act. It called for opening a land office for the use of old settlers and soldiers in February 1838, and for all others six months later. Houston vetoed the bill, but saw it passed over his veto. As Congress refused to modify the land laws, Houston kept the General Land Office closed throughout his administration.
Meeting in special session in May 1837 in Houston, the First Congress instituted a commission-at-large to locate a permanent capital. The commission recommended Bastrop (first choice), Washington-on-the Brazos, San Felipe, and Gonzales. As no action was taken, in December Congress selected a site commission from its members, and in April 1838, the group picked a vacant tract on the Colorado near La Grange. In January 1839 under the Lamar administration, Congress authorized still a third commission, drawn from its membership. It stipulated that the site be between the Trinity and Colorado rivers and north of the Old San Antonio Road and recommended that the capital be named Austin. The commissioners selected the frontier settlement of Waterloo, on the east bank of the Colorado some thirty-five miles above Bastrop, and purchased 7,135 acres of land there for $21,000. The site was surveyed into city lots, and construction began on government buildings, hotels, business houses, and homes. The Texas government moved to Austin in October 1839.
Two days after the constitutional convention adjourned in March 1836, President Burnet had sent George Childress and Robert Hamilton, probably the wealthiest man in Texas to sign the Texas Declaration of Independence, to Washington to seek recognition of the new republic. These two men joined the three agents (Austin, Archer, and Wharton) already there. Childress and Hamilton met with Secretary of State John Forsyth, but they carried no official documents to prove that Texas had a de facto government, and he refused to negotiate. In May Burnet recalled all the agents and appointed James Collinsworth, who had been Burnet's secretary of state from April 29 to May 23, and Peter W. Grayson, the attorney general, to replace them. They were instructed to ask the United States to mediate to end the hostilities between Texas and Mexico and obtain recognition of Texas independence. They also were to stress the republic's interest in annexation. During the summer of 1836 President Jackson sent Henry M. Morfit, a State Department clerk, as a special agent to Texas to collect information on the republic's population, strength, and ability to maintain independence. In August, Morfit filed his report. He estimated the population at 30,000 Anglo-Americans, 3,478 Tejanos, 14,200 American Indians, of which 8,000 belonged to civilized tribes that had migrated from the United States, and a slave population of 5,000, plus a few free Blacks. The population was small, Texas independence was far from secure, the government had a heavy debt, and there was a vast tract of contested vacant land between the settlements and the Rio Grande. Morfit advised the United States to delay recognition. In his annual message to Congress on December 21, 1836, Jackson cited Morfit's report and stated that the United States traditionally had accorded recognition only when a new community could maintain its independence. Texas was threatened by "an immense disparity of physical force on the side of Mexico," which might recover its lost dominion. Jackson left the disposition of the matter to Congress.
In the meantime, Houston, recently elected president of Texas, recalled Grayson and Collinsworth and dispatched William H. Wharton to Washington with instructions to seek recognition on both de jure and de facto grounds. If Wharton succeeded he would present his credentials as minister. Memucan Hunt soon joined him. They reported that Powhatan Ellis, United States minister to Mexico, had arrived in Washington and stated that Mexico was filled with anarchy, revolution, and bankruptcy. It would be impossible for her to invade Texas. France, Great Britain, and the United States were clamoring for the payment of claims of their citizens against Mexico. On March 1, 1837, the United States Congress, receiving memorials and petitions demanding the recognition of Texas independence, passed a resolution to provide money for "a diplomatic agent" to Texas. Jackson signed the resolution and appointed Alcée Louis La Branche of Louisiana to be chargé d'affaires to the Republic of Texas. The United States Congress adjourned on July 9, 1838, without acting upon the question of annexation. Houston replaced Hunt with Anson Jones, a member of the Texas Congress. Jones had introduced a resolution urging Houston to withdraw the offer of annexation, saying that Texas had grown in strength and resources and no longer needed ties with the United States. In Washington on October 12, 1838, Jones informed Secretary Forsyth that Texas had withdrawn its request for annexation. The issue lay dormant for several years.
In the fall of 1838 Houston sent James Pinckney Henderson abroad to seek recognition of Texas by England and France. The withdrawal of the annexation proposal in Washington helped facilitate his mission. France, being at war with Mexico, signed a treaty on September 25, 1839, recognizing Texas independence. England, in spite of slavery in the young republic and her desire to see the abolition of slavery worldwide, could not stand idly by and see France gain influence and trade privileges in Texas. Also, England had just settled the Maine boundary issue with the United States but faced hostilities over her claims in Oregon and the controversial Pacific Northwest boundary. She needed a supply of cotton if war came. In the fall of 1840, Lord Aberdeen announced that Her Majesty's government would recognize Texas independence, and on November 13–16, three treaties were signed that dealt with independence, commerce and navigation, and suppression of the African slave trade. A month earlier, on September 18, Texas had concluded a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with the Netherlands. The three treaties with England were not ratified until December 1841, soon after Houston's election for a second term to the Texas presidency. Houston named Ashbel Smith minister to Great Britain and France and sent James Reily to represent Texas in Washington, D.C. He instructed both men to get the three nations to exert pressure on Mexico for peace and recognition.
During Houston's first administration (1836–38), the public debt of the republic soared from approximately $1,250,000 to $3,250,000. Houston's successor, Mirabeau B. Lamar, pursued aggressive policies toward Mexico and the Indians that added $4,855,000. In his second administration (1841–44) Houston and Congress pursued a policy of retrenchment and economy. The president abolished a number of offices in the government and in the army, combined or downgraded others, and cut salaries. Congress repealed the $5 million loan authorization voted earlier, as Texas had been unable to obtain money in the United States or Europe, and even reduced the pay of its own members. However, the Congress had overlooked an 1839 act that authorized the president to seek a loan of $1 million, and in June 1842, when he was considering a campaign against Mexico, Houston arranged to borrow that amount from Alexandre Bourgeois d'Orvanne of New Orleans. Congress also suspended payments on the public debt until the republic could meet its operating expenses. In his second term, Houston spent $511,000, only $100,000 of which went to Indian affairs. Though income slowly began to equal expenditures, at the time of annexation the public debt had risen to about $12 million.
Although Texas had no incorporated or private bank during the days of the republic, an effort was made to form a monstrous banking institution. The first Congress granted a ninety-eight-year charter to the Texas Railroad, Navigation, and Banking Company, whose sponsors included a number of prominent Texans. The company could capitalize at $5 million, enjoy extensive banking privileges, and offer loans to build canals and railroads to connect the Rio Grande and Sabine River. Opposition to the company developed when Branch T. Archer, a sponsor, tried to pay into the Texas treasury in discounted paper money the $25,000 required in gold and silver to launch the bank. The bank became the first political issue in the Houston administration. The constitution empowered Congress to coin money and decreed that gold and silver coins would be lawful tender with the same value as in the United States. The republic, however, never minted any coins.
Texas met her expenses in various ways. Officials sold confiscated and captured Mexican property and sought funds among well-wishers in the United States and elsewhere. The Bank of the United States in Philadelphia loaned the republic $457,380. Texas also sold land scrip in the United States for fifty cents an acre. As scrip sales were disappointing, Congress approved the issuance of paper money and, on June 9, 1837, authorized $500,000 in promissory notes bearing 10 percent interest and redeemable in twelve months. The notes began circulating on November 1. For note redemption, Congress pledged one-fourth of the proceeds from the sale of Matagorda and Galveston islands, a half million acres of public domain, all forfeited lands, and the faith of the republic. The notes were not to be reissued at maturity and depreciated very little. A replacement issue, called "engraved interest notes," declined in value from sixty-five cents on the dollar in May 1838 to forty cents by January 1839. The total face value of notes placed in circulation in 1837–38 was $1,165,139. The treasury also accepted audited government drafts. The Texas Congress approved "change notes" (treasury notes) up to $10,000 and specified that customs duties be paid in specie or treasury notes. As imports exceeded exports, gold and silver quickly drained from the republic. During the Lamar administration (1838–41), to curtail smuggling and increase tariff collection, Congress lowered rates nearly to a free-trade basis, but saw no positive effect. Direct taxes and license fees could be paid in depreciated currency until February 1842. On January 19, 1839, Congress approved non-interest-bearing promissory notes, called "red-backs." The treasury issued $2,780,361 in red-backs, valued at 37½ cents on the dollar in specie; these were worthless within three years. United States notes also circulated in Texas. Lamar appointed James Hamilton, a banker and former governor of South Carolina, to negotiate the authorized $5 million loan in either Europe or the United States, but Hamilton's attempts proved fruitless.
After the defeat at San Jacinto, Mexico sought to stir up discontent in Texas. Military commanders knew that there were restless groups around Nacogdoches and among various Indian tribes, and sent agents to East Texas to promote dissension. In the late summer of 1838, a rebellion flared near Nacogdoches. Vicente Córdova, a prominent citizen, organized a Mexican-Indian combination and disclaimed allegiance to Texas. Maj. Gen. Thomas J. Rusk, the local militia commander, called for volunteers. Córdova boldly attacked Rusk's camp on September 16, but was repulsed. In early March of 1839, with fifty-three Mexicans, a few American Indians, and six Blacks, Córdova sought to travel from the upper Trinity along the frontier to Matamoros. Near Austin, scouts discovered his trail, and Col. Edward Burleson at Bastrop gathered eighty men and broke up the Córdova party on Mill Creek near the Guadalupe River. In May, Manuel Flores, a Mexican agent, left Matamoros to contact Córdova, unaware of his flight. Texas Rangers intercepted Flores's party near Onion Creek, killed the emissary, and dispersed his men.
Upon taking office in December 1838, Lamar was convinced that the Cherokees were in treasonable correspondence with the Mexicans, and launched a campaign that drove them from Texas. Soldiers also forced the Shawnees, Alabamas, and Coushattas to abandon their hunting grounds; the last two tribes were given lands in East Texas. Speculators and settlers swarmed into vacated Indian land. Lamar also wanted to end Comanche depredations on the frontier. In 1839 ranger parties based in San Antonio invaded Comanche country and fought several engagements. Aware of the Cherokee expulsion, the Comanches sent a small delegation to San Antonio to talk peace. Texas authorities agreed to negotiate if the Indians brought in their White captives. On March 19, 1840, sixty-five Comanches showed up with one White prisoner, a twelve-year old girl by the name of Matilda Lockhart. Matilda said the Comanches had other prisoners. The Texans demanded the remaining prisoners and tried to hold the Indians as hostages. In what became known as the Council House Fight, thirty-five Indians and seven Texans were killed. Furious over the massacre, the Comanches killed their captives and descended several hundred strong on San Antonio but were unable to coax a fight and therefore rode away. Beginning in July the Comanches hit the frontier counties in force, with some 1,000 warriors descending the Guadalupe valley toward the coast. At Plum Creek, near the site of present Lockhart, Capt. Mathew Caldwell, Col. Edward Burleson, and General Felix Huston combined their forces and scattered the marauders (seePLUM CREEK, BATTLE OF). In October Col. John H. Moore attacked Comanche camps west of the settlement line. Near the site of present-day Colorado City, his force surprised and killed more than 130 Indians.
In his second term as president, Sam Houston continued to negotiate with the Indian tribes and sought to rescue White captives. His policy of conciliation proved successful and was far less expensive than Lamar's policy. In August 1842, Houston tried to contact the Apaches and other tribes in Northwest Texas, and in October he met the Lipan Apaches and Tonkawas at the Waco village (seeWICHITA INDIANS) on the Brazos. The president wanted to establish trading houses on the Brazos, believing that these establishments, lying west of the settlements, would provide protection. Coffee's Station, opened in 1837 on the Red River on a north-south Indian trail, had been successful. John F. Torrey started posts at Austin, San Antonio, and New Braunfels and near Waco. Houston became a stockholder in the Torrey trading houses. On September 29, 1843, Edward H. Tarrant and George W. Terrell concluded a treaty with nine Indian tribes at Bird's Fort near the site of present Arlington. The Senate ratified the treaty, but the government made no demarcation line between White and Indian territory. The largest Indian council held in the republic met in October 1844 near Waco, where a treaty was concluded with the Waco, Tawakoni, Kichai, and Wichita Indians.
Presidents of the republic could not succeed themselves. Toward the end of Houston's first term as president, which ended on December 10, 1838, Lamar announced his candidacy. Houston supporters tried to get Rusk to run, but he refused. Also Rusk lacked two months meeting the constitutional age requirement. Houston supporters next endorsed Peter W. Grayson, the attorney general, who had worked in Washington, but on his way back to Texas Grayson committed suicide at Bean's Station in eastern Tennessee. The Houstonites then approached Chief Justice James Collinsworth, but in late July he fell overboard in Galveston Bay and drowned. Lamar campaigned vigorously, promised to remedy the mistakes of the Houston administration, and won by a vote of 6,995 to 252 over Senator Robert Wilson, who represented Liberty and Harrisburg (later Harris) counties. David Burnet, the former ad interim president, was elected vice president. At the Lamar inaugural in Houston on December 10, Houston appeared in colonial costume and powdered wig and gave a three-hour "Farewell Address." Algernon P. Thompson, Lamar's secretary, reported that the new president was indisposed and read his inaugural remarks. Lamar picked Barnard E. Bee to be secretary of state, retained Robert Barr as postmaster general, asked Albert Sidney Johnston to be secretary of war, and made Memucan Hunt secretary of the navy. Richard G. Dunlap and John C. Watrous were appointed secretary of the treasury and attorney general, respectively.
In his message to the Texas Congress on December 21, President Lamar spoke against annexation. He saw no value in a tie with the United States, and predicted that Texas could someday become a great nation extending to the Pacific. Lamar called for far-reaching public programs. He recommended the establishment of a national bank, owned and operated by the government, and urged the establishment of public free schools and the founding of a university. He wanted the municipal code reformed to coordinate Mexican and United States law in the republic. He also wanted increased protection for the western frontier. He declared that neither the native nor the immigrant tribes had a cause of complaint and denied that the Cherokees or others had legal claims to land. Lamar recommended the building of military posts along the frontier, and the formation of a permanent military force capable of protecting the nation's borders. He promised to prosecute the war against Mexico until Mexico recognized Texas independence. He stated that Texas needed a navy to protect its commerce on the high seas and urged legislation to reserve all minerals for government use as well as a program to turn them to the advantage of the nation. Lamar favored continuing the tariff, but hoped some day to see Texas ports free and open. Congress responded to his message by authorizing a force of fifteen companies to be stationed in military colonies at eight places on the frontier. These were to be located on the Red River, at the Three Forks of the Trinity, on the Brazos, on the Colorado River, on the Saint Marks (San Marcos) River, near the headwaters of Cibolo Creek, on the Frio River, and on the Nueces. At each site, three leagues of land was to be surveyed into 160-acre tracts, and each soldier who fulfilled his enlistment would receive a tract. Bona fide settlers who lived on the land for three years also would be given tracts. In addition, the government planned to build sixteen trading posts near the settlement line. On January 1, 1839, the Texas Congress authorized Lamar to enroll eight companies of mounted volunteers for six months' service and appropriated $75,000 to sustain the force. Congress also set aside $5,000 to recruit and maintain a company of fifty-six rangers to patrol western Gonzales County for three months and three mounted companies for immediate service against the hostile Indians in Bastrop, Milam, and Robertson counties. An additional two companies were to protect San Patricio, Goliad, and Refugio counties. Congress appropriated a million dollars in promissory notes to cover the expenses for these units.
At the beginning of the Lamar administration Mexico was temporarily distracted. Because of unresolved French claims the French Navy had blockaded the Mexican coast and shelled and captured Veracruz. The Centralist Mexican government also faced a revolt by Federalists in its northern states. Tension increased when Lamar threatened to launch an offensive against Mexico if that nation refused to recognize Texas independence. Texan military units under colonels Reuben Ross, Juan N. Seguin and William S. Fisher crossed the Rio Grande and joined the Mexican Federalists, ignoring Lamar's call to return. In February 1839 Lamar increased the pressure on Mexico. He appointed Secretary of State Bee minister extraordinary and plenipotentiary to Mexico to request recognition of Texas independence and to conclude a treaty of peace, amity, and commerce. Bee also was to seek an agreement fixing the national boundary at the Rio Grande from its mouth to its source. If Mexico refused these requests, Bee could offer $5 million for the territory that Texas claimed by the act of December 19, 1836, territory that lay outside the bounds recognized by Mexican law. When Bee reached Veracruz, the French had withdrawn and the Centralists were strengthening their position. However, Juan Vitalba, a secret agent of Santa Anna who was serving temporarily as president, made overtures and hinted at possible negotiations. Lamar asked James Treat, a former resident of Mexico who knew Santa Anna and other Mexican leaders, to act as a confidential agent and attempt negotiations. Treat reached Veracruz on November 28, 1839, when the Federalists and their Texan allies were at the gates of Matamoros. The alliance blocked his plans. A year later, in September 1840, Treat proposed to the Mexican minister of foreign affairs an extended armistice but was ignored.
A Mexican invasion of Texas was now rumored. Gen. Felix Huston proposed sending an expedition of 1,000 men into Chihuahua, believing the move would eventually force any Mexican army that crossed the Rio Grande downstream to withdraw. Congress did not act, however, and in March 1841 Lamar appointed James Webb, former attorney general, to replace Bee as secretary of state and sent him to Mexico. Webb was denied permission to land at Veracruz. On June 29, the president recommended that Texas recognize the independence of Yucatán and Tabasco and join in a declaration of war against Mexico. Lamar also urged attention to the upper part of the Rio Grande. The Fifth Congress debated bills but refused to finance an expedition to establish Texas authority over its far-western claims. Congress also failed to appropriate money to maintain the army, and Lamar disbanded the military on March 24, 1841.
In November, with a large amount of military equipment on hand, the president urged Congress to authorize an expedition to Santa Fe. Lamar believed that the New Mexicans were restless under Governor Manuel Armijo. In April 1840 he had addressed a letter to the citizens of Santa Fe, saying that the United States and France had recognized Texas independence, and that he hoped to send commissioners to explain his concern for their wellbeing. When Santa Fe did not respond, Lamar was determined to send an expedition. He believed that Texas must extend its authority over its western claims, divert a part of the Santa Fe -St. Louis trade through its ports, and encourage the 80,000 inhabitants of New Mexico to sever their ties with Mexico and turn to Texas. If the United States took over New Mexico, however, it would extend its influence to the Pacific and complicate the Texas claims. On June 20, 1841, a large caravan, officially designated the Santa Fe Pioneers, left the Austin vicinity. Dr. Richard F. Brenham, William G. Cooke, and José Antonio Navarro traveled along as commissioners to treat with the inhabitants of New Mexico. Gen. Hugh McLeod commanded a military escort of 270 men. The civilian component included fifty-one persons, principally merchants, traders, and teamsters, with twenty-one wagons. After crossing the vast plains of West Texas under great hardship, on September 17 the expedition reached the village of Anton Chico, east of Santa Fe. There they met Armijo's forces and surrendered. The Mexicans marched the prisoners to Mexico City and held them until the following April.
The Lamar administration was drawing to an end. When the Sixth Congress assembled in Austin on November 1, 1841, the Rio Grande frontier was the scene of constant attacks by Texas renegades and Mexican outlaws and the nation was heavily in debt. Texans were in low spirits, the economy was depressed, and some families even considered moving back to the United States. During these years Texas regarded its vast public domain as critical to attracting settlers and encouraging economic development. On January 1, 1840, Congress passed a law permitting the president to issue colonization contracts to individuals or groups who would introduce a specified number of families within three years. A year later, Congress discussed a bill to allow the Franco-Texian Commercial and Colonization Company (also called the Franco-Texienne Company) to bring in 8,000 families and build twenty forts from the Red River to the Rio Grande. The settlers would be exempted from all taxes and tariffs for twenty years. The company would receive three million acres of land divided into sixteen tracts and have trading privileges with the New Mexican settlements. The bill passed the House but died in the Senate. Lamar approved a number of colonization contracts, however. On August 30, 1841, he authorized William S. Peters and his associates to settle 600 families from the Ohio valley and northeastern states on the northern frontier south of the Red River. Heads of families would each receive 640 acres of land and single men 320 acres. The settler would received title to half his land, while the contractor would hold the rest to pay for surveying, securing titles, furnishing seed, powder and shot, and providing a cabin. Other grants were made. On February 9, 1842, William Kennedy, an Englishman, with William Pringle, the Frenchman Henri Castro, and others each received permission to settle 600 or more immigrants between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. Castro sent out 300 colonists, principally from Alsace, to settle on the Medina River at Castroville. By 1845 he had introduced a total of 2,134 settlers. Kennedy and his associates planned to place families south of the Nueces River, but the colony never materialized.
During his second administration, Houston continued the settlement program. To strengthen frontier defense, he signed a contract on June 7, 1842 with Alexandre Bourgeois d'Orvanne and Armand Ducos to settle 600 French families on the headwaters of the Medina and Frio rivers and 500 families along the lower Rio Grande. Two Germans, Henry F. Fisher and Burchard Miller, contracted to locate 1,000 families of Germans, Swiss, Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, and Dutch immigrants between the Llano and Colorado rivers. The grant covered about three million acres, but the contractors introduced very few settlers. The Adelsverein, or Association of Noblemen, was one of the most successful colonizing enterprises. Twenty-five German noblemen organized a company at Biebrich am Rhein in April 1842, and sent agents to Texas to confer with President Houston, but they failed to obtain a grant. On March 22, 1844, the association acquired a large tract west of San Antonio from Bourgeois d'Orvanne and sent Prince Carl of Solms-Braunfels as commissioner general to Texas. Informed that the Bourgeois grant had been forfeited, Solms purchased the Fisher-Miller Land Grant, 3,878,000 acres that ran along the Colorado River and west to the Llano River. Solms also obtained a tract at the junction of Cibolo Creek and the San Antonio River. To establish a station halfway to the Fisher-Miller grant, he bought the so-called Comal Tract and founded the town of New Braunfels. In 1846 John O. Meusebach, who succeeded Solms-Braunfels as agent, founded Fredericksburg on the Pedernales River. Although after five years the Adelsverein went bankrupt, it had brought 7,380 immigrants to Texas. Charles Fenton Mercer, an agent of the Peters colony, contracted in January 1844 to settle 100 families within five years on any unappropriated lands in the republic. A number of families came in, but controversy and lawsuits plagued both the contractor and the settlers from the beginning and into the 1930s.
During the period of the republic, the population of Texas increased about 7,000 per year, primarily from immigration. By 1847 the White population, including Mexican immigrants, had risen to 102,961, and the number of slaves to 38,753. The growth was due largely to liberal land policies and expanding opportunities. Like other frontier areas, Texas acquired a reputation as a land of sharp dealers, lawlessness, rowdiness, and fraudulence. Land frauds were numerous and law enforcement agencies were weak or nonexistent, but Texans developed an ability to handle challenges. They elected few demagogues to office and were remarkably fortunate in their choice of leaders.
Early in his administration, Lamar promoted public education. On January 26, 1839, Congress set aside three square leagues of land in each county to support primary schools or academies. It also assigned fifty leagues of land for two universities. The next year the county allotment was increased to four leagues, and teachers were required to provide certificates indicating they could teach the basic courses. The republic, however, failed to establish a public school system or to found a university. Private and denominational schools filled the void. The first Protestant church-related school was Rutersville University, near La Grange, opened in January 1840 by Methodists. Congress provided a charter and four leagues of land. The school had preparatory and female departments, and added college work for men. During the republic, Rutersville was the foremost college in Texas. In 1842 the University of San Augustine, at San Augustine in East Texas, opened with a grammar school and female and collegiate departments. It prided itself on its laboratory work in science. McKenzie College, started near Clarksville in 1841, at one time had more than 300 boarding students. Marshall University, a coeducational institution, received its charter in 1842. Its female department eventually became a separate institution. Nacogdoches University, probably the first nonsectarian institution of higher learning in Texas, chartered on February 3, 1845, had an endowment of 29,712 acres of land and $2,699 in personal property. That same month Baylor University was opened near Independence.
In the fall of 1841 Houston and Burnet were candidates for president. Campaign issues included the Franco-Texian Bill, promoted by Houston; Houston and Burnet's questionable role in making land grants; frontier protection; making Houston the capital; instituting reforms to ensure land titles; retrenchment; and the redemption of the nation's honor, desecrated by Mexico. Houston was pictured as representing eastern Texas (except Nacogdoches County, where the Cherokee land question made Burnet the favorite), while Burnet was the champion of the western counties. On September 6 Houston easily won a second term, and Burleson beat Hunt for vice president.
In his second administration, Houston reversed many of Lamar's policies. He sought peace treaties with the Indians, took a defensive stand against Mexico, and encouraged trade along the southern and western borders. Houston was vitally concerned with the location of the capital. Austin was on the frontier, far from the center of population. If Indian or Mexican intruders captured and burned the capital, the prestige of the government would suffer. Houston wanted the government returned to Houston, but the western counties protested and Congress balked. In early March 1842, when Gen. Rafael Vásquez crossed the Rio Grande with 700 soldiers and occupied San Antonio, Houston seized the opportunity to order removal of the national archives from Austin, but local citizens blocked the move. During the session of Congress called to discuss the Vásquez invasion, Houston brought up the moving of the capital, but had no success. In October he moved the government offices to Washington-on-the-Brazos. In late December, at the president's orders, Col. Thomas W. Ward, commissioner of the General Land Office, loaded the archives into wagons and sought to remove them to the new seat of government. Irate citizens overtook Ward at Kenney's Fort on Brushy Creek and retrieved the documents. The Texas seat of government remained at Washington-on-the-Brazos until July 1845.
Texas had two navies during its short history as a nation. The first was commanded by Charles E. Hawkins, who carried the title of commodore. To protect the supply line to New Orleans, on November 25, 1835, the General Council of the provisional government authorized the purchase of four schooners and granted letters of marque and reprisal to privateers until the ships were armed. The first navy included the 60-ton Liberty, the 125-ton Independence, the 125-ton Brutus, and the 125-ton Invincible. All four ships were lost by mid-1837. Early in 1838 Texas bought the merchant brig Potomac, but was unable to convert it to a man-of-war, and instead used it at the Galveston Navy Yard as a receiving vessel. In March 1839 the government converted the S.S. Charleston, a steam side-wheeler, into a man-of-war, rechristened it the Zavala, and sent it on a cruise to Yucatán. It ran aground in Galveston Bay in May 1842 and subsequently was sold for scrap.
Lamar established the second Texas navy. The fleet of six vessels included the schooners San Jacinto, San Antonio, and San Bernard, each 170 tons; the brigs Wharton and Archer, 400 tons each; and the sloop-of-war Austin, 600 tons. Commodore Edwin W. Moore made the Austin his flagship. In October 1840 the Texas Congress, lulled by an unofficial armistice, cut navy appropriations and tied up the fleet. The San Jacinto, mapping the Texas coast, was wrecked the same month. A year later, on September 18, 1841, Lamar agreed to participate in Yucatán's rebellion against Mexico and sent the navy to protect the Yucatán coast. Yucatán paid $8,000 a month to keep the fleet active. On becoming president again, Houston canceled Lamar's arrangements and ordered the fleet to sail home. The San Antonio reached Galveston on January 31, 1842, reported on Yucatecan matters, and went on to New Orleans for repairs. There the only mutiny in the Texas Navy occurred. United States authorities captured the mutineers, and Commodore Moore later court-martialed two of the men. In April Moore arrived in New Orleans and began haggling with Houston over repair bills. In February 1843, Moore learned that Yucatán would pay these bills and sailed for Campeche. Houston, who had been planning to sell the navy, declared Moore a pirate. The commodore settled his accounts with Yucatán and returned home. After trial by a court-martial, he was restored to command. Houston ordered the vessels decommissioned. At annexation, the Texas Navy was transferred to the United States Navy, which promptly sold all the vessels except the Austin. Other vessels of the Texas Navy had been abandoned in Galveston harbor, lost at sea, or wrecked by storm. The United States Navy refused to accept the Texas naval officers and canceled their commissions.
On October 9, 1841, Santa Anna reestablished himself as provisional president of Mexico and determined to renew hostilities against Texas. In early January of 1842, Gen. Mariano Arista, commanding the Army of the North, announced his intention of invading the "the Department of Texas." After Vásquez seized San Antonio in March, the western counties demanded a retaliatory strike at Mexico. Houston knew that such a campaign could not be sustained, but decided to let the agitators see for themselves. On March 17 he approved the undertaking and sent agents to the United States to recruit volunteers and obtain arms, munitions, and provisions. The soldiers, assembling under Gen. James Davis at Lipantitlán, on the Nueces near San Patricio, quickly became restless. Provisions were short, and gambling and drunkenness prevailed. Learning of the disorder, colonels Antonio Canales and Cayetano Montero camped on the Rio Grande near Mier and Camargo and launched a surprise attack on the Texan camp on July 7, but were beaten off. The Sixth Congress, meeting in special session, passed a "war bill," but Houston vetoed it as it appropriated no funds for the campaign. The army was disbanded.
The Mexican government was determined to keep the Texas frontier in turmoil. Santa Anna ordered Gen. Adrián Woll to attack San Antonio and informed the Mexican Congress that he planned to resubjugate Texas. Woll crossed the Rio Grande at Presidio del Río Grande (Eagle Pass), and made a surprise attack on San Antonio on the morning of September 11. The defenders, learning that the soldiers were Mexican regulars, surrendered. On the eighteenth Woll moved to Salado Creek, assaulted the Texans assembled on the creek east of San Antonio under Col. Mathew Caldwell, then withdrew to San Antonio. Mexican troops intercepted Capt. Nicholas M. Dawson and fifty-three volunteers from La Grange who tried to join Caldwell east of Salado Creek; the Mexicans killed thirty-six Texans and captured fifteen, of whom five were wounded. Two escaped from the battlefield. Woll sent fifty-two prisoners from San Antonio ahead to Mexico, evacuated San Antonio on the twentieth, and marched for the Rio Grande. Caldwell's forces and a small ranger party under Capt. John Coffee "Jack" Hays harassed the Mexicans as far as the Nueces River. After the battle of Salado Creek, Texans demanded retaliation and rushed to San Antonio as individuals, in companies, and in small groups. Houston sent Brig. Gen. Alexander Somervell to take charge of the force there. On November 25 Somervell headed for the border with more than 750 men and seized Laredo. Disgusted by the Texans' plundering, 187 men soon left for home. In December Somervell led the rest downriver, crossed the Rio Grande, and seized Guerrero. Unable to find provisions, he recrossed into Texas and ordered his men to prepare to return home. A large group, 309 men, broke off from the expedition and refused to return home. They organized under Col. William S. Fisher and marched down the east side of the Rio Grande, crossed the river opposite Mier, and demanded food and clothing from the inhabitants of Mier. A large body of Mexican troops was rushed to the town, and the Texans, facing odds of ten to one, surrendered on December 26. On their march to Mexico City, the prisoners overthrew their guards at Hacienda Salado, and sought to escape to Texas, but most of them were recaptured. Nicolás Bravo, the vice president, ordered that they be decimated. Seventeen drew black beans and were shot on March 25, 1843.
Like Lamar, Houston expressed concern over the western boundaries of Texas. In February 1843 his administration authorized Jacob Snively to raise a volunteer group to make a show of force in the northwest territory claimed by Texas. They hoped to prey on the Mexican caravans traveling that section of the Santa Fe Trail that crossed Texas territory. The men were to mount, arm, and equip themselves and share half the spoils; the other half would go to the republic. Earlier, in August 1842, Charles A. Warfield had received a similar commission, recruited a small party largely in Missouri, and briefly occupied the New Mexican town of Mora on the overland trail. Snively organized 175 men near Coffee's Station, on the Red River, and in April 1843 they rode north. From his camp about forty miles below where the Santa Fe Trail crossed the Arkansas River, Snively captured a New Mexican patrol guarding the trail. The ensuing foray was short-lived. Capt. Philip St. George Cooke, in command of United States dragoons escorting merchant caravans through Indian country, arrested and disarmed the Texans, allegedly for being on United States soil, and sent them home. The United States later paid for the arms they had taken from the Texans.
Internal disturbances also flared during Houston's second term. In Shelby County, Charles W. Jackson, a fugitive from Louisiana, ran for Congress and blamed his defeat on land sharks and counterfeiters of headright certificates. Joseph G. Goodbread, who headed the anti-Jackson faction, threatened to run him out of the country. In 1842 Jackson shot and killed Goodbread. At Jackson's trial, in Harrison County, the judge failed to appear on the second day and Jackson went free. He soon headed a force called the "Regulators," who sought to suppress crime in the area and harass Goodbread supporters. In response, Edward Merchant formed the "Moderators." In the spring of 1843 a civil war broke out between the factions in Shelby, Panola, and Harrison counties. Over the three following years more than fifty men were killed and numerous homes and other property were burnt or destroyed. Judge John M. Hansford was killed by the Regulators. In August 1844, President Houston called on both parties to lay down their arms and sent Travis G. Brooks and 600 militiamen to maintain order. They arrested leaders on both sides and took them to San Augustine, where Houston persuaded them to sign a peace agreement.
While in Perote Prison, James W. Robinson, a former acting governor of Texas during the Consultation, sought an interview with Santa Anna. He stated that if granted an audience, he could show how to arrange a lasting peace between Mexico and Texas. Santa Anna, being at war with Yucatán, agreed to hear Robinson. Under his proposals Texas would become an independent department (state) in the Mexican federation, be represented in the Mexican Congress, and be allowed to make its own laws. Texas would be granted amnesty for past acts against Mexico, and Mexico would station no troops in Texas. The Mexican president approved the proposals on February 18, 1843, and released Robinson to convey them to Texas. Houston studied the proposals and reasoned that Santa Anna's Yucatán problem might lead the Mexican president to agree to peace terms. Houston asked Charles Elliot, the British chargé d'affaires to Texas, to ask Richard Pakenham, the British minister in Mexico, to seek an armistice. Robinson wrote Santa Anna that Houston wanted an armistice of several months to give the people of Texas an opportunity to consider the proposals. When Santa Anna received Robinson's letter, he agreed to a truce. Houston proclaimed an armistice on June 15, 1843, and sent Samuel M. Williams and George W. Hockley as commissioners to meet their counterparts at Sabinas, near the Rio Grande. They were to arrange a general armistice and request that a commission meet in Mexico City to discuss a permanent peace. Houston was cautious and proclaimed martial law between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. Pakenham informed Houston that Santa Anna would release the Mier prisoners if the Texas president would release all Mexican prisoners. Houston ordered the prisoners released, but when no Mexicans arrived on the Rio Grande, Santa Anna canceled the exchange. The Texas and Mexican commissioners agreed on a permanent armistice on February 18, 1844, but Houston filed the document away without taking action because it referred to Texas as a Mexican department.
In the Texas presidential race of 1844, Vice President Edward Burleson faced Secretary of State Anson Jones, who had the support of Houston. Jones won by a large vote. After he was inaugurated on December 9, he launched a policy of economy, peaceful relations with the Indians, and a nonaggressive policy toward Mexico. As his administration also tackled the issue of annexation, Jones earned the sobriquet "Architect of Annexation." He, Houston, and their supporters knew that proper timing was essential in securing annexation. Upon taking office, Jones instructed Isaac Van Zandt, Texan chargé d'affaires to the United States, to decline all offers to negotiate an annexation treaty until it was known that the United States Senate definitely would ratify it. When President John Tyler reopened negotiations on annexation, Mexico became friendly to Texas. At the same time she threatened war with the United States if annexation were approved. In the United States, there was great sympathy for the Texas cause. The collapse of the Santa Fe expedition in 1841 and the Mexican invasions of 1842 had attracted widespread attention. In March 1842, Houston instructed James Reily, the Texas representative to Washington, to sound out the government on annexation. The United States, knowing the British wanted to mediate Texas-Mexican difficulties, saw a strong British influence looming in Texas affairs. President Tyler, a Whig with Southern views on slavery, had indicated in October that he wanted to open discussions leading to the annexation of Texas by treaty. An annexation treaty was completed on April 12, 1844, and signed by Secretary of State John C. Calhoun, Isaac Van Zandt, and Van Zandt's assistant, J. Pinckney Henderson.
Great Britain and France became concerned. The British Foreign Office, with French support, advised Ashbel Smith, the Texan agent to Great Britain and France, that a "diplomatic act" was needed to force Mexico to make peace with Texas and recognize its independence. They wanted the United States to join their efforts to end Texas-Mexican hostilities. Pakenham, however, opposed the plan, and the matter was dropped. Houston favored a "diplomatic act," but Anson Jones, the president elect, balked. Jones wanted annexation and thought that the threat of an alignment with England, connected with the cotton trade, was the key to achieving it. In June 1844 the United States Senate voted thirty-five to sixteen to reject the treaty.
The annexation of Texas also became a major issue in the United States election of 1844. The Democrats ran James K. Polk, of Tennessee, for president with the campaign slogan "the Re-Annexation of Texas and the Re-Occupation of Oregon," hoping to capture the expansionists' vote both North and South. The Democrats won by a large vote. Tyler viewed Polk's election as a mandate for immediate annexation. In his annual message on December 2, he urged Congress to approve annexation by a joint resolution, which Congress passed on February 28, 1845, and Tyler signed on March 1. He then dispatched Andrew Jackson Donelson, a nephew of Andrew Jackson, to Texas with instructions to press for its acceptance. The terms were generous. Texas would be annexed as a slave state rather than as a territory. She would keep her public lands and pay her own public debts. She could divide herself into as many as four additional states. The terms of annexation had to be accepted by January 1, 1846. In May 1845, the United States dispatched a fleet of warships to protect the Texas coast.
The British chargé d'affaires and the French minister asked President Jones to postpone action on the annexation agreement for ninety days because they wanted to arrange a settlement of matters between Mexico and Texas. Jones agreed to do so on March 29. The British and French emissaries reached Mexico City in mid-April. Luis G. Cuevas, minister of foreign relations, placed their proposals before the Mexican Congress, and in late April Mexico recognized Texas independence. The British minister handed a copy of the document to Jones on June 4, and he immediately announced a preliminary peace with Mexico. On the same day Jones signed a peace treaty with the last Comanche chief whose tribe had been at war with Texas, thus ending Indian hostilities for the republic.
President Jones issued a call on May 5 for a convention to be elected by the people to meet in Austin on July 4. At his call, the Texas Congress assembled on June 16 in special session at Washington-on-the-Brazos and rejected the Mexican offer for peace. They accepted the annexation agreement and approved elections for a convention. The convention met in Austin on July 4 and passed an ordinance to accept annexation. It then drafted the Constitution of 1845 and submitted both the annexation agreement and proposed constitution to a popular vote. On October 13 annexation was approved by a vote of 4,245 to 257, and the constitution by a vote of 4,174 to 312. The United States Congress approved the Texas state constitution, and Polk signed the act admitting Texas as a state on December 29, 1845. The fledgling republic, whose existence had spanned nine years, eleven months, and seventeen days, was no more. In a special election on December 15, Texans had elected officers for the new state government. The First Legislature convened in Austin on February 19, 1846. In a ceremony in front of the Capitol, President Jones gave a valedictory address, the flag of the republic was lowered, and the flag of the United States was raised above it. The ceremonies concluded with the inaugural address of the newly elected governor, J. Pinckney Henderson. By annexation Texas received the protection of a powerful country and the assurance of a bright future.
William Campbell Binkley, The Expansionist Movement in Texas, 1836–1850 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1925). John Henry Brown, History of Texas from 1685 to 1892 (2 vols., St. Louis: Daniell, 1893). Charles Adams Gulick, Jr., Harriet Smither, et al., eds., The Papers of Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar (6 vols., Austin: Texas State Library, 1920–27; rpt., Austin: Pemberton Press, 1968). Joseph Milton Nance, After San Jacinto: The Texas-Mexican Frontier, 1836–1841 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1963). Joseph Milton Nance, Attack and Counterattack: The Texas-Mexican Frontier, 1842 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964). Joseph William Schmitz, Texan Statecraft, 1836–1845 (San Antonio: Naylor, 1941). Joseph William Schmitz, Texas Culture in the Days of the Republic (San Antonio: Naylor, 1960). Stanley Siegel, A Political History of the Texas Republic (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1956). David J. Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 1821–1846 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982). Tom Henderson Wells, Commodore Moore and the Texas Navy (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1960). Amelia W. Williams and Eugene C. Barker, eds., The Writings of Sam Houston, 1813–1863 (8 vols., Austin: University of Texas Press, 1938–43; rpt., Austin and New York: Pemberton Press, 1970).
The following, adapted from the Chicago Manual of Style, 15th edition, is the preferred citation for this entry.
Joseph M. Nance,
“Republic of Texas,”
Handbook of Texas Online,
accessed October 10, 2022,
https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/republic-of-texas.
Published by the Texas State Historical Association.
TID:
MZR02
All copyrighted materials included within the Handbook of Texas Online are in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107 related to Copyright and “Fair Use” for Non-Profit educational institutions, which permits the Texas State Historical Association (TSHA), to utilize copyrighted materials to further scholarship, education, and inform the public. The TSHA makes every effort to conform to the principles of fair use and to comply with copyright law.

Question: when did texas gain independence from mexico

All of this led to the fact that Stephen F. Austin invited Texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands.

when did texas gain independence from mexico

Question: who defeated santa anna in the battle of alama

who defeated santa anna in the battle of alama

Question: who defeated texas in the battle of alama

who defeated texas in the battle of alama

Question: who invited texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands

who invited texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands

Question: where did santa anna defeat texas

Question: where was sam houston captured

Question: at which battle did santa anna defeat texas in 1836

at which battle did santa anna defeat texas in 1836

All of this led to the fact that Stephen F. Austin invited Texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands .

They announced independence from Mexico in 1836 and after Santa Anna defeated them in the battle at Alama , he was defeated by General Sam Houston , captured in the battle at San Jacinta and was forced to sign an agreement in which it recognizes the independence of Texas . See " Republic of Texas "

Sve to dovelo je do toga da Stephen F. Austin pozove građane Teksasa da uzmu oružje u ruke.

Objavili su nezavisnost od Meksika 1836. godine i nakon što ih je Santa Anna porazio u bitci kod Alama, on sam poražen je od strane generala Sama Houstona, zarobljen u bitci kod San Jacinta te bio prisiljen potpisati sporazum u kojem priznaje nezavisnost Teksasa.See "Republic of Texas"

All of this led to the fact that Stephen F. Austin invited Texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands. They announced independence from Mexico in 1836 and after Santa Anna defeated them in the battle at Alama, he was defeated by General Sam Houston, captured in the battle at San Jacinta and was forced to sign an agreement in which it recognizes the independence of Texas.See "Republic of Texas"

All of this led to the fact that Stephen F. Austin invited Texas citizens to take the weapons in their hands.

They announced independence from Mexico in 1836 and after Santa Anna defeated them in the battle at Alama, he was defeated by General Sam Houston, captured in the battle at San Jacinta and was forced to sign an agreement in which it recognizes the independence of Texas.See "Republic of Texas"

Mexico was not inclined to the proposal, nor could it negotiate.

Mexican War
There were multiple reasons for the Mexican War. One immediate cause was the American annexation of Texas; the Mexican government regarded this a declaration of war, and removed the Mexican minister from Washington. Another cause was American claims against Mexico arising from the Mexican revolutions.
The Mexican war marked the beginning by the United States of territorial expansion by conquest. “It was,” wrote General Grant, “an instance of a republic following the bad example of European monarchies in not considering justice in their desire to acquire additional territory." The “additional territory” was needed for the creation of slave states. The southern politicians of the extreme pro-slavery school saw in the rapid settlement of the northwestern states the downfall of their domination and the doom of their beloved institution, slavery. Their peculiar institution could not expand northward and on the south it had reached the Mexican boundary.
The only way of acquiring new territory for the extension of slavery on the south was to take it by force from the weak Republic of Mexico. The annexation of Texas brought with it a disputed boundary line. The claim to a strip of corntry between the Rio Nueces and the Rio Grande furnished a convenient pretext to force Mexico to hostilities. Texas as an independent state had never exercised jurisdiction over the disputed terri— tory. As a state of the Union after annexation she could not rightfully lay claim to what she never possessed, but the army of occupation took possession of it as United States property, and the war was on. In the end we acquired a large slice of Mexican territory, but the irony of fate decreed that not an acre of its soil should be tilled by slave labor.
Following Mexico's independence from Spain, American and European cartographers fixed the Texas border at the Neuces River. Prior to Texas's independence, the Neuces River was recognized as the northern boundary of Mexico. Spain had fixed the Neuces as a border in 1816, and the United States ratified it in the 1819 treaty by which the United States had purchased Florida and renounced claims to Texas.
Throughout the 1820s, Americans settled in the vast territory of Texas, often with land grants from the Mexican government. Their numbers soon alarmed the authorities, however, who prohibited further immigration in 1830. In 1834 General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna established a dictatorship in Mexico, and the following year Texans revolted when the new government abolished slavery.
Santa Anna defeated the American rebels at the celebrated siege of the Alamo in early 1836. On 21 April 1836 General Sam Houston with some 1,000 Texans under his command annihilated the 1,400-man army of Santa Anna. The Battle of San Jacinto lasted 18 minutes, and won Texas its independence from Mexico. When Texas declared its independence, it claimed as its territory an additional 150 miles of land, to the Rio Grande River. For almost a decade, Texas remained an independent republic.
At first, the American government strove to preserve peace with the goal to purchase New Mexico and California. The Jackson and Van Buren administrations feared both diplomatic trouble and the political consequences of admission of a new slave state; they therefore did not press the issue. The frontrunners in the 1844 presidential nominations, Democrat Martin Van Buren and Whig Henry Clay, announced they were against immediate annexation of Texas. In response, Southern democrats managed to block Van Buren's nomination, allowing dark horse James K. Polk to come to the forefront. He campaigned for the acquisition of both Texas and Oregon. Clay, seeing the popularity of Polk's stand, began hedging on the question of annexation, thus causing a defection of anti-slavery Whigs from the party, a defection which probably cost him the election.
After Texas gained its independence from Mexico, its voters overwhelmingly supported annexation into the United States. Although Mexico broke relations with the United States over the issue of Texas statehood, the most contentious issue was the new state's border: Texas claimed the Rio Grande River; Mexico argued that the border stood far to the north along the Nueces River. Meanwhile, settlers were flooding into the Mexican territories of New Mexico and California at a time when many Americans claimed that the United States had a "manifest destiny" to expand westward to the Pacific Ocean.
On 01 March 1845 Congress employed its power to admit new states, and annexed Texas by a majority vote. On the fourth of March 1845 Polk was duly inaugurated. The annexation of Texas brought into the Union all or parts of Colorado, Kansas, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Wyoming. The admission of Texas into the Union helped to speed the disintegration of the national political parties. Many Van Buren Democrats, convinced that southerners had trampled over their rights, left the party for the Free-Soil or Republican parties. Political ideologies and political parties were thus becoming sectional, making the Civil War almost unavoidable. The United States also adopted Texas's position and claimed the Rio Grande as the border, helping to provoke war with Mexico.
The "Army of Observation" commanded bv General Zachary Taylor was deployed to Corpus Christi, at the mouth of the Nueces River, to protect newly annexed Texas in the summer of 1845. The force consisted of 5 regiments of infantry, 1 regiment of dragoons, and 16 companies of artillery.
Mexico broke diplomatic relations with the United States and refused to recognize either the Texas annexation or the Rio Grande border. President James Polk sent a special envoy, John L. Slidell, to propose cancellation of Mexico's debt to United States citizens who had incurred damages during the Mexican Revolution, provided Mexico would formally recognize the Rio Grande boundary. Slidell was also authorized to offer the Mexican government up to $30 million for California and New Mexico. At that time, New Mexico embraced much of what is now the southwestern United States, not just the present state of New Mexico.
Between Slidell's arrival on December 6, 1845, and his departure in March 1846, the regime of President Jose Herrara was overthrown and a fervently nationalistic government under General Mariano Paredes seized power. Neither leader would speak to Slidell. When Paredes publicly reaffirmed Mexico's claim to all of Texas, Slidell left in a temper, convinced that Mexico should be "chastised."
In 1846, President Paradas, spoke of occupying not only Texas, but taking Louisiana, New Orleans, and even going as far as Mobile, Alabama. His desire to conquer the Southwest and part of the South never materialized, because American troops along with Texas Rangers went into Mexico and defeated the Mexican Army at Vera Cruz, occupied Mexico City; civil war broke out in Mexico, the government was replaced.
The agent for chastisement was already in place. In mid-January 1846, more than 3,500 troops commanded bv General Taylor moved south under President Polk's order from Corpus Christi to a location on the north bank of the Rio Grande. Advancing on March 8 to Point Isabel, the US troops found that the settlement had been burned by fleeing Mexicans. By March 28, the troops were near the mouth of the Rio Grande across from the Mexican town of Matamoros. The Rio Grande formed part of the border between the United States and Mexico.
Polk claimed the move was a defensive measure, and expansionists and Democratic newspapers in the United States applauded his action. Whig newspapers said that the movement was an invasion of Mexico rather than a defense of Texas. General Taylor sent one of his officers across the river to meet with Mexican officials. The Mexicans protested the movement of the American troops to the Rio Grande. They said the area was Mexican territory. The movement of American troops there, they said, was an act of war. For almost a month, the Americans and the Mexicans kept their positions. While newspapers in Mexico called for war, General Pedro de Ampudia warned, "If you insist in remaining upon the soil of the department of Tamaulipas, it will clearly result that arms, and arms alone, must decide the question."
General Ampudia's prediction came true on 25 April 1846, when General Taylor received word that a large Mexican force had crossed the border a few kilometers up the river. A small force of American soldiers went to investigate. The Mexican cavalry attacked the mounted American patrol, killing five, wounding eleven, and capturing forty-seven. General Taylor quickly sent a message to President Polk in Washington. It said war had begun.
President Polk sent his war message to Congress on May 11 asserting, "Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory and shed American blood upon America's soil." He asked congress to give him everything he needed to win the war and bring peace to the area. On May 13, Congress declared war, with a vote of 40-2 in the Senate and 174-14 in the House. President Polk signed the war bill. Later, Polk wrote: "we had not gone to war for conquest. But it was clear that in making peace we would, if possible, get California and other parts of Mexico."
A few members of congress did not want to declare war against Mexico. They believed the United States was responsible for the situation along the Rio Grande. Ohio Senator Tom Corwin accused Polk of involving the United States in a war of aggression. Senator John C. Calhoun of South Carolina abstained from voting, correctly foreseeing that the war would aggravate sectional strife. A freshman Whig Congressman from Illinois, Abraham Lincoln, questioned whether the "spot" where blood had been shed was really US soil. Other citizens shared their legislators' concern, particularly those in the Northeast who saw the war as a ploy to extend slavery. The most celebrated was Henry David Thoreau, who refused to pay his $1 Massachusetts poll tax because he believed the war an immoral advancement of slavery.
Many Americans opposed what they called "Mister Polk's War." Whig Party members and abolitionists in the North believed that slave-owners and Southerners in Polk's administration had planned the war. They believed the South wanted to win Mexican territory for the purpose of spreading and strengthening slavery. President Polk was troubled by this opposition. But he did not think the war would last long. He thought the US could quickly force Mexico to sell him the territory he wanted.
Polk secretly sent a representative to former Mexican dictator Santa Ana, who was living in exile in Cuba. Polk's representative said the United States wanted to buy California and some other Mexican territory. Santa Ana said he would agree to the sale, if the united states would help him return to power. President Polk ordered the US Navy to let Santa Ana return to Mexico. American ships that blocked the port of Vera Cruz permitted the Mexican dictator to land there. Once Santa Ana returned, he failed to honor his promises to Polk. He refused to end the war and sell California. Instead, Santa Ana organized an army to fight the United States.
The American Army that undertook the task of subduing Mexico was inconceivably small by modern standards. When the fighting started in May 1846, the regular Army had 6,562 soldiers, including 637 officers and 5,925 enlisted personnel. More than one-half of this strength (3,922 men organized in three brigades) was assembled in Texas under Taylor (who later was elected President), the largest force assembled by the United States since the War of 1812. During the course of the war, 1,016 officers and 35,009 enlisted soldiers joined the regular Army, so the total of regular troops engaged was 42,587. Another 73,532 men served in volunteer units, though not all of them reached the theaters of operations.
The initial clashes, at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma (near present-day Brownsville, Texas) in May 1846, were decisive American victories that threw the Mexican force back across the Rio Grande. Those battles determined that the war would be fought on Mexican soil, with the Mexican Army almost always on the defensive.
Denied the right to own land or hold office, on 14 June 1846 a band of American settlers in California arrested the Mexican govenor, and declared California an independent republic. The newly independent California Republic survived only 25 days. On 07 July 1846, an American naval vessel captured the Mexican capital at Monterey and claimed all of California for the United States.
General Taylor moved against the Mexicans. In September 1846 he crossed the Rio Grande river and marched toward Monterrey, the major trading and transportation center of northeast Mexico. The battle for Monterrey lasted three days, and the Mexicans surrendered. After capturing the city, Taylor negotiated an armistice with his opponent. Taylor needed a pause to replenish his ammunition stocks. However, the armistice was rejected by his superiors in Washington, and as soon as the slow communications of the day permitted, Taylor received orders to end the armistice and resume offensive operations. Taylor's victory at Buena Vista on 22 and 23 February 1847 was the first major battle in history in which both sides were armed for the most part with percussion weapons rather than flintlocks.
By October 1846, President Polk had decided to change strategy, holding Taylor on the defensive in the north and concentrating offensive efforts on seizing Vera Cruz and then moving inland to assault the capital, Mexico City. General Taylor was ordered to send most of his forces back to the coast. They were to join other American forces for the invasion of Vera Cruz, which would make marching to Mexico City easy. While this was happening, Santa Ana was moving his army north. In four months, he had built an army of 25,000 men. When general Taylor learned that Santa Ana was preparing to attack, he left Vera Cruz. He moved his forces into a position to fight Santa Ana, who sent a representative to meet with General Taylor. The representative said the American force had one hour to surrender. Taylor's answer was short: "tell Santa Ana to go to hell." the battle between the American and Mexican forces lasted two days. Losses were heavy on both sides. On the night of 29 March 1847, Santa Ana's army withdrew from the battlefield. Taylor had won another victory.
Other American forces were victorious, too. Commodore Robert Stockton had invaded California and had raised the American flag over the territory. Stephen Kearny had seized Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico, without firing a shot.
The decisive campaign of the Mexican War was Winfield Scott's overland offensive designed to capture Mexico City and end Mexican resistance. In one of the great achievements in US military history, Winfield Scott's forces staged an amphibious landing at Vera Cruz that captured the port on 9 March 1847. The Mexican commander chose not to oppose the landing, so over 8,600 men were landed without a single loss in just over 4 hours. This was an unprecedented military achievement for the time. Following a brief siege, Vera Cruz surrendered on 29 March 1847.
Still, the war was not over. President Polk's "short" war already had lasted for more than a year. Polk decided to send a special diplomatic representative to Mexico. He gave the diplomat the power to negotiate a peace treaty whenever Mexico wanted to stop fighting. A ceasefire was declared, but attempts to negotiate a peace treaty failed. Santa Ana tried to use the ceasefire to prepare for more fighting.
When the war began President Polk had three strategic objectives: defend the boundary of Texas claimed by the United States, which was the Rio Grande River; seize New Mexico and California; and achieve sufficient military success in Mexico to force it to make peace on terms favoring the United States. These were ambitious goals, but they also were limited and did not envision a conquest of Mexico. Polk thought they could be achieved in 6 to 12 months by operations confined to what was then the northern portion of Mexico. When American successes in the north, including the conquest of New Mexico and California, did not lead to Mexican surrender, Polk and his advisers turned to a more ambitious campaign against the Mexican heartland aimed at capturing the capital, Mexico City.
After the capture of Vera Cruz, General Winfield Scott led the army westward via Jalapa to Pueblo, where he prepared to attack Mexico City. Scott adopted a daring strategy, cuttin his supply lines from Vera Cruz, he relied on his support trains supplemented by what could be obtained along the way. This risked isolating his army in the midst of a hostile countryside. But the gamble proved successful, and the army reached the outskirts of Mexico City on 18 August 1847.
General Scott ended the ceasefire, and began the attack on Mexico City which lasted one week. The government of Mexico surrendered on September 14, 1847, which ended the fighting. Marines participated in the capture and occupation of Mexico City and the Castle of Chapultepec, otherwise known as the "Halls of Montezuma." Following the close of the Mexican War came the first verse of the Marines' Hymn, written, according to tradition, by a Marine on duty in Mexico: "From the Halls of Montezuma, To the Shores of Tripoli."
Santa Ana stepped down as president, and Manuel de la Pena y Pena -- president of the supreme court -- became acting president. Only after the resignation of Santa Anna was the United States was able to negotiate the Treaty of Guadalupe Hildago, which was signed on 02 February 1848. The United States purchased New Mexico and California for $15 million, and paid more $3 million in damage claims that Mexico owed American citizens. In addition to Mexican recognition of the US annexation of Texas, it also recognized the Rio Grande river as the southern border of Texas.
The terms of the treaty were those set by president Polk. Yet he was not satisfied with just California and New Mexico -- he wanted even more territory. But he realized he probably would have to fight for it. And he did not think Congress would agree to extend the war. So Polk sent the peace treaty to the senate. It was approved. The Mexican congress also approved it. The war was officially over by May 1848.
The Mexican War saw the first major use of steamboats in war [though the Army made limited use of steamboats in the Second Seminole War in Florida from 1835 to 1842]. Steamboats were used to transport men and supplies down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers to New Orleans for subsequent overseas movement. Steamboats also were used to establish a line of communication for Taylor's army along the Rio Grande when, after Resaca de la Palma, Taylor moved his army up the river in the first stage of an offensive against Monterrey.
The war proved to be a training ground for American officers who would later fight on both sides in the Civil War. Grant, Lee, Meade, Bragg, Davis, McClellan, and many others gained experience and learned lessons at Buena Vista and Cerro Gordo that later served them well at Antietam and Gettysburg. It was also a politically divisive war in which antislavery Whigs criticized the Democratic administration of James K. Polk for expansionism.
With the conclusion of the Mexican War, the United States gained a vast new territory of 1.36 million square kilometers encompassing the present-day states of Arizona, Nevada, California, Utah and parts of New Mexico, Colorado and Wyoming. But it was also a poisoned acquisition because it revived the most explosive question in American politics of the time: would the new territories be slave or free?
The United States now faced the problem of what to do with the new lands. President Polk wanted to form territorial governments in California and New Mexico. He asked Congress for immediate permission to do that. But the question of slavery delayed quick congressional action. Should the new territories be opened or closed to slavery? Southerners argued that they had the right to take slaves into the new territories. Northerners disagreed. They opposed any further spread of slavery.
The real question was this: did congress have the power to control or bar slavery in the territories? Until texas became a state, almost all national leaders seemed to accept the idea that congress did have this power. For fifty years, congress had passed resolutions and laws controlling slavery in united states territories. Northerners believed congress received the power from the constitution. Southern slave owners disagreed. They believed the power to control slavery remained with the states.
There were some who thought the earlier Missouri compromise could be used to settle the issue of slavery in California, Oregon, and New Mexico. They proposed that the line of the Missouri compromise be pushed west, all the way to the pacific coast. Territory north of the line would be free of slavery. South of the line, slavery would be permitted. Everyone agreed that governments had to be organized in the territories. But there seemed to be no way to settle the issue of slavery. Then a senator from Delaware agreed to be chairman of a special committee on the question of slavery in the new territories. The senate committee included four Whigs and four Democrats. North and South were equally represented. Within six days, the committee had agreed on a compromise bill.
References
- Pack Mules and Surf Boats: Logistics in the Mexican War by Robert D. Paulus Army Logistician November/December 1997
- Mexican War @ US Army Center for Military History
- INVASION YANQUI: The Mexican War, 18461848 includes a useful Essay by Frances Leonard
- The Aztec Club of 1847 descendents of commissioned officer
- The Mexican War
- Lincoln's Spot Resolutions @ National Archives and Records Administration
- James K. Polk Message on War with Mexico May 11, 1846
- Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo February 2, 1848
- Boundaries of the United States and the Several States
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Question: where did the american rat come from

Mexico was not inclined to the proposal, nor could it negotiate.

Question: how did mexico respond to the mexican proposal

how did mexico respond to the mexican proposal

Question: what did mexico not want in a trade deal

what did mexico not want in a trade deal

Question: did mexico agree to the mexican proposal

did mexico agree to the mexican proposal

Question: how did mexico respond to a mexican proposal

how did mexico respond to a mexican proposal

Mexico was not inclined to the proposal , nor could it negotiate .

Meksiko nije bio sklon navedenoj ponudi niti je mogao pregovarati.

Meksiko nije bio sklon navedenoj ponudi niti je mogao pregovarati.

Mexico was not inclined to the proposal, nor could it negotiate.

Mexico was not inclined to the proposal, nor could it negotiate.

Mexico has declared its entire northern area to the Nueces River - about 240 kilometers north of the Rio Grande River.

The United States declared the whole area to the Rio Grande River as its territory, justifying its decision by the peace agreement signed in 1836 in Velasco.

Question: when was the rio grande river declared a us territory

Mexico has declared its entire northern area to the Nueces River - about 240 kilometers north of the Rio Grande River.

The United States declared the whole area to the Rio Grande River as its territory, justifying its decision by the peace agreement signed in 1836 in Velasco.

when was the rio grande river declared a us territory

Question: where was the peace agreement signed in 1836

where was the peace agreement signed in 1836

Question: what river is the northern part of mexico

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Question: how many kilometers north of the rio grande river is mexico

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Question: who declared the entire northern part of mexico to be its territory

who declared the entire northern part of mexico to be its territory

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where is the northern part of mexico located

Question: what is the name of the river in mexico

Mexico has declared its entire northern area to the Nueces River - about 240 kilometers north of the Rio Grande River .

The United States declared the whole area to the Rio Grande River as its territory , justifying its decision by the peace agreement signed in 1836 in Velasco .

Meksiko je svojim teritorijem proglasio čitavo sjeverno područje do rijeke Nueces - oko 240 kilometara sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande. SAD je svojim teritorijem proglasio čitavo područje do rijeke Rio Grande, obrazlažući svoju odluku mirovnim sporazumom potpisanim 1836. godine u Velascu.

Meksiko je svojim teritorijem proglasio čitavo sjeverno područje do rijeke Nueces - oko 240 kilometara sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande.

SAD je svojim teritorijem proglasio čitavo područje do rijeke Rio Grande, obrazlažući svoju odluku mirovnim sporazumom potpisanim 1836. godine u Velascu.

Mexico has declared its entire northern area to the Nueces River - about 240 kilometers north of the Rio Grande River. The United States declared the whole area to the Rio Grande River as its territory, justifying its decision by the peace agreement signed in 1836 in Velasco.

Mexico has declared its entire northern area to the Nueces River - about 240 kilometers north of the Rio Grande River.

The United States declared the whole area to the Rio Grande River as its territory, justifying its decision by the peace agreement signed in 1836 in Velasco.

Taylor has ignored Mexican demands to withdraw U.S. troops to the Nueces River.

He built a fortress (later known as Fort Brown/Fort Texas) on the river Rio Grande on the opposite of the city of Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

Question: where did taylor build fort brown

Taylor has ignored Mexican demands to withdraw U.S. troops to the Nueces River.

He built a fortress (later known as Fort Brown/Fort Texas) on the river Rio Grande on the opposite of the city of Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

Question: fort brown/fort texas is on which river

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Question: where is fort brown located on the rio grande

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Question: fort brown/fort texas is opposite which mexican city

fort brown/fort texas is opposite which mexican city

Taylor has ignored Mexican demands to withdraw U.S. troops to the Nueces River .

He built a fortress ( later known as Fort Brown / Fort Texas ) on the river Rio Grande on the opposite of the city of Matamorosa , Tamaulipas .

Taylor je ignorirao meksičke zahtjeve za povlačenjem američkih trupa do rijeke Nueces. Izgradio je utvrdu (kasnije poznatu pod nazivom Fort Brown/Fort Texas) na obali rijeke Rio Grande nasuprot grada Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

Taylor je ignorirao meksičke zahtjeve za povlačenjem američkih trupa do rijeke Nueces.

Izgradio je utvrdu (kasnije poznatu pod nazivom Fort Brown/Fort Texas) na obali rijeke Rio Grande nasuprot grada Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

Taylor has ignored Mexican demands to withdraw U.S. troops to the Nueces River. He built a fortress (later known as Fort Brown/Fort Texas) on the river Rio Grande on the opposite of the city of Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

Taylor has ignored Mexican demands to withdraw U.S. troops to the Nueces River.

He built a fortress (later known as Fort Brown/Fort Texas) on the river Rio Grande on the opposite of the city of Matamorosa, Tamaulipas.

The Mexican forces under the leadership of General Marian Ariste were preparing for war.

On April 25, 1846, two thousand hard-armed members of the Mexican horse attacked an American patrol consisting of 70 soldiers, which was sent to a controversial part of the territory north of the Rio Grande and south of the Nueces.

Zachary Taylor: Soldier, Planter, Statesman of the Old Southwest
Considering the course his life took, one might wonder how Zachary Taylor ever came to be elected the twelfth president of the United States. According to K. Jack Bauer, Taylor “was and remains an enigma.” He was a southerner who espoused many antisouthern causes, an aristocrat with a strong feeling for the common man, an energetic yet cautious and conservative soldier. Not an intellectual, Taylor showed little curiosity about the world around him. In this biography—the most comprehensive since Holman Hamilton’s two-volume work published forty years ago—Bauer offers a fresh appraisal of Taylor’s life and suggests that Taylor may have been neither so simple nor so nonpolitical as many historians have believed.
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LibraryThing ReviewUser Review - tloeffler - LibraryThing
A biography of President Zachary Taylor. Very, very detailed, and extremely boring. I'm not sure if it was boring because there was too much detail, or if it was because Taylor was kind of boring. Read full review
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Have you ever heard of Zachary Taylor? Do you recognize the name? Other than having been the President of the United States sometime before Lincoln, would you know anything about him? Would you think ... Read full review
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Contents
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RETURN TO THE SOUTHWEST
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TEXAS
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Question: who led the mexican forces in 1846

The Mexican forces under the leadership of General Marian Ariste were preparing for war.

On April 25, 1846, two thousand hard-armed members of the Mexican horse attacked an American patrol consisting of 70 soldiers, which was sent to a controversial part of the territory north of the Rio Grande and south of the Nueces.

Question: how many soldiers were on the mexican patrol

how many soldiers were on the mexican patrol

Question: how many members of the mexican horse attacked an american patrol

how many members of the mexican horse attacked an american patrol

Question: when did the mexican horse attack the american patrol

25 . travnja 1846 . dvije tisuće teško naoružanih pripadnika meksičke konjice napalo je američku patrolu koja se sastojala od 70-ak vojnika , a koja je bila poslana na osporeni dio teritorija sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande i južno od rijeke Nueces .

when did the mexican horse attack the american patrol

Question: who attacked the american patrol in 1846

who attacked the american patrol in 1846

Question: who attacked the american patrol on april 25, 1846

who attacked the american patrol on april 25, 1846

Question: why did the mexican forces attack the american patrol

General Marian Ariste were preparing for war

generala Mariana Ariste pripremile su se za rat

General Marian Ariste were preparing for war

why did the mexican forces attack the american patrol

The Mexican forces under the leadership of General Marian Ariste were preparing for war .

On April 25 , 1846 , two thousand hard - armed members of the Mexican horse attacked an American patrol consisting of 70 soldiers , which was sent to a controversial part of the territory north of the Rio Grande and south of the Nueces .

Meksičke snage pod vodstvom generala Mariana Ariste pripremile su se za rat.

Dana 25. travnja 1846. dvije tisuće teško naoružanih pripadnika meksičke konjice napalo je američku patrolu koja se sastojala od 70-ak vojnika, a koja je bila poslana na osporeni dio teritorija sjeverno od rijeke Rio Grande i južno od rijeke Nueces.

The Mexican forces under the leadership of General Marian Ariste were preparing for war. On April 25, 1846, two thousand hard-armed members of the Mexican horse attacked an American patrol consisting of 70 soldiers, which was sent to a controversial part of the territory north of the Rio Grande and south of the Nueces.

The Mexican forces under the leadership of General Marian Ariste were preparing for war.

On April 25, 1846, two thousand hard-armed members of the Mexican horse attacked an American patrol consisting of 70 soldiers, which was sent to a controversial part of the territory north of the Rio Grande and south of the Nueces.

Southern Democrats, which has driven their faith into the indisputable destiny (eng.

They supported the war in the hope that it will create even more slave-owned territories in the South and that it will numerously strengthen the rapidly spread North.

Question: who supported the war in hopes of creating more slave owned territories in the south

Southern Democrats, which has driven their faith into the indisputable destiny (eng.

They supported the war in the hope that it will create even more slave-owned territories in the South and that it will numerously strengthen the rapidly spread North.

who supported the war in hopes of creating more slave owned territories in the south

Question: what did the southern democrats believe in

what did the southern democrats believe in

Question: what did the southern democrats support

Question: what did the southern democrats hope the war would strengthen

what did the southern democrats hope the war would strengthen

Question: where did the američko meksički rat live

where did the američko meksički rat live

Question: what did the southern democrats hope the war would create

robovlasničkih teritorija na Jugu te da će brojčano nadjačati Sjever koji se brzo širio

what did the southern democrats hope the war would create

Question: what political party did the američko meksički rat belong

what political party did the američko meksički rat belong

Southern Democrats , which has driven their faith into the indisputable destiny ( eng .

They supported the war in the hope that it will create even more slave - owned territories in the South and that it will numerously strengthen the rapidly spread North .

Južnjački Demokrati, koje je pokretala njihova vjera u nedvojbenu sudbinu (eng. Manifest Destiny), podupirali su rat u nadi da će stvoriti još više robovlasničkih teritorija na Jugu te da će brojčano nadjačati Sjever koji se brzo širio.

Južnjački Demokrati, koje je pokretala njihova vjera u nedvojbenu sudbinu (eng.

Manifest Destiny), podupirali su rat u nadi da će stvoriti još više robovlasničkih teritorija na Jugu te da će brojčano nadjačati Sjever koji se brzo širio.

Southern Democrats, which has driven their faith into the indisputable destiny (eng. They supported the war in the hope that it will create even more slave-owned territories in the South and that it will numerously strengthen the rapidly spread North.

Southern Democrats, which has driven their faith into the indisputable destiny (eng.

They supported the war in the hope that it will create even more slave-owned territories in the South and that it will numerously strengthen the rapidly spread North.

Former U.S. President John Quincy Adams, in his speech at the House of Representatives on May 25, 1836, also expressed a view that was based on the fact that the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of the territory of slavery.

Question: who said the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of slavery

Former U.S. President John Quincy Adams, in his speech at the House of Representatives on May 25, 1836, also expressed a view that was based on the fact that the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of the territory of slavery.

who said the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of slavery

Question: when did john quincy adams make his speech

when did john quincy adams make his speech

Question: what was the main cause of the war

na tome da razlog rata prvenstveno leži u tome da se proširi teritorij robovlasništva

Question: what was the main reason for the war

the expansion of the territory of slavery

na tome da razlog rata prvenstveno leži u tome da se proširi teritorij robovlasništva

the expansion of the territory of slavery

Question: where did the american war of 1836 take place

where did the american war of 1836 take place

Former U.S. President John Quincy Adams , in his speech at the House of Representatives on May 25 , 1836 , also expressed a view that was based on the fact that the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of the territory of slavery .

Bivši američki predsjednik John Quincy Adams u svojem je govoru u Zastupničkom domu 25. svibnja 1836. godine također izrazio mišljenje koje se temeljilo na tome da razlog rata prvenstveno leži u tome da se proširi teritorij robovlasništva.

Bivši američki predsjednik John Quincy Adams u svojem je govoru u Zastupničkom domu 25. svibnja 1836. godine također izrazio mišljenje koje se temeljilo na tome da razlog rata prvenstveno leži u tome da se proširi teritorij robovlasništva.

Former U.S. President John Quincy Adams, in his speech at the House of Representatives on May 25, 1836, also expressed a view that was based on the fact that the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of the territory of slavery.

Former U.S. President John Quincy Adams, in his speech at the House of Representatives on May 25, 1836, also expressed a view that was based on the fact that the reason for the war lies primarily in the expansion of the territory of slavery.

North-Eastern Mexico Defeats at Palo Alta and Resace de la Palma caused political disorders in Mexico; disorders that Antonio López de Santa Anna used to revive his political career and return from the persecution with Cuba in the middle of August 1846.

Question: who caused political disorders in mexico in 1846

North-Eastern Mexico Defeats at Palo Alta and Resace de la Palma caused political disorders in Mexico; disorders that Antonio López de Santa Anna used to revive his political career and return from the persecution with Cuba in the middle of August 1846.

who caused political disorders in mexico in 1846

Question: when did američko meksički rat return to mex

when did američko meksički rat return to mex

Question: where did the američko meksički rat come from

where did the američko meksički rat come from

Question: where did the američko-meksički rat fight in

where did the američko-meksički rat fight in

Question: what did the actions of the north-eastern mexican rebels cause

what did the actions of the north-eastern mexican rebels cause

Question: where did north-eastern mexico suffer political disorders

where did north-eastern mexico suffer political disorders

North - Eastern Mexico Defeats at Palo Alta and Resace de la Palma caused political disorders in Mexico ; disorders that Antonio López de Santa Anna used to revive his political career and return from the persecution with Cuba in the middle of August 1846 .

Sjeveroistočni Meksiko Porazi kod Palo Alta i Resace de la Palma prouzrokovali su političke nemire u Meksiku; nemire koje je Antonio López de Santa Anna iskoristio za oživljavanje vlastite političke karijere i povratak iz progona s Kube sredinom kolovoza 1846. godine.

Sjeveroistočni Meksiko Porazi kod Palo Alta i Resace de la Palma prouzrokovali su političke nemire u Meksiku; nemire koje je Antonio López de Santa Anna iskoristio za oživljavanje vlastite političke karijere i povratak iz progona s Kube sredinom kolovoza 1846. godine.

North-Eastern Mexico Defeats at Palo Alta and Resace de la Palma caused political disorders in Mexico; disorders that Antonio López de Santa Anna used to revive his political career and return from the persecution with Cuba in the middle of August 1846.

North-Eastern Mexico Defeats at Palo Alta and Resace de la Palma caused political disorders in Mexico; disorders that Antonio López de Santa Anna used to revive his political career and return from the persecution with Cuba in the middle of August 1846.

Under the leadership of Zachary Taylor, 2,300 U.S. troops crossed the Rio Grande River after initial difficulties with the river transport.

His soldiers occupied the city of Matamoros, and then Camargo (where problems with serious illnesses appeared for the first time) and continued to the south and surrounded the city of Monterrey.

The Battle of Monterrey featured two days of intense urban warfare on September 21 and 23. The city was perfectly suited to an urban warfare defense. It had narrow streets, houses that stood like small forts, and occasional high points where a fort could be constructed with a clear line of fire around the city. The city's homes had thick adobe walls, strong doors and windows, and a small wall along the rooftops that could be used as a parapet. The Mexican Army placed soldiers on these roofs and put cannons in the middle of the key thoroughfares.
On September 21st, the U.S. Army, as well as some U.S. volunteers, entered the city a number of times trying to flank a fort that was located high on a hill on northeast Monterrey, with clear views of that section of the city.
Most of these units attempted to move straight down Monterrey's streets, highly visible to Mexican soldiers on top of the well-guarded roofs and at the windows inside the second story of the stout homes. The 5th Infantry was virtually decimated when it marched boldly across a small canal and down a road that they believed led to their objective. The smoothbore rifles carried by the regular Army could not shoot accurately enough to hit the well-hidden soldiers. U.S. artillery rolled into the streets, but could not penetrate the thick, adobe walled homes.
On September 23, Zachary Taylor's men entered the city from the east and the west. This time they embraced new urban warfare techniques, taught to them by Texan soldiers. The Texans had already fought twice in Mexico-style cities which contained narrow streets, a town square, and thick walled homes with the parapet lining the roof. They had fought the Mexican army first at San Antonio in 1835, where Santa Anna's brother-in-law headquartered himself at the Alamo and scattered men throughout the rest of the city. They fought in a Mexican city again in 1842 at the Battle of Mier. From those battles they learned how to "mouse hole" from house to house instead of marching down open streets toward an objective. They also learned to never approach artillery in a city head-on, but to instead hide inside the houses and shoot the artillerymen who approached the piece. The Texans, as well as the Mississippians led by Jefferson Davis, possessed rifles rather than smoothbores. The rifles contained rifling which spun the bullet as it exited the barrel, making the rifle more accurate than the standard issue smoothbore. Rifles allowed these volunteers to shoot the well-hidden Mexican soldiers, who sometimes only showed their head above a parapet or the shadow of their body behind a rifle hole carved out in a house wall.
Many of the techniques used at Monterrey are still in use today in modern urban warfare, though with much more sophisticated technology. The young US army did not capture the lessons learned at Monterrey in 1846 and many of these techniques had to be re-learned later by the Army.
For additional information on urban warfare at Monterrey, read "A Perfect Gibraltar, the battle for Monterrey, Mexico".

Question: who led the american troops crossing the rio grande river

Under the leadership of Zachary Taylor, 2,300 U.S. troops crossed the Rio Grande River after initial difficulties with the river transport.

His soldiers occupied the city of Matamoros, and then Camargo (where problems with serious illnesses appeared for the first time) and continued to the south and surrounded the city of Monterrey.

who led the american troops crossing the rio grande river

Question: how many american troops crossed the rio grande river

how many american troops crossed the rio grande river

Question: where did the američko meksički rat fight in the

where did the američko meksički rat fight in the

Question: where did the american troops cross the rio grande river

where did the american troops cross the rio grande river

Question: where did the rio grande rat start to get sick

where did the rio grande rat start to get sick

Question: where did the američko meksički rat cross

where did the američko meksički rat cross

Question: what was the problem with the američko meksički rat

ozbiljnim bolestima ) te nastavili prema jugu i opkolili grad Monterrey

what was the problem with the američko meksički rat

Question: what was the problem with crossing the rio grande river

what was the problem with crossing the rio grande river

Under the leadership of Zachary Taylor , 2,300 U.S. troops crossed the Rio Grande River after initial difficulties with the river transport .

His soldiers occupied the city of Matamoros , and then Camargo ( where problems with serious illnesses appeared for the first time ) and continued to the south and surrounded the city of Monterrey .

Pod vodstvom Zacharyja Taylora, 2.300 vojnika američkih trupa prešlo je rijeku Rio Grande nakon početnih poteškoća s riječnim prijevozom.

Njegovi vojnici okupirali su grad Matamoros, a zatim i Camargo (gdje su se prvi puta pojavili problemi s ozbiljnim bolestima) te nastavili prema jugu i opkolili grad Monterrey.

Under the leadership of Zachary Taylor, 2,300 U.S. troops crossed the Rio Grande River after initial difficulties with the river transport. His soldiers occupied the city of Matamoros, and then Camargo (where problems with serious illnesses appeared for the first time) and continued to the south and surrounded the city of Monterrey.

Under the leadership of Zachary Taylor, 2,300 U.S. troops crossed the Rio Grande River after initial difficulties with the river transport.

His soldiers occupied the city of Matamoros, and then Camargo (where problems with serious illnesses appeared for the first time) and continued to the south and surrounded the city of Monterrey.

In the second half of April, Taylor ordered the first Division of Volunteers from Missouri to leave the city of Chihuahuu and join it in Saltilla.

Most U.S. merchants either went for them or returned to Santa Fe.

On the way, Parras citizens asked Doniphans for help in the fight against the Indian attacks that took their children, horses, masks and money.

Question: who did parras citizens ask for help in the fight against the indians

In the second half of April, Taylor ordered the first Division of Volunteers from Missouri to leave the city of Chihuahuu and join it in Saltilla.

Most U.S. merchants either went for them or returned to Santa Fe.

On the way, Parras citizens asked Doniphans for help in the fight against the Indian attacks that took their children, horses, masks and money.

who did parras citizens ask for help in the fight against the indians

Question: where did the first division of volunteers leave chihuahuu

where did the first division of volunteers leave chihuahuu

Question: where did the first division of volunteers come from

where did the first division of volunteers come from

Question: where did the american merchants go after chihuahuu

where did the american merchants go after chihuahuu

Question: where did the first division of volunteers leave

where did the first division of volunteers leave

Question: when did the first division of volunteers leave chihuahuu

drugoj polovici travnja , Taylor je naredio da prva divizija dobrovoljaca iz Missourija napusti grad Chihuahuu i pridruži mu se u Saltillu .

when did the first division of volunteers leave chihuahuu

Question: who ordered the division of volunteers from missouri to leave the city of chihuahu

who ordered the division of volunteers from missouri to leave the city of chihuahu

Question: what did the doniphans fight against

In the second half of April , Taylor ordered the first Division of Volunteers from Missouri to leave the city of Chihuahuu and join it in Saltilla .

Most U.S. merchants either went for them or returned to Santa Fe .

On the way , Parras citizens asked Doniphans for help in the fight against the Indian attacks that took their children , horses , masks and money .

U drugoj polovici travnja, Taylor je naredio da prva divizija dobrovoljaca iz Missourija napusti grad Chihuahuu i pridruži mu se u Saltillu.

Većina američkih trgovaca je ili krenula za njima ili se vratila u Santa Fe.

Putem su građani Parrasa zamolili Doniphana za pomoć u borbi protiv indijanskih napada koji su im uzimali djecu, konje, mazge i novac.

In the second half of April, Taylor ordered the first Division of Volunteers from Missouri to leave the city of Chihuahuu and join it in Saltilla. Most U.S. merchants either went for them or returned to Santa Fe. On the way, Parras citizens asked Doniphans for help in the fight against the Indian attacks that took their children, horses, masks and money.

In the second half of April, Taylor ordered the first Division of Volunteers from Missouri to leave the city of Chihuahuu and join it in Saltilla.

Most U.S. merchants either went for them or returned to Santa Fe.

On the way, Parras citizens asked Doniphans for help in the fight against the Indian attacks that took their children, horses, masks and money.

On the U.S. side, the war was led by plundered regular armies, as well as a variety of plundered, battle and satni charities from various allied states, as well as Americans and some Mexicans in the territory of California and New Mexico.

Question: where did the american army fight in the war

On the U.S. side, the war was led by plundered regular armies, as well as a variety of plundered, battle and satni charities from various allied states, as well as Americans and some Mexicans in the territory of California and New Mexico.

where did the american army fight in the war

Question: who led the american army in the war

Question: who were the americans fighting in the war

who were the americans fighting in the war

Question: what types of charities were involved in the war

what types of charities were involved in the war

Question: who funded the american army in the war

On the U.S. side , the war was led by plundered regular armies , as well as a variety of plundered , battle and satni charities from various allied states , as well as Americans and some Mexicans in the territory of California and New Mexico .

Vojnici Na američkoj strani, rat su vodile pukovnije redovne vojske, kao i razne pukovnije, bojne i satnije dragovoljaca iz raznih saveznih država, kao i Amerikanci i neki Meksikanci na području Kalifornije i Novog Meksika.

Vojnici Na američkoj strani, rat su vodile pukovnije redovne vojske, kao i razne pukovnije, bojne i satnije dragovoljaca iz raznih saveznih država, kao i Amerikanci i neki Meksikanci na području Kalifornije i Novog Meksika.

On the U.S. side, the war was led by plundered regular armies, as well as a variety of plundered, battle and satni charities from various allied states, as well as Americans and some Mexicans in the territory of California and New Mexico.

On the U.S. side, the war was led by plundered regular armies, as well as a variety of plundered, battle and satni charities from various allied states, as well as Americans and some Mexicans in the territory of California and New Mexico.

At the beginning of the war, the Mexican forces were divided into the permanent army (permanentes) and the active "home" (activos).

The permanent forces consisted of 12 peasant brigades (by two fighter brigades), three gun brigades, eight horse brigades, one special order and a dragon brigade.

Santa Anna’s Mexican Army 1821–48
Osprey's examination of the Mexican Army of Santa Anna, from 1821 to 1848. Detailed information on the Mexican Army which fought the Texans in the Battle of the Alamo (1836) and the US Army in its first important foreign war ten years later, is notoriously elusive. In this ground-breaking book an internationally respected military historian presents a mass of new information from Mexican archives and a variety of other contemporary sources. For the first time the armies of the notorious General Santa Anna are explained coherently for the English-speaking reader, and their frequently changing and unevenly issued uniforms are illustrated with early prints, portraits, photos of rare surviving items, and meticulous colour reconstructions.
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Question: how many peasant brigades were in the mexican army at the beginning of the

At the beginning of the war, the Mexican forces were divided into the permanent army (permanentes) and the active "home" (activos).

The permanent forces consisted of 12 peasant brigades (by two fighter brigades), three gun brigades, eight horse brigades, one special order and a dragon brigade.

how many peasant brigades were in the mexican army at the beginning of the

Question: what were the mexican forces divided into at the beginning of the war

what were the mexican forces divided into at the beginning of the war

Question: how many horse brigades were in the mexican army at the beginning of the

how many horse brigades were in the mexican army at the beginning of the

Question: what is the term for active home

Question: how many gun brigades were in the mexican army at the beginning of the

how many gun brigades were in the mexican army at the beginning of the

Question: what was the mexican army called at the beginning of the war

what was the mexican army called at the beginning of the war

Question: what is the active part of mexican army

Question: what is another term for active home

At the beginning of the war , the Mexican forces were divided into the permanent army ( permanentes ) and the active " home " ( activos ) .

The permanent forces consisted of 12 peasant brigades ( by two fighter brigades ) , three gun brigades , eight horse brigades , one special order and a dragon brigade .

Meksiko Na početku rata, meksičke snage bile su podijeljene na stalnu vojsku (permanentes) i aktivne "domobrane" (activos).

Trajne snage sastojale su se od 12 pukovnija pješaštva (po dvije bojne svaka), tri topničke brigade, osam konjičkih pukovnija, jednog posebnog odreda i dragunske brigade.

At the beginning of the war, the Mexican forces were divided into the permanent army (permanentes) and the active "home" (activos). The permanent forces consisted of 12 peasant brigades (by two fighter brigades), three gun brigades, eight horse brigades, one special order and a dragon brigade.

At the beginning of the war, the Mexican forces were divided into the permanent army (permanentes) and the active "home" (activos).

The permanent forces consisted of 12 peasant brigades (by two fighter brigades), three gun brigades, eight horse brigades, one special order and a dragon brigade.

Jefferson Davis proposed an amendment by which the U.S. gets the majority of northeastern Mexico, but it was not accepted by the result of 44:11.

He was supported by both Senators from Texas (Sam Houston and Thomas Jefferson Rusk), Daniel S. Dickinson from New York, Stephen A. Douglas from Illinois, Edward A. Hannegan from Indiana and one Senator from Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Ohio, Missouri and Tennessee.

The United States and Mexico, 1821-1848: A History of the Relations Between the Two Countries from the Independence of Mexico to the Close of the War with the United States, Volume 2
C. Scribner's Sons, 1913 - Mexican War, 1846-1848
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Contents
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Common terms and phrases
30 Cong advance agreed American Anna's army arrived artillery attack authorities battery battle brigade British Buchanan cabinet California called capital carried cavalry command Congress considered continued course Cruz Department directed division early effect enemy expressed fire force Foreign forward four further give guns hand House hundred ibid infantry instructions land later letter means ment Mexican Mexico miles military Minister Monterey months morning movement negotiations occupied officers once orders party passed peace position present President proposed question reached reason received regiments regular Relations remained reported result river road Santa Anna Scott seems Senate sent sess side soon success Taylor territory Texas thought thousand tion treaty Trist troops United volunteers Washington whole Worth wrote
Popular passages
Page 627 - The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States and admitted as soon as possible according to the principles of the federal Constitution to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States, and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and the Religion which they profess.
Page 159 - As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests of our country. ... I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognize the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace.
Page 620 - It has never been contemplated by me, as an object of the war, to make a permanent conquest of the Republic of Mexico or to annihilate her separate existence as an independent nation. On the contrary, it has ever been my desire that she should maintain her nationality, and under a good government adapted to her condition be a free, independent, and prosperous Republic.
Page 159 - Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil.
Page 542 - Outside and within the cross-fires of those gates, we found to the south other obstacles but little less formidable. All the approaches near the city are over elevated causeways, cut in many places (to oppose us), and flanked on both sides by ditches, also of unusual dimensions. The numerous cross-roads are flanked in like manner, having bridges at the intersections, recently broken. The meadows thus...
Page 238 - Provided, That as an express and fundamental condition to, the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty which may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted.
Page 167 - Whilst the president will make no effort and use no influence to induce the Californians to become one of the free and independent states of this Union, yet if the people should desire to unite their destiny with ours, they would be received as brethren, whenever this can be done without affording Mexico any just cause of complaint.
Page 430 - My first impulse was to return the farrago of insolence, conceit and arrogance to the author; but on reflection I have determined to preserve the letters as a choice specimen of diplomatic literature and manners. The jacobin convention of France never sent to one of its armies in the field a more amiable and accomplished instrument. If you were armed with an ambulatory guillotine, you would be the personification of Danton, Marat, and St. Just — all in one.
Page 69 - Mexico; and it is more than doubtful whether her authority will ever be reinstated. Under these circumstances, it is the desire of the President that you shall use your best efforts to obtain a cession of that Province from Mexico to the United States.
Page 228 - Your religion, your altars, and churches, the property of your churches and citizens, the emblems of your faith, and its ministers, shall be protected, and remain inviolate. Hundreds of our army, and hundreds of thousands of our people, are members of the Catholic church. In every state, and in nearly every city and village of...

Question: who proposed an amendment to get the majority of mexico

Jefferson Davis proposed an amendment by which the U.S. gets the majority of northeastern Mexico, but it was not accepted by the result of 44:11.

He was supported by both Senators from Texas (Sam Houston and Thomas Jefferson Rusk), Daniel S. Dickinson from New York, Stephen A. Douglas from Illinois, Edward A. Hannegan from Indiana and one Senator from Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Ohio, Missouri and Tennessee.

who proposed an amendment to get the majority of mexico

Question: who supported the američko meksički rat amendment

who supported the američko meksički rat amendment

Question: what was the result of the ratification of the američko meksi

what was the result of the ratification of the američko meksi

Question: where does the us get the most in mexico

Meksika , ali on nije prihvaćen rezultatom

where does the us get the most in mexico

Question: sam houston and thomas jefferson rusk were senators from which state

sam houston and thomas jefferson rusk were senators from which state

Question: which two texas senators supported jefferson davis amendment

which two texas senators supported jefferson davis amendment

Jefferson Davis proposed an amendment by which the U.S. gets the majority of northeastern Mexico , but it was not accepted by the result of 44:11 .

He was supported by both Senators from Texas ( Sam Houston and Thomas Jefferson Rusk ) , Daniel S. Dickinson from New York , Stephen A. Douglas from Illinois , Edward A. Hannegan from Indiana and one Senator from Alabama , Florida , Mississippi , Ohio , Missouri and Tennessee .

Jefferson Davis predložio je amandman kojim SAD dobivaju većinu sjeveroistočnog Meksika, ali on nije prihvaćen rezultatom 44:11.

Podupirala su ga oba senatora iz Teksasa (Sam Houston i Thomas Jefferson Rusk), Daniel S. Dickinson iz New Yorka, Stephen A. Douglas iz Illinoisa, Edward A. Hannegan iz Indiane i po jedan senator iz Alabame, Floride, Mississippija, Ohija, Missourija i Tennesseeja.

Jefferson Davis proposed an amendment by which the U.S. gets the majority of northeastern Mexico, but it was not accepted by the result of 44:11. He was supported by both Senators from Texas (Sam Houston and Thomas Jefferson Rusk), Daniel S. Dickinson from New York, Stephen A. Douglas from Illinois, Edward A. Hannegan from Indiana and one Senator from Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Ohio, Missouri and Tennessee.

Jefferson Davis proposed an amendment by which the U.S. gets the majority of northeastern Mexico, but it was not accepted by the result of 44:11.

He was supported by both Senators from Texas (Sam Houston and Thomas Jefferson Rusk), Daniel S. Dickinson from New York, Stephen A. Douglas from Illinois, Edward A. Hannegan from Indiana and one Senator from Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Ohio, Missouri and Tennessee.

Acquired areas west of the Rio Grande River in the U.S. are traditionally referred to as Mexican abandonment, unlike the Texas annexation that occurred two years earlier, although the division of New Mexico through the middle of the Rio Grande River has never been based on control or the Mexican borders.

Question: what are acquired areas west of the rio grande referred to as

what are acquired areas west of the rio grande referred to as

Question: which state annexed land west of the rio grande river

which state annexed land west of the rio grande river

Question: when did texas annex land west of the rio grande

when did texas annex land west of the rio grande

Question: where does new mexico get its water from

where does new mexico get its water from

Question: where does mexico get its land from

Question: the division of new mexico through the middle of the rio grande river

the division of new mexico through the middle of the rio grande river

Question: who owns land west of the rio grande river

who owns land west of the rio grande river

Question: which annexation of land west of the rio grande river occurred two years earlier

which annexation of land west of the rio grande river occurred two years earlier

Acquired areas west of the Rio Grande River in the U.S. are traditionally referred to as Mexican abandonment , unlike the Texas annexation that occurred two years earlier , although the division of New Mexico through the middle of the Rio Grande River has never been based on control or the Mexican borders .

Dobivena područja zapadno od rijeke Rio Grande u SAD-u se tradicionalno zovu Meksičko prepuštanje za razliku od Teksaškog pripajanja koje se dogodilo dvije godine ranije, premda podjela Novog Meksika po sredini rijeke Rio Grande nikad nije bila utemeljena kontrolom ili meksičkim granicama.

Dobivena područja zapadno od rijeke Rio Grande u SAD-u se tradicionalno zovu Meksičko prepuštanje za razliku od Teksaškog pripajanja koje se dogodilo dvije godine ranije, premda podjela Novog Meksika po sredini rijeke Rio Grande nikad nije bila utemeljena kontrolom ili meksičkim granicama.

Before ratification of the agreement itself, the U.S. Senate made two amendments: modified the text in Article IX (which guaranteed Mexicans life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens) and revoked Article X (which accepted the legitimacy of land support issued by the Mexican government).

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TREATY OF PEACE, FRIENDSHIP, LIMITS, AND SETTLEMENT
BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNITED MEXICAN
STATES CONCLUDED AT GUADALUPE HIDALGO, FEBRUARY 2, 1848;
RATIFICATION ADVISED BY SENATE, WITH AMENDMENTS, MARCH 10,
1848; RATIFIED BY PRESIDENT, MARCH 16, 1848; RATIFICATIONS
EXCHANGED AT QUERETARO, MAY 30, 1848; PROCLAIMED, JULY 4,
1848.
IN THE NAME OF ALMIGHTY GOD
The United States of America and the United Mexican States
animated by a sincere desire to put an end to the calamities
of the war which unhappily exists between the two Republics
and to establish Upon a solid basis relations of peace and
friendship, which shall confer reciprocal benefits upon the
citizens of both, and assure the concord, harmony, and
mutual confidence wherein the two people should live, as
good neighbors have for that purpose appointed their
respective plenipotentiaries, that is to say: The President
of the United States has appointed Nicholas P. Trist, a
citizen of the United States, and the President of the
Mexican Republic has appointed Don Luis Gonzaga Cuevas, Don
Bernardo Couto, and Don Miguel Atristain, citizens of the
said Republic; Who, after a reciprocal communication of
their respective full powers, have, under the protection of
Almighty God, the author of peace, arranged, agreed upon,
and signed the following:
Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Settlement between
the United States of America and the Mexican Republic.
ARTICLE I
There shall be firm and universal peace between the United
States of America and the Mexican Republic, and between
their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and
people, without exception of places or persons.
ARTICLE II
Immediately upon the signature of this treaty, a convention
shall be entered into between a commissioner or
commissioners appointed by the General-in-chief of the
forces of the United States, and such as may be appointed by
the Mexican Government, to the end that a provisional
suspension of hostilities shall take place, and that, in the
places occupied by the said forces, constitutional order may
be reestablished, as regards the political, administrative,
and judicial branches, so far as this shall be permitted by
the circumstances of military occupation.
ARTICLE III
Immediately upon the ratification of the present treaty by
the Government of the United States, orders shall be
transmitted to the commanders of their land and naval
forces, requiring the latter (provided this treaty shall
then have been ratified by the Government of the Mexican
Republic, and the ratifications exchanged) immediately to
desist from blockading any Mexican ports and requiring the
former (under the same condition) to commence, at the
earliest moment practicable, withdrawing all troops of the
United States then in the interior of the Mexican Republic,
to points that shall be selected by common agreement, at a
distance from the seaports not exceeding thirty leagues; and
such evacuation of the interior of the Republic shall be
completed with the least possible delay; the Mexican
Government hereby binding itself to afford every facility in
its power for rendering the same convenient to the troops,
on their march and in their new positions, and for promoting
a good understanding between them and the inhabitants. In
like manner orders shall be despatched to the persons in
charge of the custom houses at all ports occupied by the
forces of the United States, requiring them (under the same
condition) immediately to deliver possession of the same to
the persons authorized by the Mexican Government to receive
it, together with all bonds and evidences of debt for duties
on importations and on exportations, not yet fallen due.
Moreover, a faithful and exact account shall be made out,
showing the entire amount of all duties on imports and on
exports, collected at such custom-houses, or elsewhere in
Mexico, by authority of the United States, from and after
the day of ratification of this treaty by the Government of
the Mexican Republic; and also an account of the cost of
collection; and such entire amount, deducting only the cost
of collection, shall be delivered to the Mexican Government,
at the city of Mexico, within three months after the
exchange of ratifications.
The evacuation of the capital of the Mexican Republic by
the troops of the United States, in virtue of the above
stipulation, shall be completed in one month after the
orders there stipulated for shall have been received by the
commander of said troops, or sooner if possible.
ARTICLE IV
Immediately after the exchange of ratifications of the
present treaty all castles, forts, territories, places, and
possessions, which have been taken or occupied by the forces
of the United States during the present war, within the
limits of the Mexican Republic, as about to be established
by the following article, shall be definitely restored to
the said Republic, together with all the artillery, arms,
apparatus of war, munitions, and other public property,
which were in the said castles and forts when captured, and
which shall remain there at the time when this treaty shall
be duly ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic.
To this end, immediately upon the signature of this treaty,
orders shall be despatched to the American officers
commanding such castles and forts, securing against the
removal or destruction of any such artillery, arms,
apparatus of war, munitions, or other public property. The
city of Mexico, within the inner line of intrenchments
surrounding the said city, is comprehended in the above
stipulation, as regards the restoration of artillery,
apparatus of war, & c.
The final evacuation of the territory of the Mexican
Republic, by the forces of the United States, shall be
completed in three months from the said exchange of
ratifications, or sooner if possible; the Mexican Government
hereby engaging, as in the foregoing article to use all
means in its power for facilitating such evacuation, and
rendering it convenient to the troops, and for promoting a
good understanding between them and the inhabitants.
If, however, the ratification of this treaty by both
parties should not take place in time to allow the
embarcation of the troops of the United States to be
completed before the commencement of the sickly season, at
the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico, in such case a
friendly arrangement shall be entered into between the
General-in-Chief of the said troops and the Mexican
Government, whereby healthy and otherwise suitable places,
at a distance from the ports not exceeding thirty leagues,
shall be designated for the residence of such troops as may
not yet have embarked, until the return of the healthy
season. And the space of time here referred to as,
comprehending the sickly season shall be understood to
extend from the first day of May to the first day of
November.
All prisoners of war taken on either side, on land or on
sea, shall be restored as soon as practicable after the
exchange of ratifications of this treaty. It is also agreed
that if any Mexicans should now be held as captives by any
savage tribe within the limits of the United States, as
about to be established by the following article, the
Government of the said United States will exact the release
of such captives and cause them to be restored to their
country.
ARTICLE V
The boundary line between the two Republics shall commence
in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the
mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del
Norte, or Opposite the mouth of its deepest branch, if it
should have more than one branch emptying directly into the
sea; from thence up the middle of that river, following the
deepest channel, where it has more than one, to the point
where it strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico;
thence, westwardly, along the whole southern boundary of New
Mexico (which runs north of the town called Paso) to its
western termination; thence, northward, along the western
line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of
the river Gila; (or if it should not intersect any branch of
that river, then to the point on the said line nearest to
such branch, and thence in a direct line to the same);
thence down the middle of the said branch and of the said
river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado; thence across
the Rio Colorado, following the division line between Upper
and Lower California, to the Pacific Ocean.
The southern and western limits of New Mexico, mentioned
in the article, are those laid down in the map entitled
"Map of the United Mexican States, as organized and
defined by various acts of the Congress of said republic,
and constructed according to the best authorities. Revised
edition. Published at New York, in 1847, by J. Disturnell,"
of which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing the
signatures and seals of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries.
And, in order to preclude all difficulty in tracing upon the
ground the limit separating Upper from Lower California, it
is agreed that the said limit shall consist of a straight
line drawn from the middle of the Rio Gila, where it unites
with the Colorado, to a point on the coast of the Pacific
Ocean, distant one marine league due south of the
southernmost point of the port of San Diego, according to
the plan of said port made in the year 1782 by Don Juan
Pantoja, second sailing-master of the Spanish fleet, and
published at Madrid in the year 1802, in the atlas to the
voyage of the schooners Sutil and Mexicana; of which plan a
copy is hereunto added, signed and sealed by the respective
Plenipotentiaries.
In order to designate the boundary line with due
precision, upon authoritative maps, and to establish upon
the ground land-marks which shall show the limits of both
republics, as described in the present article, the two
Governments shall each appoint a commissioner and a
surveyor, who, before the expiration of one year from the
date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, shall
meet at the port of San Diego, and proceed to run and mark
the said boundary in its whole course to the mouth of the
Rio Bravo del Norte. They shall keep journals and make out
plans of their operations; and the result agreed upon by
them shall be deemed a part of this treaty, and shall have
the same force as if it were inserted therein. The two
Governments will amicably agree regarding what may be
necessary to these persons, and also as to their respective
escorts, should such be necessary.
The boundary line established by this article shall be
religiously respected by each of the two republics, and no
change shall ever be made therein, except by the express and
free consent of both nations, lawfully given by the General
Government of each, in conformity with its own
constitution.
ARTICLE VI
The vessels and citizens of the United States shall, in all
time, have a free and uninterrupted passage by the Gulf of
California, and by the river Colorado below its confluence
with the Gila, to and from their possessions situated north
of the boundary line defined in the preceding article; it
being understood that this passage is to be by navigating
the Gulf of California and the river Colorado, and not by
land, without the express consent of the Mexican
Government.
If, by the examinations which may be made, it should be
ascertained to be practicable and advantageous to construct
a road, canal, or railway, which should in whole or in part
run upon the river Gila, or upon its right or its left bank,
within the space of one marine league from either margin of
the river, the Governments of both republics will form an
agreement regarding its construction, in order that it may
serve equally for the use and advantage of both
countries.
ARTICLE VII
The river Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del Norte
lying below the southern boundary of New Mexico, being,
agreeably to the fifth article, divided in the middle
between the two republics, the navigation of the Gila and of
the Bravo below said boundary shall be free and common to
the vessels and citizens of both countries; and neither
shall, without the consent of the other, construct any work
that may impede or interrupt, in whole or in part, the
exercise of this right; not even for the purpose of favoring
new methods of navigation. Nor shall any tax or
contribution, under any denomination or title, be levied
upon vessels or persons navigating the same or upon
merchandise or effects transported thereon, except in the
case of landing upon one of their shores. If, for the
purpose of making the said rivers navigable, or for
maintaining them in such state, it should be necessary or
advantageous to establish any tax or contribution, this
shall not be done without the consent of both
Governments.
The stipulations contained in the present article shall
not impair the territorial rights of either republic within
its established limits.
ARTICLE VIII
Mexicans now established in territories previously belonging
to Mexico, and which remain for the future within the limits
of the United States, as defined by the present treaty,
shall be free to continue where they now reside, or to
remove at any time to the Mexican Republic, retaining the
property which they possess in the said territories, or
disposing thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they
please, without their being subjected, on this account, to
any contribution, tax, or charge whatever.
Those who shall prefer to remain in the said territories
may either retain the title and rights of Mexican citizens,
or acquire those of citizens of the United States. But they
shall be under the obligation to make their election within
one year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of
this treaty; and those who shall remain in the said
territories after the expiration of that year, without
having declared their intention to retain the character of
Mexicans, shall be considered to have elected to become
citizens of the United States.
In the said territories, property of every kind, now
belonging to Mexicans not established there, shall be
inviolably respected. The present owners, the heirs of
these, and all Mexicans who may hereafter acquire said
property by contract, shall enjoy with respect to it
guarantees equally ample as if the same belonged to citizens
of the United States.
ARTICLE IX
The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not
preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican Republic,
conformably with what is stipulated in the preceding
article, shall be incorporated into the Union of the United
States. and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged of
by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of
all the rights of citizens of the United States, according
to the principles of the Constitution; and in the mean time,
shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of
their liberty and property, and secured in the free exercise
of their religion without; restriction.
ARTICLE X
[Stricken out]
Article XI
Considering that a great part of the territories, which, by
the present treaty, are to be comprehended for the future
within the limits of the United States, is now occupied by
savage tribes, who will hereafter be under the exclusive
control of the Government of the United States, and whose
incursions within the territory of Mexico would be
prejudicial in the extreme, it is solemnly agreed that all
such incursions shall be forcibly restrained by the
Government of the United States whensoever this may be
necessary; and that when they cannot be prevented, they
shall be punished by the said Government, and satisfaction
for the same shall be exactedall in the same way, and with
equal diligence and energy, as if the same incursions were
meditated or committed within its own territory, against its
own citizens.
It shall not be lawful, under any pretext whatever, for
any inhabitant of the United States to purchase or acquire
any Mexican, or any foreigner residing in Mexico, who may
have been captured by Indians inhabiting the territory of
either of the two republics; nor to purchase or acquire
horses, mules, cattle, or property of any kind, stolen
within Mexican territory by such Indians.
And in the event of any person or persons, captured
within Mexican territory by Indians, being carried into the
territory of the United States, the Government of the latter
engages and binds itself, in the most solemn manner, so soon
as it shall know of such captives being within its
territory, and shall be able so to do, through the faithful
exercise of its influence and power, to rescue them and
return them to their country. or deliver them to the agent
or representative of the Mexican Government. The Mexican
authorities will, as far as practicable, give to the
Government of the United States notice of such captures; and
its agents shall pay the expenses incurred in the
maintenance and transmission of the rescued captives; who,
in the mean time, shall be treated with the utmost
hospitality by the American authorities at the place where
they may be. But if the Government of the United States,
before receiving such notice from Mexico, should obtain
intelligence, through any other channel, of the existence of
Mexican captives within its territory, it will proceed
forthwith to effect their release and delivery to the
Mexican agent, as above stipulated.
For the purpose of giving to these stipulations the
fullest possible efficacy, thereby affording the security
and redress demanded by their true spirit and intent, the
Government of the United States will now and hereafter pass,
without unnecessary delay, and always vigilantly enforce,
such laws as the nature of the subject may require. And,
finally, the sacredness of this obligation shall never be
lost sight of by the said Government, when providing for the
removal of the Indians from any portion of the said
territories, or for its being settled by citizens of the
United States; but, on the contrary, special care shall then
be taken not to place its Indian occupants under the
necessity of seeking new homes, by committing those
invasions which the United States have solemnly obliged
themselves to restrain.
ARTICLE XII
In consideration of the extension acquired by the boundaries
of the United States, as defined in the fifth article of the
present treaty, the Government of the United States engages
to pay to that of the Mexican Republic the sum of fifteen
millions of dollars.
Immediately after the treaty shall have been duly
ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic, the sum
of three millions of dollars shall be paid to the said
Government by that of the United States, at the city of
Mexico, in the gold or silver coin of Mexico The remaining
twelve millions of dollars shall be paid at the same place,
and in the same coin, in annual installments of three
millions of dollars each, together with interest on the same
at the rate of six per centum per annum. This interest shall
begin to run upon the whole sum of twelve millions from the
day of the ratification of the present treaty by--the
Mexican Government, and the first of the installments shall
be paid-at the expiration of one year from the same day.
Together with each annual installment, as it falls due, the
whole interest accruing on such installment from the
beginning shall also be paid.
ARTICLE XIII
The United States engage, moreover, to assume and pay to the
claimants all the amounts now due them, and those hereafter
to become due, by reason of the claims already liquidated
and decided against the Mexican Republic, under the
conventions between the two republics severally concluded on
the eleventh day of April, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine,
and on the thirtieth day of January, eighteen hundred and
forty-three; so that the Mexican Republic shall be
absolutely exempt, for the future, from all expense whatever
on account of the said claims.
ARTICLE XIV
The United States do furthermore discharge the Mexican
Republic from all claims of citizens of the United States,
not heretofore decided against the Mexican Government, which
may have arisen previously to the date of the signature of
this treaty; which discharge shall be final and perpetual,
whether the said claims be rejected or be allowed by the
board of commissioners provided for in the following
article, and whatever shall be the total amount of those
allowed.
ARTICLE XV
The United States, exonerating Mexico from all demands on
account of the claims of their citizens mentioned in the
preceding article, and considering them entirely and forever
canceled, whatever their amount may be, undertake to make
satisfaction for the same, to an amount not exceeding three
and one-quarter millions of dollars. To ascertain the
validity and amount of those claims, a board of
commissioners shall be established by the Government of the
United States, whose awards shall be final and conclusive;
provided that, in deciding upon the validity of each claim,
the boa shall be guided and governed by the principles and
rules of decision prescribed by the first and fifth articles
of the unratified convention, concluded at the city of
Mexico on the twentieth day of November, one thousand eight
hundred and forty-three; and in no case shall an award be
made in favour of any claim not embraced by these principles
and rules.
If, in the opinion of the said board of commissioners or
of the claimants, any books, records, or documents, in the
possession or power of the Government of the Mexican
Republic, shall be deemed necessary to the just decision of
any claim, the commissioners, or the claimants through them,
shall, within such period as Congress may designate, make an
application in writing for the same, addressed to the
Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs, to be transmitted by
the Secretary of State of the United States; and the Mexican
Government engages, at the earliest possible moment after
the receipt of such demand, to cause any of the books,
records, or documents so specified, which shall be in their
possession or power (or authenticated copies or extracts of
the same), to be transmitted to the said Secretary of State,
who shall immediately deliver them over to the said board of
commissioners; provided that no such application shall be
made by or at the instance of any claimant, until the facts
which it is expected to prove by such books, records, or
documents, shall have been stated under oath or
affirmation.
ARTICLE XVI
Each of the contracting parties reserves to itself the
entire right to fortify whatever point within its territory
it may judge proper so to fortify for its security.
ARTICLE XVII
The treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, concluded at
the city of Mexico, on the fifth day of April, A. D. 1831,
between the United States of America and the United Mexican
States, except the additional article, and except so far as
the stipulations of the said treaty may be incompatible with
any stipulation contained in the present treaty, is hereby
revived for the period of eight years from the day of the
exchange of ratifications of this treaty, with the same
force and virtue as if incorporated therein; it being
understood that each of the contracting parties reserves to
itself the right, at any time after the said period of eight
years shall have expired, to terminate the same by giving
one year's notice of such intention to the other
party.
ARTICLE XVIII
All supplies whatever for troops of the United States in
Mexico, arriving at ports in the occupation of such troops
previous to the final evacuation thereof, although
subsequently to the restoration of the custom-houses at such
ports, shall be entirely exempt from duties and charges of
any kind; the Government of the United States hereby
engaging and pledging its faith to establish and vigilantly
to enforce, all possible guards for securing the revenue of
Mexico, by preventing the importation, under cover of this
stipulation, of any articles other than such, both in kind
and in quantity, as shall really be wanted for the use and
consumption of the forces of the United States during the
time they may remain in Mexico. To this end it shall be the
duty of all officers and agents of the United States to
denounce to the Mexican authorities at the respective ports
any attempts at a fraudulent abuse of this stipulation,
which they may know of, or may have reason to suspect, and
to give to such authorities all the aid in their power with
regard thereto; and every such attempt, when duly proved and
established by sentence of a competent tribunal, They shall
be punished by the confiscation of the property so attempted
to be fraudulently introduced.
ARTICLE XIX
With respect to all merchandise, effects, and property
whatsoever, imported into ports of Mexico, whilst in the
occupation of the forces of the United States, whether by
citizens of either republic, or by citizens or subjects of
any neutral nation, the following rules shall be
observed:
With respect to the metals, or other property, exported from
any Mexican port whilst in the occupation of the forces of
the United States, and previously to the restoration of the
custom-house at such port, no person shall be required by
the Mexican authorities, whether general or state, to pay
any tax, duty, or contribution upon any such exportation, or
in any manner to account for the same to the said
authorities.
- (1) All such
merchandise, effects, and property, if
imported previously to the restoration of the
custom-houses to the Mexican authorities, as
stipulated for in the third article of this
treaty, shall be exempt from confiscation,
although the importation of the same be
prohibited by the Mexican tariff.
- (2) The same
perfect exemption shall be enjoyed by all
such merchandise, effects, and property,
imported subsequently to the restoration of
the custom-houses, and previously to the
sixty days fixed in the following article for
the coming into force of the Mexican tariff
at such ports respectively; the said
merchandise, effects, and property being,
however, at the time of their importation,
subject to the payment of duties, as provided
for in the said following article.
- (3) All
merchandise, effects, and property described
in the two rules foregoing shall, during
their continuance at the place of
importation, and upon their leaving such
place for the interior, be exempt from all
duty, tax, or imposts of every kind, under
whatsoever title or denomination. Nor shall
they be there subject to any charge
whatsoever upon the sale thereof.
- (4) All
merchandise, effects, and property, described
in the first and second rules, which shall
have been removed to any place in the
interior, whilst such place was in the
occupation of the forces of the United
States, shall, during their continuance
therein, be exempt from all tax upon the sale
or consumption thereof, and from every kind
of impost or contribution, under whatsoever
title or denomination.
- (5) But if any
merchandise, effects, or property, described
in the first and second rules, shall be
removed to any place not occupied at the time
by the forces of the United States, they
shall, upon their introduction into such
place, or upon their sale or consumption
there, be subject to the same duties which,
under the Mexican laws, they would be
required to pay in such cases if they had
been imported in time of peace, through the
maritime custom-houses, and had there paid
the duties conformably with the Mexican
tariff.
- (6) The owners of
all merchandise, effects, or property,
described in the first and second rules, and
existing in any port of Mexico, shall have
the right to reship the same, exempt from all
tax, impost, or contribution whatever.
ARTICLE XX
Through consideration for the interests of commerce
generally, it is agreed, that if less than sixty days should
elapse between the date of the signature of this treaty and
the restoration of the custom houses, conformably with the
stipulation in the third article, in such case all
merchandise, effects and property whatsoever, arriving at
the Mexican ports after the restoration of the said
custom-houses, and previously to the expiration of sixty
days after the day of signature of this treaty, shall be
admitted to entry; and no other duties shall be levied
thereon than the duties established by the tariff found in
force at such custom-houses at the time of the restoration
of the same. And to all such merchandise, effects, and
property, the rules established by the preceding article
shall apply.
ARTICLE XXI
If unhappily any disagreement should hereafter arise between
the Governments of the two republics, whether with respect
to the interpretation of any stipulation in this treaty, or
with respect to any other particular concerning the
political or commercial relations of the two nations, the
said Governments, in the name of those nations, do promise
to each other that they will endeavour, in the most sincere
and earnest manner, to settle the differences so arising,
and to preserve the state of peace and friendship in which
the two countries are now placing themselves, using, for
this end, mutual representations and pacific negotiations.
And if, by these means, they should not be enabled to come
to an agreement, a resort shall not, on this account, be had
to reprisals, aggression, or hostility of any kind, by the
one republic against the other, until the Government of that
which deems itself aggrieved shall have maturely considered,
in the spirit of peace and good neighbourship, whether it
would not be better that such difference should be settled
by the arbitration of commissioners appointed on each side,
or by that of a friendly nation. And should such course be
proposed by either party, it shall be acceded to by the
other, unless deemed by it altogether incompatible with the
nature of the difference, or the circumstances of the
case.
ARTICLE XXII
If (which is not to be expected, and which God forbid) war
should unhappily break out between the two republics, they
do now, with a view to such calamity, solemnly pledge
themselves to each other and to the world to observe the
following rules; absolutely where the nature of the subject
permits, and as closely as possible in all cases where such
absolute observance shall be impossible:
(1) The merchants of
either republic then residing in the other shall be
allowed to remain twelve months (for those dwelling in
the interior), and six months (for those dwelling at
the seaports) to collect their debts and settle their
affairs; during which periods they shall enjoy the same
protection, and be on the same footing, in all
respects, as the citizens or subjects of the most
friendly nations; and, at the expiration thereof, or at
any time before, they shall have full liberty to
depart, carrying off all their effects without
molestation or hindrance, conforming therein to the
same laws which the citizens or subjects of the most
friendly nations are required to conform to. Upon the
entrance of the armies of either nation into the
territories of the other, women and children,
ecclesiastics, scholars of every faculty, cultivators
of the earth, merchants, artisans, manufacturers, and
fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns,
villages, or places, and in general all persons whose
occupations are for the common subsistence and benefit
of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their
respective employments, unmolested in their persons.
Nor shall their houses or goods be burnt or otherwise
destroyed, nor their cattle taken, nor their fields
wasted, by the armed force into whose power, by the
events of war, they may happen to fall; but if the
necessity arise to take anything from them for the use
of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at an
equitable price. All churches, hospitals, schools,
colleges, libraries, and other establishments for
charitable and beneficent purposes, shall be respected,
and all persons connected with the same protected in
the discharge of their duties, and the pursuit of their
vocations.
(2). In order that the
fate of prisoners of war may be alleviated all such
practices as those of sending them into distant,
inclement or unwholesome districts, or crowding them
into close and noxious places, shall be studiously
avoided. They shall not be confined in dungeons, prison
ships, or prisons; nor be put in irons, or bound or
otherwise restrained in the use of their limbs. The
officers shall enjoy liberty on their paroles, within
convenient districts, and have comfortable quarters;
and the common soldiers shall be dispose( in
cantonments, open and extensive enough for air and
exercise and lodged in barracks as roomy and good as
are provided by the party in whose power they are for
its own troops. But if any office shall break his
parole by leaving the district so assigned him, o any
other prisoner shall escape from the limits of his
cantonment after they shall have been designated to
him, such individual, officer, or other prisoner, shall
forfeit so much of the benefit of this article as
provides for his liberty on parole or in cantonment.
And if any officer so breaking his parole or any common
soldier so escaping from the limits assigned him, shall
afterwards be found in arms previously to his being
regularly exchanged, the person so offending shall be
dealt with according to the established laws of war.
The officers shall be daily furnished, by the party in
whose power they are, with as many rations, and of the
same articles, as are allowed either in kind or by
commutation, to officers of equal rank in its own army;
and all others shall be daily furnished with such
ration as is allowed to a common soldier in its own
service; the value of all which supplies shall, at the
close of the war, or at periods to be agreed upon
between the respective commanders, be paid by the other
party, on a mutual adjustment of accounts for the
subsistence of prisoners; and such accounts shall not
be mingled with or set off against any others, nor the
balance due on them withheld, as a compensation or
reprisal for any cause whatever, real or pretended Each
party shall be allowed to keep a commissary of
prisoners, appointed by itself, with every cantonment
of prisoners, in possession of the other; which
commissary shall see the prisoners as often a he
pleases; shall be allowed to receive, exempt from all
duties a taxes, and to distribute, whatever comforts
may be sent to them by their friends; and shall be free
to transmit his reports in open letters to the party by
whom he is employed. And it is declared that neither
the pretense that war dissolves all treaties, nor any
other whatever, shall be considered as annulling or
suspending the solemn covenant contained in this
article. On the contrary, the state of war is precisely
that for which it is provided; and, during which, its
stipulations are to be as sacredly observed as the most
acknowledged obligations under the law of nature or
nations.
ARTICLE XXIII
This treaty shall be ratified
by the President of the United States of America, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof; and
by the President of the Mexican Republic, with the previous
approbation of its general Congress; and the ratifications
shall be exchanged in the City of Washington, or at the seat
of Government of Mexico, in four months from the date of the
signature hereof, or sooner if practicable. In faith whereof
we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed this
treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, and
have hereunto affixed our seals respectively. Done in
quintuplicate, at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the
second day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and forty-eight.
N. P. TRIST
LUIS P. CUEVAS
BERNARDO COUTO
MIGL. ATRISTAIN
|Source:
Treaties and Conventions between the United
States of America
|
and Other Powers Since
July 4, 1776 Washington, DC :
Government Printing Office, 1971
|
|

Question: which article guaranteed mexican life on purchased territories

which article guaranteed mexican life on purchased territories

Question: how many amendments did the senate make to the treaty

how many amendments did the senate make to the treaty

Question: which article accepted the legitimacy of land support issued by the mexican government

which article accepted the legitimacy of land support issued by the mexican government

Question: what did article x accept the legitimacy of

land support issued by the Mexican government

Meksikancima garantirao život na kupljenim teritorijima i pravo da postanu američki građani ) te obrisao članak X ( koji je prihvaćao legitimitet zemljišne potpore koju je izvojevala meksička vlada

land support issued by the Mexican government

what did article x accept the legitimacy of

Question: what rights did article xx guarantee mexican citizens

life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens

život na kupljenim teritorijima i pravo da postanu američki građani ) te obrisao članak X ( koji je prihvaćao

life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens

what rights did article xx guarantee mexican citizens

Question: what did the amendment to article IX do

guaranteed Mexicans life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens

Meksikancima garantirao život na kupljenim teritorijima i pravo da postanu američki građani ) te obrisao članak X ( koji je prihvaćao

guaranteed Mexicans life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens

Question: article x of the američko meksički rat recognizes the

article x of the američko meksički rat recognizes the

Question: what did the amendment to article iv guarantee mexico

Mexicans life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens

Meksikancima garantirao život na kupljenim teritorijima i pravo da postanu američki građani ) te obrisao članak X ( koji je prihvaćao

Mexicans life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens

what did the amendment to article iv guarantee mexico

Before ratification of the agreement itself , the U.S. Senate made two amendments : modified the text in Article IX ( which guaranteed Mexicans life on purchased territories and the right to become U.S. citizens ) and revoked Article X ( which accepted the legitimacy of land support issued by the Mexican government ) .

Article XI offered a great potential benefit for Mexico, because in it the United States committed to infiltrating the Apache nails that destroyed the territory of northern Mexico and to pay restitution to the victims of the attacks in case of failure to prevent them.

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The United States of America and the United Mexican States animated by a sincere desire to put an end to the calamities of the war which unhappily exists between the two Republics and to establish Upon a solid basis relations of peace and friendship, which shall confer reciprocal benefits upon the citizens of both, and assure the concord, harmony, and mutual confidence wherein the two people should live, as good neighbors have for that purpose appointed their respective plenipotentiaries, that is to say: The President of the United States has appointed Nicholas P. Trist, a citizen of the United States, and the President of the Mexican Republic has appointed Don Luis Gonzaga Cuevas, Don Bernardo Couto, and Don Miguel Atristain, citizens of the said Republic; Who, after a reciprocal communication of their respective full powers, have, under the protection of Almighty God, the author of peace, arranged, agreed upon, and signed the following: Treaty of Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Settlement between the United States of America and the Mexican Republic.
There shall be firm and universal peace between the United States of America and the Mexican Republic, and between their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, without exception of places or persons.
Immediately upon the signature of this treaty, a convention shall be entered into between a commissioner or commissioners appointed by the General-in-chief of the forces of the United States, and such as may be appointed by the Mexican Government, to the end that a provisional suspension of hostilities shall take place, and that, in the places occupied by the said forces, constitutional order may be reestablished, as regards the political, administrative, and judicial branches, so far as this shall be permitted by the circumstances of military occupation.
Immediately upon the ratification of the present treaty by the Government of the United States, orders shall be transmitted to the commanders of their land and naval forces, requiring the latter (provided this treaty shall then have been ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic, and the ratifications exchanged) immediately to desist from blockading any Mexican ports and requiring the former (under the same condition) to commence, at the earliest moment practicable, withdrawing all troops of the United States then in the interior of the Mexican Republic, to points that shall be selected by common agreement, at a distance from the seaports not exceeding thirty leagues; and such evacuation of the interior of the Republic shall be completed with the least possible delay; the Mexican Government hereby binding itself to afford every facility in its power for rendering the same convenient to the troops, on their march and in their new positions, and for promoting a good understanding between them and the inhabitants. In like manner orders shall be despatched to the persons in charge of the custom houses at all ports occupied by the forces of the United States, requiring them (under the same condition) immediately to deliver possession of the same to the persons authorized by the Mexican Government to receive it, together with all bonds and evidences of debt for duties on importations and on exportations, not yet fallen due. Moreover, a faithful and exact account shall be made out, showing the entire amount of all duties on imports and on exports, collected at such custom-houses, or elsewhere in Mexico, by authority of the United States, from and after the day of ratification of this treaty by the Government of the Mexican Republic; and also an account of the cost of collection; and such entire amount, deducting only the cost of collection, shall be delivered to the Mexican Government, at the city of Mexico, within three months after the exchange of ratifications.
The evacuation of the capital of the Mexican Republic by the troops of the United States, in virtue of the above stipulation, shall be completed in one month after the orders there stipulated for shall have been received by the commander of said troops, or sooner if possible.
Immediately after the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty all castles, forts, territories, places, and possessions, which have been taken or occupied by the forces of the United States during the present war, within the limits of the Mexican Republic, as about to be established by the following article, shall be definitely restored to the said Republic, together with all the artillery, arms, apparatus of war, munitions, and other public property, which were in the said castles and forts when captured, and which shall remain there at the time when this treaty shall be duly ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic. To this end, immediately upon the signature of this treaty, orders shall be despatched to the American officers commanding such castles and forts, securing against the removal or destruction of any such artillery, arms, apparatus of war, munitions, or other public property. The city of Mexico, within the inner line of intrenchments surrounding the said city, is comprehended in the above stipulation, as regards the restoration of artillery, apparatus of war, & c.
The final evacuation of the territory of the Mexican Republic, by the forces of the United States, shall be completed in three months from the said exchange of ratifications, or sooner if possible; the Mexican Government hereby engaging, as in the foregoing article to use all means in its power for facilitating such evacuation, and rendering it convenient to the troops, and for promoting a good understanding between them and the inhabitants.
If, however, the ratification of this treaty by both parties should not take place in time to allow the embarcation of the troops of the United States to be completed before the commencement of the sickly season, at the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico, in such case a friendly arrangement shall be entered into between the General-in-Chief of the said troops and the Mexican Government, whereby healthy and otherwise suitable places, at a distance from the ports not exceeding thirty leagues, shall be designated for the residence of such troops as may not yet have embarked, until the return of the healthy season. And the space of time here referred to as, comprehending the sickly season shall be understood to extend from the first day of May to the first day of November.
All prisoners of war taken on either side, on land or on sea, shall be restored as soon as practicable after the exchange of ratifications of this treaty. It is also agreed that if any Mexicans should now be held as captives by any savage tribe within the limits of the United States, as about to be established by the following article, the Government of the said United States will exact the release of such captives and cause them to be restored to their country.
The boundary line between the two Republics shall commence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del Norte, or Opposite the mouth of its deepest branch, if it should have more than one branch emptying directly into the sea; from thence up the middle of that river, following the deepest channel, where it has more than one, to the point where it strikes the southern boundary of New Mexico; thence, westwardly, along the whole southern boundary of New Mexico (which runs north of the town called Paso) to its western termination; thence, northward, along the western line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila; (or if it should not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on the said line nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct line to the same); thence down the middle of the said branch and of the said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado; thence across the Rio Colorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower California, to the Pacific Ocean.
The southern and western limits of New Mexico, mentioned in the article, are those laid down in the map entitled "Map of the United Mexican States, as organized and defined by various acts of the Congress of said republic, and constructed according to the best authorities. Revised edition. Published at New York, in 1847, by J. Disturnell," of which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing the signatures and seals of the undersigned Plenipotentiaries. And, in order to preclude all difficulty in tracing upon the ground the limit separating Upper from Lower California, it is agreed that the said limit shall consist of a straight line drawn from the middle of the Rio Gila, where it unites with the Colorado, to a point on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, distant one marine league due south of the southernmost point of the port of San Diego, according to the plan of said port made in the year 1782 by Don
In order to designate the boundary line with due precision, upon authoritative maps, and to establish upon the ground land-marks which shall show the limits of both republics, as described in the present article, the two Governments shall each appoint a commissioner and a surveyor, who, before the expiration of one year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, shall meet at the port of San Diego, and proceed to run and mark the said boundary in its whole course to the mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte. They shall keep journals and make out plans of their operations; and the result agreed upon by them shall be deemed a part of this treaty, and shall have the same force as if it were inserted therein. The two Governments will amicably agree regarding what may be necessary to these persons, and also as to their respective escorts, should such be necessary.
The boundary line established by this article shall be religiously respected by each of the two republics, and no change shall ever be made therein, except by the express and free consent of both nations, lawfully given by the General Government of each, in conformity with its own constitution.
The vessels and citizens of the United States shall, in all time, have a free and uninterrupted passage by the Gulf of California, and by the river Colorado below its confluence with the Gila, to and from their possessions situated north of the boundary line defined in the preceding article; it being understood that this passage is to be by navigating the Gulf of California and the river Colorado, and not by land, without the express consent of the Mexican Government.
If, by the examinations which may be made, it should be ascertained to be practicable and advantageous to construct a road, canal, or railway, which should in whole or in part run upon the river Gila, or upon its right or its left bank, within the space of one marine league from either margin of the river, the Governments of both republics will form an agreement regarding its construction, in order that it may serve equally for the use and advantage of both countries.
The river Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del Norte lying below the southern boundary of New Mexico, being, agreeably to the fifth article, divided in the middle between the two republics, the navigation of the Gila and of the Bravo below said boundary shall be free and common to the vessels and citizens of both countries; and neither shall, without the consent of the other, construct any work that may impede or interrupt, in whole or in part, the exercise of this right; not even for the purpose of favoring new methods of navigation. Nor shall any tax or contribution, under any denomination or title, be levied upon vessels or persons navigating the same or upon merchandise or effects transported thereon, except in the case of landing upon one of their shores. If, for the purpose of making the said rivers navigable, or for maintaining them in such state, it should be necessary or advantageous to establish any tax or contribution, this shall not be done without the consent of both Governments.
The stipulations contained in the present article shall not impair the territorial rights of either republic within its established limits.
Mexicans now established in territories previously belonging to Mexico, and which remain for the future within the limits of the United States, as defined by the present treaty, shall be free to continue where they now reside, or to remove at any time to the Mexican Republic, retaining the property which they possess in the said territories, or disposing thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they please, without their being subjected, on this account, to any contribution, tax, or charge whatever.
Those who shall prefer to remain in the said territories may either retain the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or acquire those of citizens of the United States. But they shall be under the obligation to make their election within one year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty; and those who shall remain in the said territories after the expiration of that year, without having declared their intention to retain the character of Mexicans, shall be considered to have elected to become citizens of the United States.
In the said territories, property of every kind, now belonging to Mexicans not established there, shall be inviolably respected. The present owners, the heirs of these, and all Mexicans who may hereafter acquire said property by contract, shall enjoy with respect to it guarantees equally ample as if the same belonged to citizens of the United States.
The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican Republic, conformably with what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States. and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged of by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States, according to the principles of the Constitution; and in the mean time, shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and secured in the free exercise of their religion without; restriction.
[Stricken out]
Considering that a great part of the territories, which, by the present treaty, are to be comprehended for the future within the limits of the United States, is now occupied by savage tribes, who will hereafter be under the exclusive control of the Government of the United States, and whose incursions within the territory of Mexico would be prejudicial in the extreme, it is solemnly agreed that all such incursions shall be forcibly restrained by the Government of the United States whensoever this may be necessary; and that when they cannot be prevented, they shall be punished by the said Government, and satisfaction for the same shall be exactedall in the same way, and with equal diligence and energy, as if the same incursions were meditated or committed within its own territory, against its own citizens.
It shall not be lawful, under any pretext whatever, for any inhabitant of the United States to purchase or acquire any Mexican, or any foreigner residing in Mexico, who may have been captured by Indians inhabiting the territory of either of the two republics; nor to purchase or acquire horses, mules, cattle, or property of any kind, stolen within Mexican territory by such Indians.
And in the event of any person or persons, captured within Mexican territory by Indians, being carried into the territory of the United States, the Government of the latter engages and binds itself, in the most solemn manner, so soon as it shall know of such captives being within its territory, and shall be able so to do, through the faithful exercise of its influence and power, to rescue them and return them to their country. or deliver them to the agent or representative of the Mexican Government. The Mexican authorities will, as far as practicable, give to the Government of the United States notice of such captures; and its agents shall pay the expenses incurred in the maintenance and transmission of the rescued captives; who, in the mean time, shall be treated with the utmost hospitality by the American authorities at the place where they may be. But if the Government of the United States, before receiving such notice from Mexico, should obtain intelligence, through any other channel, of the existence of Mexican captives within its territory, it will proceed forthwith to effect their release and delivery to the Mexican agent, as above stipulated.
For the purpose of giving to these stipulations the fullest possible efficacy, thereby affording the security and redress demanded by their true spirit and intent, the Government of the United States will now and hereafter pass, without unnecessary delay, and always vigilantly enforce, such laws as the nature of the subject may require. And, finally, the sacredness of this obligation shall never be lost sight of by the said Government, when providing for the removal of the Indians from any portion of the said territories, or for its being settled by citizens of the United States; but, on the contrary, special care shall then be taken not to place its Indian occupants under the necessity of seeking new homes, by committing those invasions which the United States have solemnly obliged themselves to restrain.
In consideration of the extension acquired by the boundaries of the United States, as defined in the fifth article of the present treaty, the Government of the United States engages to pay to that of the Mexican Republic the sum of fifteen millions of dollars.
Immediately after the treaty shall have been duly ratified by the Government of the Mexican Republic, the sum of three millions of dollars shall be paid to the said Government by that of the United States, at the city of Mexico, in the gold or silver coin of Mexico The remaining twelve millions of dollars shall be paid at the same place, and in the same coin, in annual installments of three millions of dollars each, together with interest on the same at the rate of six per centum per annum. This interest shall begin to run upon the whole sum of twelve millions from the day of the ratification of the present treaty by--the Mexican Government, and the first of the installments shall be paid-at the expiration of one year from the same day. Together with each annual installment, as it falls due, the whole interest accruing on such installment from the beginning shall also be paid.
The United States engage, moreover, to assume and pay to the claimants all the amounts now due them, and those hereafter to become due, by reason of the claims already liquidated and decided against the Mexican Republic, under the conventions between the two republics severally concluded on the eleventh day of April, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine, and on the thirtieth day of January, eighteen hundred and forty-three; so that the Mexican Republic shall be absolutely exempt, for the future, from all expense whatever on account of the said claims.
The United States do furthermore discharge the Mexican Republic from all claims of citizens of the United States, not heretofore decided against the Mexican Government, which may have arisen previously to the date of the signature of this treaty; which discharge shall be final and perpetual, whether the said claims be rejected or be allowed by the board of commissioners provided for in the following article, and whatever shall be the total amount of those allowed.
The United States, exonerating Mexico from all demands on account of the claims of their citizens mentioned in the preceding article, and considering them entirely and forever canceled, whatever their amount may be, undertake to make satisfaction for the same, to an amount not exceeding three and one-quarter millions of dollars. To ascertain the validity and amount of those claims, a board of commissioners shall be established by the Government of the United States, whose awards shall be final and conclusive; provided that, in deciding upon the validity of each claim, the boa shall be guided and governed by the principles and rules of decision prescribed by the first and fifth articles of the unratified convention, concluded at the city of Mexico on the twentieth day of November, one thousand eight hundred and forty-three; and in no case shall an award be made in favour of any claim not embraced by these principles and rules.
If, in the opinion of the said board of commissioners or of the claimants, any books, records, or documents, in the possession or power of the Government of the Mexican Republic, shall be deemed necessary to the just decision of any claim, the commissioners, or the claimants through them, shall, within such period as Congress may designate, make an application in writing for the same, addressed to the Mexican Minister of Foreign Affairs, to be transmitted by the Secretary of State of the United States; and the Mexican Government engages, at the earliest possible moment after the receipt of such demand, to cause any of the books, records, or documents so specified, which shall be in their possession or power (or authenticated copies or extracts of the same), to be transmitted to the said Secretary of State, who shall immediately deliver them over to the said board of commissioners; provided that no such application shall be made by or at the instance of any claimant, until the facts which it is expected to prove by such books, records, or documents, shall have been stated under oath or affirmation.
Each of the contracting parties reserves to itself the entire right to fortify whatever point within its territory it may judge proper so to fortify for its security.
The treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, concluded at the city of Mexico, on the fifth day of April, A. D. 1831, between the United States of America and the United Mexican States, except the additional article, and except so far as the stipulations of the said treaty may be incompatible with any stipulation contained in the present treaty, is hereby revived for the period of eight years from the day of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, with the same force and virtue as if incorporated therein; it being understood that each of the contracting parties reserves to itself the right, at any time after the said period of eight years shall have expired, to terminate the same by giving one year's notice of such intention to the other party.
All supplies whatever for troops of the United States in Mexico, arriving at ports in the occupation of such troops previous to the final evacuation thereof, although subsequently to the restoration of the custom-houses at such ports, shall be entirely exempt from duties and charges of any kind; the Government of the United States hereby engaging and pledging its faith to establish and vigilantly to enforce, all possible guards for securing the revenue of Mexico, by preventing the importation, under cover of this stipulation, of any articles other than such, both in kind and in quantity, as shall really be wanted for the use and consumption of the forces of the United States during the time they may remain in Mexico. To this end it shall be the duty of all officers and agents of the United States to denounce to the Mexican authorities at the respective ports any attempts at a fraudulent abuse of this stipulation, which they may know of, or may have reason to suspect, and to give to such authorities all the aid in their power with regard thereto; and every such attempt, when duly proved and established by sentence of a competent tribunal, They shall be punished by the confiscation of the property so attempted to be fraudulently introduced.
With respect to all merchandise, effects, and property whatsoever, imported into ports of Mexico, whilst in the occupation of the forces of the United States, whether by citizens of either republic, or by citizens or subjects of any neutral nation, the following rules shall be observed:
With respect to the metals, or other property, exported from any Mexican port whilst in the occupation of the forces of the United States, and previously to the restoration of the custom-house at such port, no person shall be required by the Mexican authorities, whether general or state, to pay any tax, duty, or contribution upon any such exportation, or in any manner to account for the same to the said authorities.
Through consideration for the interests of commerce generally, it is agreed, that if less than sixty days should elapse between the date of the signature of this treaty and the restoration of the custom houses, conformably with the stipulation in the third article, in such case all merchandise, effects and property whatsoever, arriving at the Mexican ports after the restoration of the said custom-houses, and previously to the expiration of sixty days after the day of signature of this treaty, shall be admitted to entry; and no other duties shall be levied thereon than the duties established by the tariff found in force at such custom-houses at the time of the restoration of the same. And to all such merchandise, effects, and property, the rules established by the preceding article shall apply.
If unhappily any disagreement should hereafter arise between the Governments of the two republics, whether with respect to the interpretation of any stipulation in this treaty, or with respect to any other particular concerning the political or commercial relations of the two nations, the said Governments, in the name of those nations, do promise to each other that they will endeavour, in the most sincere and earnest manner, to settle the differences so arising, and to preserve the state of peace and friendship in which the two countries are now placing themselves, using, for this end, mutual representations and pacific negotiations. And if, by these means, they should not be enabled to come to an agreement, a resort shall not, on this account, be had to reprisals, aggression, or hostility of any kind, by the one republic against the other, until the Government of that which deems itself aggrieved shall have maturely considered, in the spirit of peace and good neighbourship, whether it would not be better that such difference should be settled by the arbitration of commissioners appointed on each side, or by that of a friendly nation. And should such course be proposed by either party, it shall be acceded to by the other, unless deemed by it altogether incompatible with the nature of the difference, or the circumstances of the case.
If (which is not to be expected, and which God forbid) war should unhappily break out between the two republics, they do now, with a view to such calamity, solemnly pledge themselves to each other and to the world to observe the following rules; absolutely where the nature of the subject permits, and as closely as possible in all cases where such absolute observance shall be impossible:
(1) The merchants of either republic then residing in the other shall be allowed to remain twelve months (for those dwelling in the interior), and six months (for those dwelling at the seaports) to collect their debts and settle their affairs; during which periods they shall enjoy the same protection, and be on the same footing, in all respects, as the citizens or subjects of the most friendly nations; and, at the expiration thereof, or at any time before, they shall have full liberty to depart, carrying off all their effects without molestation or hindrance, conforming therein to the same laws which the citizens or subjects of the most friendly nations are required to conform to. Upon the entrance of the armies of either nation into the territories of the other, women and children, ecclesiastics, scholars of every faculty, cultivators of the earth, merchants, artisans, manufacturers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, or places, and in general all persons whose occupations are for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed to continue their respective employments, unmolested in their persons. Nor shall their houses or goods be burnt or otherwise destroyed, nor their cattle taken, nor their fields wasted, by the armed force into whose power, by the events of war, they may happen to fall; but if the necessity arise to take anything from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at an equitable price. All churches, hospitals, schools, colleges, libraries, and other establishments for charitable and beneficent purposes, shall be respected, and all persons connected with the same protected in the discharge of their duties, and the pursuit of their vocations.
(2). In order that the fate of prisoners of war may be alleviated all such practices as those of sending them into distant, inclement or unwholesome districts, or crowding them into close and noxious places, shall be studiously avoided. They shall not be confined in dungeons, prison ships, or prisons; nor be put in irons, or bound or otherwise restrained in the use of their limbs. The officers shall enjoy liberty on their paroles, within convenient districts, and have comfortable quarters; and the common soldiers shall be dispose( in cantonments, open and extensive enough for air and exercise and lodged in barracks as roomy and good as are provided by the party in whose power they are for its own troops. But if any office shall break his parole by leaving the district so assigned him, o any other prisoner shall escape from the limits of his cantonment after they shall have been designated to him, such individual, officer, or other prisoner, shall forfeit so much of the benefit of this article as provides for his liberty on parole or in cantonment. And if any officer so breaking his parole or any common soldier so escaping from the limits assigned him, shall afterwards be found in arms previously to his being regularly exchanged, the person so offending shall be dealt with according to the established laws of war. The officers shall be daily furnished, by the party in whose power they are, with as many rations, and of the same articles, as are allowed either in kind or by commutation, to officers of equal rank in its own army; and all others shall be daily furnished with such ration as is allowed to a common soldier in its own service; the value of all which supplies shall, at the close of the war, or at periods to be agreed upon between the respective commanders, be paid by the other party, on a mutual adjustment of accounts for the subsistence of prisoners; and such accounts shall not be mingled with or set off against any others, nor the balance due on them withheld, as a compensation or reprisal for any cause whatever, real or pretended Each party shall be allowed to keep a commissary of prisoners, appointed by itself, with every cantonment of prisoners, in possession of the other; which commissary shall see the prisoners as often a he pleases; shall be allowed to receive, exempt from all duties a taxes, and to distribute, whatever comforts may be sent to them by their friends; and shall be free to transmit his reports in open letters to the party by whom he is employed. And it is declared that neither the pretense that war dissolves all treaties, nor any other whatever, shall be considered as annulling or suspending the solemn covenant contained in this article. On the contrary, the state of war is precisely that for which it is provided; and, during which, its stipulations are to be as sacredly observed as the most acknowledged obligations under the law of nature or nations.
This treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States of America, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof; and by the President of the Mexican Republic, with the previous approbation of its general Congress; and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the City of Washington, or at the seat of Government of Mexico, in four months from the date of the signature hereof, or sooner if practicable. In faith whereof we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, and have hereunto affixed our seals respectively. Done in quintuplicate, at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight.
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Source:
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Treaties and Conventions between the United States of America
and Other Powers Since July 4, 1776
Washington, DC : Government Printing Office, 1871

Question: which article of the us constitution commits the us to infiltrating the apache nails

Article XI offered a great potential benefit for Mexico, because in it the United States committed to infiltrating the Apache nails that destroyed the territory of northern Mexico and to pay restitution to the victims of the attacks in case of failure to prevent them.

which article of the us constitution commits the us to infiltrating the apache nails

Question: what type of nails did the us try to sneak into mexico

what type of nails did the us try to sneak into mexico

Question: who did the us try to kill in article xii

who did the us try to kill in article xii

Question: what did the američko meksički rat have to pay

what did the američko meksički rat have to pay

Question: who was involved in the američko meksički rat war

who was involved in the američko meksički rat war

Question: where did the američko meksički rat attack

where did the američko meksički rat attack

Question: what did the us have to pay restitution to the victims of the apache attacks

what did the us have to pay restitution to the victims of the apache attacks

Question: what did the američko meksički rat do to the

what did the američko meksički rat do to the

Article XI offered a great potential benefit for Mexico , because in it the United States committed to infiltrating the Apache nails that destroyed the territory of northern Mexico and to pay restitution to the victims of the attacks in case of failure to prevent them .

Članak XI nudio je veliku potencijalnu korist za Meksiko, jer su se u njemu SAD obvezale ugušiti navale Apača koje su uništavale područje sjevernog Meksika te platiti restituciju žrtvama napada u slučaju neuspjeha njihovih sprečavanja.

Članak XI nudio je veliku potencijalnu korist za Meksiko, jer su se u njemu SAD obvezale ugušiti navale Apača koje su uništavale područje sjevernog Meksika te platiti restituciju žrtvama napada u slučaju neuspjeha njihovih sprečavanja.

Article XI offered a great potential benefit for Mexico, because in it the United States committed to infiltrating the Apache nails that destroyed the territory of northern Mexico and to pay restitution to the victims of the attacks in case of failure to prevent them.

Article XI offered a great potential benefit for Mexico, because in it the United States committed to infiltrating the Apache nails that destroyed the territory of northern Mexico and to pay restitution to the victims of the attacks in case of failure to prevent them.

Five years later, the United States dissolved all the obligations of Article XI and that due to Article II of the Gadsden Treaty signed in 1853.

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WHEREAS a treaty between the United States of America and the Mexican Republic was concluded and signed at the City of Mexico on the thirtieth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-three; which treaty, as amended by the Senate of the United States, and being in the English and Spanish languages, is word for word as follows:
The Republic of Mexico and the United States of America desiring to remove every cause of disagreement which might interfere in any manner with the better friendship and intercourse between the two countries, and especially in respect to the true limits which should be established, when, notwithstanding what was covenanted in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in the year 1848, opposite interpretations have been urged, which might give occasion to questions of serious moment: to avoid these, and to strengthen and more firmly maintain the peace which happily prevails between the two republics, the President of the United States has, for this purpose, appointed James Gadsden, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the same, near the Mexican government, and the President of Mexico has appointed as Plenipotentiary "ad hoc" his excellency Don Manuel Diez de Bonilla, cavalier grand cross of the national and distinguished order of Guadalupe, and Secretary of State, and of the office of Foreign Relations, and Don Jose Salazar Ylarregui and General Mariano Monterde as scientific commissioners, invested with full powers for this negotiation, who, having communicated their respective full powers, and finding them in due and proper form, have agreed upon the articles following:
The Mexican Republic agrees to designate the following as her true limits with the United States for the future: retaining the same dividing line between the two Californias as already defined and established, according to the 5th article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the limits between the two republics shall be as follows: Beginning in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, as provided in the 5th article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo; thence, as defined in the said article, up the middle of that river to the point where the parallel of 31° 47' north latitude crosses the same; thence due west one hundred miles; thence south to the parallel of 31° 20' north latitude; thence along the said parallel of 31° 20' to the 111th meridian of longitude west of Greenwich; thence in a straight line to a point on the Colorado River twenty English miles below the junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers; thence up the middle of the said river Colorado until it intersects the present line between the United States and Mexico.
For the performance of this portion of the treaty, each of the two governments shall nominate one commissioner, to the end that, by common consent the two thus nominated, having met in the city of Paso del Norte, three months after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, may proceed to survey and mark out upon the land the dividing line stipulated by this article, where it shall not have already been surveyed and established by the mixed commission, according to the treaty of Guadalupe, keeping a journal and making proper plans of their operations. For this purpose, if they should judge it necessary, the contracting parties shall be at liberty each to unite to its respective commissioner, scientific or other assistants, such as astronomers and surveyors, whose concurrence shall not be considered necessary for the settlement and of a true line of division between the two Republics; that line shall be alone established upon which the commissioners may fix, their consent in this particular being considered decisive and an integral part of this treaty, without necessity of ulterior ratification or approval, and without room for interpretation of any kind by either of the parties contracting.
The dividing line thus established shall, in all time, be faithfully respected by the two governments, without any variation therein, unless of the express and free consent of the two, given in conformity to the principles of the law of nations, and in accordance with the constitution of each country respectively.
In consequence, the stipulation in the 5th article of the treaty of Guadalupe upon the boundary line therein described is no longer of any force, wherein it may conflict with that here established, the said line being considered annulled and abolished wherever it may not coincide with the present, and in the same manner remaining in full force where in accordance with the same.
The government of Mexico hereby releases the United States from all liability on account of the obligations contained in the eleventh article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo; and the said article and the thirty-third article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States of America and the United Mexican States concluded at Mexico, on the fifth day of April, 1831, are hereby abrogated.
In consideration of the foregoing stipulations, the Government of the United States agrees to pay to the government of Mexico, in the city of New York, the sum of ten millions of dollars, of which seven millions shall be paid immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, and the remaining three millions as soon as the boundary line shall be surveyed, marked, and established.
The provisions of the 6th and 7th articles of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo having been rendered nugatory, for the most part, by the cession of territory granted in the first article of this treaty, the said articles are hereby abrogated and annulled, and the provisions as herein expressed substituted therefor. The vessels, and citizens of the United States shall, in all time, have free and uninterrupted passage through the Gulf of California, to and from their possessions situated north of the boundary line of the two countries. It being understood that this passage is to be by navigating the Gulf of California and the river Colorado, and not by land, without the express consent of the Mexican government; and precisely the same provisions, stipulations, and restrictions, in all respects, are hereby agreed upon and adopted, and shall be scrupulously observed and enforced by the two contracting governments in reference to the Rio Colorado, so far and for such distance as the middle of that river is made their common boundary line by the first article of this treaty.
The several provisions, stipulations, and restrictions contained in the 7th article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo shall remain in force only so far as regards the Rio Bravo del Forte, below the initial of the said boundary provided in the first article of this treaty; that is to say, below the intersection of the 31° 47'30'/ parallel of latitude, with the boundary line established by the late treaty dividing said river from its mouth upwards, according to the fifth article of the treaty of Guadalupe.
All the provisions of the eighth and ninth, sixteenth and seventeenth articles of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, shall apply to the territory ceded by the Mexican Republic in the first article of the present treaty, and to all the rights of persons and property, both civil and ecclesiastical, within the same, as fully and as effectually as if the said articles were herein again recited and set forth.
No grants of land within the territory ceded by the first article of this treaty bearing date subsequent to the day-twenty-fifth of September-when the minister and subscriber to this treaty on the part of the United States, proposed to the Government of Mexico to terminate the question of boundary, will be considered valid or be recognized by the United States, or will any grants made previously be respected or be considered as obligatory which have not been located and duly recorded in the archives of Mexico.
Should there at any future period (which God forbid) occur any disagreement between the two nations which might lead to a rupture of their relations and reciprocal peace, they bind themselves in like manner to procure by every possible method the adjustment of every difference; and should they still in this manner not succeed, never will they proceed to a declaration of war, without having previously paid attention to what has been set forth in article twenty-one of the treaty of Guadalupe for similar cases; which article, as well as the twenty-second is here reaffirmed.
The Mexican Government having on the 5th of February, 1853, authorized the early construction of a plank and railroad across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and, to secure the stable benefits of said transit way to the persons and merchandise of the citizens of Mexico and the United States, it is stipulated that neither government will interpose any obstacle to the transit of persons and merchandise of both nations; and at no time shall higher charges be made on the transit of persons and property of citizens of the United States, than may be made on the persons and property of other foreign nations, nor shall any interest in said transit way, nor in the proceeds thereof, be transferred to any foreign government.
The United States, by its agents, shall have the right to transport across the isthmus, in closed bags, the mails of the United States not intended for distribution along the line of communication; also the effects of the United States government and its citizens, which may be intended for transit, and not for distribution on the isthmus, free of custom-house or other charges by the Mexican government. Neither passports nor letters of security will be required of persons crossing the isthmus and not remaining in the country.
When the construction of the railroad shall be completed, the Mexican government agrees to open a port of entry in addition to the port of Vera Cruz, at or near the terminus of said road on the Gulf of Mexico.
The two governments will enter into arrangements for the prompt transit of troops and munitions of the United States, which that government may have occasion to send from one part of its territory to another, lying on opposite sides of the continent.
The Mexican government having e agreed to protect with its whole power the prosecution, preservation, and security of the work, the United States may extend its protection as it shall judge wise to it when it may feel sanctioned and warranted by the public or international law.
This treaty shall be ratified, and the respective ratifications shall be exchanged at the city of Washington within the exact period of six months from the date of its signature, or sooner, if possible.
In testimony whereof, we, the plenipotentiaries of the contracting parties, have hereunto affixed our hands and seals at Mexico, the thirtieth (30th) day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-three, in the thirty-third year of the independence of the Mexican republic, and the seventy-eighth of that of the United States.JAMES GADSDEN,
And whereas the said treaty, as amended, has been duly ratified on both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same have this day been exchanged at Washington, by WILLIAM L. MARCY, Secretary of State of the United States, and SENOR GENERAL DON JUAN N. ALMONTE, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Mexican Republic, on the part of their respective Governments:
Now, therefore, be it known that I, FRANKLIN PIERCE, President of the United States of America, have caused the said treaty to be made public, to the end that the same, and every clause and article thereof, may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens thereof
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this thirtieth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four, and of the Independence of the United States the seventy-eighth.
BY THE PRESIDENT:
FRANKLIN PIERCE,
W. L. MARCY, Secretary of State.
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Source:
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Statutes of the United States - Volume 10

Question: when was the gadsden treaty signed

Five years later, the United States dissolved all the obligations of Article XI and that due to Article II of the Gadsden Treaty signed in 1853.

Question: who was the american minister in mexico in 1850

who was the american minister in mexico in 1850

Question: what epidemic decreased the number of comancs in 1849

what epidemic decreased the number of comancs in 1849

Question: when did the cholera epidemic end in america

when did the cholera epidemic end in america

Question: which article of the gadsden treaty dissolved the obligations of article XI

which article of the gadsden treaty dissolved the obligations of article XI

Question: what disease decreased the number of comancs in 1849

what disease decreased the number of comancs in 1849

However , the attacks of the Indians did not cease several decades after the signing of the agreement , although the cholera epidemic decreased the number of Comancs in 1849.Hamalainen , 293 - 341 American minister in Mexico in 1850 , Robert Letcher , was sure that " one eleven articles " would lead the United States to a financial failure if it was not eliminated .

Five years later , the United States dissolved all the obligations of Article XI and that due to Article II of the Gadsden Treaty signed in 1853 .

Pet godina kasnije SAD su razriješene svih obveza članka XI i to zbog članka II Gadsdenovog ugovora potpisanog 1853. godine.

However, the attacks of the Indians did not cease several decades after the signing of the agreement, although the cholera epidemic decreased the number of Comancs in 1849.Hamalainen, 293-341 American minister in Mexico in 1850, Robert Letcher, was sure that "one eleven articles" would lead the United States to a financial failure if it was not eliminated. Five years later, the United States dissolved all the obligations of Article XI and that due to Article II of the Gadsden Treaty signed in 1853.

Five years later, the United States dissolved all the obligations of Article XI and that due to Article II of the Gadsden Treaty signed in 1853.

The result of the American occupation of Mexico City.

Territorial changes Mexican territory, before the deforestation of Texas, covered an area of 4,400,000 km2, and after 1848, it was reduced by the deforestation of territory to slightly less than 800,000 km2.

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Question: when did the american occupation of mexico city end

The result of the American occupation of Mexico City.

Territorial changes Mexican territory, before the deforestation of Texas, covered an area of 4,400,000 km2, and after 1848, it was reduced by the deforestation of territory to slightly less than 800,000 km2.

when did the american occupation of mexico city end

Question: how much land did the american occupation of mexico city reduce to after 18

how much land did the american occupation of mexico city reduce to after 18

Question: how much land did the mexican territory cover before the deforestation of texas

how much land did the mexican territory cover before the deforestation of texas

Question: how many km2 did the mexican territory cover before the deforestation of texas

how many km2 did the mexican territory cover before the deforestation of texas

Question: which american territory was once covered by a mexican rat

which american territory was once covered by a mexican rat

Question: what is the origin of the rat in mexico city

what is the origin of the rat in mexico city

The result of the American occupation of Mexico City .

Territorial changes Mexican territory , before the deforestation of Texas , covered an area of 4,400,000 km2 , and after 1848 , it was reduced by the deforestation of territory to slightly less than 800,000 km2 .

Rezultati rata Američka okupacija Meksiko Cityja. Teritorijalne promjene Meksički teritorij, prije odcjepljenja Teksasa, obuhvaćao je prostor od 4 400 000 km2, a nakon 1848. godine smanjen je ustupanjem teritorija na nešto manje od 800 000 km2.

Rezultati rata Američka okupacija Meksiko Cityja.

Teritorijalne promjene Meksički teritorij, prije odcjepljenja Teksasa, obuhvaćao je prostor od 4 400 000 km2, a nakon 1848. godine smanjen je ustupanjem teritorija na nešto manje od 800 000 km2.

The result of the American occupation of Mexico City. Territorial changes Mexican territory, before the deforestation of Texas, covered an area of 4,400,000 km2, and after 1848, it was reduced by the deforestation of territory to slightly less than 800,000 km2.

The result of the American occupation of Mexico City.

Territorial changes Mexican territory, before the deforestation of Texas, covered an area of 4,400,000 km2, and after 1848, it was reduced by the deforestation of territory to slightly less than 800,000 km2.

War veterans who saw Mexico from the first hand were not too enthusiastic about this idea.

Those who were against slavery also opposed the proposal and strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories.

Question: who strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all newly established territories

Oni koji su bili protiv robovlasništva također su se odupirali prijedlogu i čvrsto zagovarali isključivanje ropstva

War veterans who saw Mexico from the first hand were not too enthusiastic about this idea.

Those who were against slavery also opposed the proposal and strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories.

who strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all newly established territories

Question: who was the first person to see mexico

Question: where did the first american slave trade take place

where did the first american slave trade take place

Question: what did the american war veterans oppose in mexico

what did the american war veterans oppose in mexico

Question: what did those against slavery strongly defend

the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories

isključivanje ropstva iz svih novo - stečenih teritorija

the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories

what did those against slavery strongly defend

Question: what did the american war veterans support in mexico

what did the american war veterans support in mexico

Question: who was against the idea of slavery in mexico

who was against the idea of slavery in mexico

War veterans who saw Mexico from the first hand were not too enthusiastic about this idea .

Those who were against slavery also opposed the proposal and strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories .

Ratni veterani koji su vidjeli Meksiko iz prve ruke nisu bili pretjerano entuzijastični tom idejom. Oni koji su bili protiv robovlasništva također su se odupirali prijedlogu i čvrsto zagovarali isključivanje ropstva iz svih novo-stečenih teritorija.

Ratni veterani koji su vidjeli Meksiko iz prve ruke nisu bili pretjerano entuzijastični tom idejom.

Oni koji su bili protiv robovlasništva također su se odupirali prijedlogu i čvrsto zagovarali isključivanje ropstva iz svih novo-stečenih teritorija.

War veterans who saw Mexico from the first hand were not too enthusiastic about this idea. Those who were against slavery also opposed the proposal and strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories.

War veterans who saw Mexico from the first hand were not too enthusiastic about this idea.

Those who were against slavery also opposed the proposal and strongly defended the exclusion of slavery from all the newly established territories.

Until 1880, the "Leader of the Republican Party" was written by the Republican Congress Committee Mexican-American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook.

Question: the leader of the republican party was written during which war

Until 1880, the "Leader of the Republican Party" was written by the Republican Congress Committee Mexican-American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook.

the leader of the republican party was written during which war

Question: when was the leader of the republican party written

when was the leader of the republican party written

Question: what is the title of američko-meksički rat

Vodič Republikanske stranke "" kojeg je napisao Republikanski kongresni odborMexican – American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook .

what is the title of američko-meksički rat

Question: who wrote the leader of the republican party

who wrote the leader of the republican party

Question: where was the leader of the republican party written

where was the leader of the republican party written

Question: what was the title of the republican congress committee mexican-american war description

what was the title of the republican congress committee mexican-american war description

Question: who was the leader of the mexican american war

who was the leader of the mexican american war

Until 1880 , the " Leader of the Republican Party " was written by the Republican Congress Committee Mexican - American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook .

Sve do 1880. godine "Vodič Republikanske stranke" kojeg je napisao Republikanski kongresni odborMexican–American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook.

Sve do 1880. godine "Vodič Republikanske stranke" kojeg je napisao Republikanski kongresni odborMexican–American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook.

Until 1880, the "Leader of the Republican Party" was written by the Republican Congress Committee Mexican-American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook.

Until 1880, the "Leader of the Republican Party" was written by the Republican Congress Committee Mexican-American War description from the Republican Campaign Textbook.

of 598 p.

John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun.

Vol. 24: December 7, 1846 – December 5, 1847 edition of Clydea N. Wilson and Shirley Bright Cook, (1998.).

Question: when was the first Američko meksički rat published

of 598 p.

John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun.

Vol. 24: December 7, 1846 – December 5, 1847 edition of Clydea N. Wilson and Shirley Bright Cook, (1998.).

when was the first Američko meksički rat published

Question: who published the paper američko meksički rat

Clydea N. Wilson and Shirley Bright Cook

of 598 p.

John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun.

Clydea N. Wilson and Shirley Bright Cook

who published the paper američko meksički rat

Question: when was the first american rat published

December 5 , 1847 izdanje Clydea N. Wilsona i Shirley Bright Cook , ( 1998 .

of 598 p.

John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun.

when was the first american rat published

Question: how many papers were in john c calhoun's papers

of 598 p.

John C. The Papers of John C. Calhoun.

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December 7 , 1846 – December 5 , 1847 izdanje Clydea N. Wilsona i Shirley Bright Cook , ( 1998 . ) .

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December 7 , 1846 – December 5 , 1847 izdanje Clydea N. Wilsona i Shirley Bright Cook , ( 1998 . ) .

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Vol. 24: December 7, 1846 – December 5, 1847 izdanje Clydea N. Wilsona i Shirley Bright Cook, (1998.). 727 str. Conway, Christopher, ed.

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The Handbook of Texas Online: Mexican War Reading List compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History Mexican War Resources The Mexican-American War, Illinois Historical Digitization Projects at Northern Illinois University Libraries

HISTORICAL RESOURCES BRANCH
US ARMY CENTER OF MILITARY HISTORY
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READINGS
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY
MEXICAN WAR
The following select bibliographies are derived from materials assembled over the years by historians, archivists and librarians assigned to the Historical Resources Branch and its predecessors. They are incomplete drafts, but are offered to assist researchers. Users should remember that they are supplemental to the primary Army bibliographic services provided by the US Army Military History Institute through its Reference Bibliography (Ref Bibs) program.
General
Causes
Taylor's Campaign
Scott's Campaign
Western Operations
Mexican Army

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The Handbook of Texas Online: Mexican War Reading List compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History Mexican War Resources The Mexican-American War, Illinois Historical Digitization Projects at Northern Illinois University Libraries

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War Reading List compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History Mexican War Resources The Mexican – American War , Illinois Historical Digitization Projects

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The Handbook of Texas Online : Mexican War Reading List compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History Mexican War Resources The Mexican - American War , Illinois Historical Digitization Projects at Northern Illinois University Libraries

The Handbook of Texas Online: Mexican War Reading List compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History Mexican War Resources The Mexican-American War, Illinois Historical Digitization Projects at Northern Illinois University Libraries

The Handbook of Texas Online: Mexican War Reading List compiled by the United States Army Center of Military History Mexican War Resources The Mexican-American War, Illinois Historical Digitization Projects at Northern Illinois University Libraries

Media and primary sources Robert E. Lee Mexican War Maps in the VMI Archives The Mexican War and the Media, 1845–1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and related resources at the U.S. Library of Congress Letters of Winfield Scott including official reports from the front sent to the Secretary of War Franklin Pierce's Journal on the March from Vera Cruz Mexican–American War Time line Animated History of the Mexican–American War

By Nathaniel Hawthorne, 1852
The Mexican War--His Journal of the March from Vera Cruz
WHEN FRANKLIN PIERCE declined the honorable offer of the attorney generalship of the United States, he intimated that there might be one contingency in which he would feel it his duty to give up the cherished purpose of spending the remainder of his life in a private station. That exceptional case was brought about, in 1847, by the Mexican war. He showed his readiness to redeem the pledge by enrolling himself as the earliest volunteer of a company raised in Concord, and went through the regular drill, with his fellow-soldiers, as a private in the ranks. On the passage of the bill for the increase of the army, be received the appointment of colonel of the Ninth Regiment, which was the quota of New England towards the ten that were to be raised. And shortly afterwards,--in March, 1847,--he was commissioned as brigadier general in the army; his brigade consisting Of regiments from the extreme north, the extreme west, and the extreme south of the Union.
There is nothing in any other country similar to what we see in our own, when the blast of the trumpet at once converts men of peaceful pursuits into warriors. Every war in which America has been engaged has done this; the valor that wins our battles is not the trained hardihood of veterans, but a native and spontaneous fire; and there is surely a chivalrous beauty in the devotion of the citizen soldier to his country's cause, which the man who makes arms his profession, and is but doing his regular business on the field of battle, cannot pretend to rival. Taking the Mexican war as a specimen, this peculiar composition of an American army, as well in respect to its officers as its private soldiers, seems to create a spirit of romantic adventure which more than supplies the place of disciplined courage.
The author saw General Pierce, in Boston, on the eve of his departure for Vera Cruz. He had been intensely occupied, since his appointment, in effecting the arrangements necessary on leaving his affairs, as well as by the preparations, military and personal, demanded by the expedition. The transports were waiting at Newport to receive the troops. He was now in the midst of bustle, with some of the officers of his command about him, mingled with the friends whom he was to leave behind. The severest point of the crisis was over, for he had already bidden his family farewell. His spirits appeared to have risen with the occasion. He was evidently in his element; nor, to say the truth, dangerous as was the path before him, could it be regretted that his life was now to have the opportunity of that species of success which--in his youth, at least--he had considered the best worth struggling for. He looked so fit to be a soldier, that it was impossible to doubt--not merely his good conduct, which was as certain before the event as afterwards, but--his good fortune in the field, and his fortunate return.
He sailed from Newport on the 27th of May, in the bark Kepler, having on board three companies of the Ninth Regiment of Infantry, together with Colonel Ransom, its commander, and the officers belonging to the detachment. The passage was long and tedious, with protracted calms, and so smooth a sea that a sail boat might have performed the voyage in safety. The Kepler arrived at Vera Cruz in precisely a month after her departure from the United States, without speaking a single vessel from the south during the passage, and, of course, receiving no intelligence as to the position and state of the army which these reenforcements were to join.
From a journal kept by General Pierce, and intended only for the perusal of his family and friends, we present some extracts. They are mere hasty jottings-down in camp, and at the interval of weary marches, but will doubtless bring the reader closer to the man than any narrative which we could substitute.
"June 28. The vomito rages fearfully; and the city every where appears like the very habitation of pestilence. I have ordered the troops to be taken directly from the transports to Virgara, a extensive sand beach upon the gulf, where there is already an encampment consisting of four or five hundred men, under the command of Major Lally. The officers are under much apprehension on account of the climate and the vomito, the statements with regard to which are perhaps exaggerated. My orders are to make no delay here, and yet there is no preparation for my departure. About two thousand wild mules had been collected; but through the carelessness of persons employed by the quartermaster's department, (a precious set of scoundrels, it being possible to obtain few but desperate characters to enter this service here at this season,) a stampede has occurred to-day, by which fifteen hundred have been lost. The Mexicans fully believe that most of my command must die of vomito before I can be prepared to march into the interior.
"July 5. Pitched my tent at Virgara, two miles from the city. Mornings close, and heat excessive. Fine breeze after eleven o'clock, with breakers dashing upon the smooth beach for three miles. Our tents are upon the sand, which is as hard as the beach at Lynn or Hampton. Heavy rains, and tremendous thunder, and the most vivid and continuous flashes of lightning, almost every night. Many of the officers and soldiers are indisposed; but as yet there is no clear case of vomito. The troops are under drill every morning, the sun being too intense and oppressive to risk exposure at any other period of the day. I find my tent upon the beach decidedly preferable to any quarters in the city. Neither officers nor soldiers are allowed to go to the city except by special permission, and on duty.
"July 6. Mules and mustangs are being collected daily; but they are wild, unaccustomed to the harness, and most of them even to the bridle. Details from the different commands are actively engaged in taming these wild animals, and breaking them to harness.
"July 7. Last night, at ten o'clock, there was a stampede, as it is called in camp. The report of musketry at the advanced picket induced me to order the long roll to be beaten, and the whole command was at once formed in line of battle. I proceeded in person, with two companies, to the advanced picket, and found no ground for the alarm, although the sentinels insisted that a party of guerillas had approached within gun shot of their posts. I have ordered that, upon the repetition of any such alarm, the two companies nearest the picket shall proceed at once to the advanced post. The long roll will not be beaten until a report shall be sent in from the commanding officer of the detachment, who is to take with him a small detachment of cavalry as couriers. This will secure the quiet of the camp at night, and at the same time afford protection against surprise.
"July 8. Lieutenant T. J. Whipple, adjutant of the Ninth Infantry, was induced by curiosity to visit, with private Barnes of Manchester, the cemetery near the wall of the city--an imprudent act, especially as the audacity of the guerillas, and their daily near approach, have been well understood. That he should have gone with a single unarmed private, and himself without arms except his sabre, is astonishing. Lieutenant Whipple was attacked by six guerillas, and overpowered. Barnes escaped, and found me, within half an hour, at Governor Wilson's quarters. I immediately despatched a troop of cavalry in pursuit; but no trace of the miscreants has been discovered, and great alarm is felt for the safety of our gallant, but too adventurous, friend. There was in my command no braver man or better soldier than Whipple.
"July 12. Being informed that Adjutant Whipple's life had been spared, and that he was a prisoner with a band of guerillas about twelve or fourteen miles from my camp, I sent a strong detachment, by night, to surprise the ranchero, and, if possible, to recover our valued friend. The village was taken, but the guerillas had fled with their prisoner. Captain Duff, the efficient and gallant commander of cavalry, attached to my command, having been greatly exposed in an excursion in search of Whipple, is dangerously sick of vomito.
"About eighty American horses have reached me from New Orleans, and I shall put my command in motion to-morrow or the next day. I know not how long my delay might have continued, but for the activity of my officers generally, and especially if I had not secured the services of a most efficient staff, which has cheerfully rendered its aid in season and out of season. Major Woods, of the Fifteenth Infantry, a graduate of West Point, and an officer of great intelligence, experience, and coolness, kindly consented to act as my adjutant general. My aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Thom, of the Topographical Engineers, Lieutenant Caldwell, of the Marine Corps, brigade commissary, and Lieutenant Van Bocklin, of the Seventh Infantry, brigade quartermaster, have all, regardless of the dangers of the climate, performed an amount of labor, in pushing forward the preparations for our march, which entitles them not merely to my thanks, but to a substantial acknowledgment from government. Major Lally is dangerously sick of vomito. I have sent him in an ambulance, on my mattress, to Major Smith's quarters, in the city, to-day. Major Seymour is also sick, but is determined to go on with the command. I visited the gallant Captain Duff this morning, and have decided to send him to the hospital, in the city. His is an undoubted case of the vomito, and I fear that but slight hope of his recovery can be reasonably indulged. 1 feel his loss seriously; he was a truly brave and efficient officer.
"July 13. After a delay of nearly three weeks, in this debilitating and sickly climate, where I had reason to expect, before landing, a delay of not more than two days,--and after an amount of labor and perplexity more trying than an active campaign in the field,--the hum and clank of preparation, the strand covered with wagons, going to and returning from the city, laden with ammunition, subsistence, &c., sufficiently indicate that the long-deferred movement is at last to be made.
"July 14. Colonel Ransom, with the Ninth Infantry, and two companies of the Twelfth, under Captain Wood, left this morning, with about eighty wagons of the train. He will proceed to San Juan, twelve miles distant, on the Jalapa road, and there await my arrival with the remainder of the brigade. It would be almost certain destruction to men and teams, so long as we remain in tierra caliente, to march them between the hours of nine o'clock, A. M., and four, P. M. Colonel Ransom's command, therefore, struck their tents last night, loaded their company wagons, and bivouacked, in order that there might be nothing to delay an early start in the morning. Fortunately, it did not rain, and the advance moved off in fine order and spirits.
"July 15. It is impossible for me to move today, with the remainder of the brigade, on account of the deficiency of teams. Notwithstanding all my exertions, I shall be compelled to rely on many mule teams, which, when I move, will be in harness for the first time. I have, however, sent off a second detachment, consisting of four companies of the Fourteenth and two companies of the Third Infantry, under the command of that accomplished and admirable officer, Lieutenant Colonel Hebert, of Louisiana.
"July 16. After much perplexity and delay, on account of the unbroken and intractable teams, I left the camp, this afternoon, at five o'clock, with the Fourth Artillery, Lieutenant Colonel Watson's Marine Corps, and a detachment of the Third Dragoons, with about forty wagons. The road was very heavy; the wheels sinking almost to the hubs in sand, and the untried and untamed teams almost constantly bolting, in some part of the train. We were occupied rather in breaking the animals to harness, than in performing a march. At ten o'clock at night, we bivouacked, in the darkness and sand, by the wagons in the road--having made but three miles from camp.
"Camp near San Juan, July 17. Started this morning, at four o'clock. Road still heavy, over short, steep hills; progress slow and difficult. Reached Santa Fe, eight miles from Vera Cruz, at eight o'clock, A. M. Heat exceedingly oppressive. Remained here till four, P. M. About twelve o'clock, two muleteers came to our bivouac in great agitation, to announce that five hundred guerillas were on the Jalapa road, not five hundred yards distant, advancing rapidly. Lieutenant Colonel Watson, with the Marine Corps, is, by order, immediately under arms, and Major Gavet, with two pieces of artillery, in position to keep the road. No guerilla force approaches; and it is doubtful whether the muleteers, looking through the medium of terror, were not entirely mistaken. Still, it was our first alarm, and useful, as stimulating to vigilance and constant preparation for an attack.
"Resumed the march at four P. M., and reached San Juan about nine o'clock in the evening, in a drenching rain. The road from Santa Fe to this place is level and firm; no water, until the first branch of the San Juan is reached. The guerillas had attempted to destroy the bridge over the stream; but Colonel Ransom's advance was upon them before the work of destruction was complete, and New England strength and ingenuity readily repaired damages. The rain continued to pour, throughout that night, the next day, and the night following. The encampment being upon low, muddy ground, along the margin of the stream, officers and men were compelled to find their only repose, literally, in the mud and water; and I resolved to move, notwithstanding the heavy rain, which continued to pour until the evening of the 19th.
"Telema Nueva, July 20. My brigade, with the exception of Lieutenant Colonel Bonham's command, left Camp Pierce, (a name given it before my arrival, by Colonel Ransom,) at San Juan, yesterday evening, and marched to this place, twenty-four miles from Vera Cruz. Several escopettes were discharged upon the detachment of dragoons, at the head of the column. These shots came from an eminence on the left of the road, a direct line to which was impracticable for cavalry. Lieutenant Deven, in command of the advanced detachment, dashed rapidly up the hill, along the road, to reconnoitre the position of the main body of the enemy, which, it was supposed, might be posted behind the eminence. Captain Ridgeley, of the Fourth Artillery, threw a few round shot in the direction from which the fire came; and in the mean time, I had despatched Captain Bodfish, of the Ninth Infantry, with the grenadiers and Company F., to take the enemy in flank. The duty was promptly and handsomely performed; but the enemy had fled before Captain B. had arrived within musket shot of his position.
"The march continued about a mile, when mounted Mexicans could be discerned at distant points, evidently reconnoitring. This being the place where Colonel Mcintosh's train had been attacked and sustained so much damage, I made dispositions for any such contingency. I detached Captain Larkin Smith, of the Eighth Infantry, with three companies of infantry and a party of dragoons, by a path on the left of the main road, that debouched from an old Spanish fort, whence an attack was anticipated. A detachment of dragoons under Lieutenant Deven, Colonel Ransom with the Ninth Infantry, and Captain Ridgeley with three pieces of his battery, marched on the main road. Captain Smith, having traversed the route upon which he was directed, again intersected the main road, near the fort above referred to, a little in advance of the head of our column.
"In this position, as soon as Captain Smith's detachment had well extended upon the road, the enemy opened a brisk fire. They were concealed and strongly posted in the chapperal, on both sides of the road--the greater number on the right. The fire was promptly returned, and sustained on both sides for some minutes, when Captain Ridgeley unlimbered one of his pieces, and threw a few canister shot among them. This immediately silenced the enemy's fire, which had been nearly done by Captain Smith, before the artillery came up. Captain Bodfish, with three companies of the Ninth Infantry, was sent to attack the enemy in flank; but his flight was too precipitous for this detachment to come up with his main body.
"I could not ascertain the enemy's loss. The Mexican paper at Jalapa stated it at forty; which, I think, was an exaggeration. Our own loss was six wounded, and seven horses shot.
"I witnessed with pleasure the conduct of that part of my command immediately engaged, on this occasion. The first fire of the enemy indicated a pretty formidable force, the precise strength of which could not be ascertained, as they were completely covered by the chapperal. It was the first time, on the march, that any portion of my command had been fairly under fire. I was at the head of the column, on the main road, and, witnessing the whole scene, saw nothing but coolness and courage on the part of both officers and men.
"Puente Nacionale, July 21. The brigade resumed its march yesterday, at three o'clock, and reached Paso de Orejas, three miles distant, where we encamped for the night. The march was unobstructed by the enemy; and our advanced troop reached the place last named at an early hour. The rear, however, in consequence of our immense train, did not arrive till after dark. As it descended towards the camp, it was approached by guerillas; but they were kept at bay by a few discharges from a six pounder, left with Lieutenant Colonel Watson, in the rear, These parties had been seen during the day, on distant and elevated points, reconnoitring our line. The road, on this part of the march, is high and dry; no water except in small ponds or pools. Paso de Orejas is on the west side of a rapid and beautiful stream, spanned by a substantial and expensive bridge; and, judging from the spacious buildings, it has evidently been a place of considerable business.
"We left Paso de Orejas at four o'clock in the morning, and pursued our course uninterruptedly, until we reached Puente Nacionale. Anticipating, from rumors which had reached us upon the road, an attack at this place, and having no map of its defences, natural or artificial, I halted the entire command on the top of the long hill, which descends to the fork of the Antigua River. With a detail of two companies of the Twelfth Infantry, commanded by Captains Wood and Danvers, I proceeded in person, two or three hundred yards, to an elevation on the right of the road, from which, with my glass, I could command a view of the bridge, the village, and the enemy's positions. There were a few lancers in the village, riding rapidly from one position to another, flourishing a red flag, and occasionally, as if in defiance, coming up to the barricade which they had thrown across the bridge. The main body of the enemy, however, was posted behind a temporary breastwork on a bluff, a hundred and fifty feet high, commanding the whole bridge, and overhanging, as it were, the eastern arch. Their position could not be turned, as the heights continue precipitous from the water's edge, for a long distance below.
"The tongue of land, dividing the fork referred to above from the main stream of the Rio del Antigua, rises to an immense height on the left; and on this eminence is a fortification, which, from the road, has the appearance of great Strength. After crossing the bridge, the road turns suddenly to the left. Having satisfied myself that this fort, on the left, was not occupied, I sent forward Captain Dobbins with his company, together with Company G, Fourth Infantry, and Company I, Voltigeurs, under Captain Archer, along the brow of the hill to the bank of the Antigua, opposite the village, with instructions, if possible, to cross the river above.
"The passage above, like that below, being found impracticable, I rode forward, with my aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Thom, to reconnoitre the enemy's works more closely, and to find on the left, if possible, a position for artillery. In this I was to a certain extent successful, and immediately ordered forward three pieces, two under the command of Captain Ridgeley, and one under Lieutenant Getty, of the Fourth Artillery. These were stationed on a piece of table land, perhaps an acre in extent, four or five rods from the west end of the main bridge, and thirty feet above it. The pieces swept the bridge, and dispersed the lancers from the village. Shots were also thrown at the heights, but, in consequence of the great elevation of the bluff where the enemy's main body were posted, without any other effect than to distract his fire from the advance, under Colonel Bonham, then awaiting my orders to cross. This portion of Colonel Bonham's command consisted of Company B, Twelfth Infantry, under Captain Holden, a detachment of the same regiment under Lieutenant Giles, two companies of Pennsylvania volunteers under Captains Caldwell and Taylor, Company C, Voltigeurs, under Lieutenant Forsyth, and Company F, Eleventh Infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Hedges.
"Under the discharge of the artillery of the enemy's works, the command was given to Colonel Bonham to advance. It was admirably executed. Captain Holden's company, leading, rushed over the bridge with a shout; the captain, some paces in advance, leaped the barricade of brush and timber, his men following with great enthusiasm. Having crossed the bridge, he threw his company, under the cover of buildings, immediately beneath the bluff, and taking a narrow, steep path to the right, was in a few moments upon the summit, where the whole brigade greeted him with hearty cheers. The remainder of the command followed rapidly, and in good order. In the mean time, with a view to cut off the retreat of the foe, Captain Dupreau, of the Third Dragoons, had leaped the barricade, dashed through the village, and, almost simultaneously with Captain Holden, planted the colors of his company upon the breastwork, from which the plunging fire had so recently ceased. The guerillas and lancers could hardly have waited, after the first shout of Holden's company, to see the effect of their own fire; for, before our first detachment reached their works, they were in full flight, beyond pursuit, in the dense chapperal of the mountains in their rear.
"Colonel Bonham's horse was shot near me, and I received an escopette hall through the rim of my hat, but without other damage than leaving my head, for a short time, without protection from the sun. The balls spattered like hailstones around us, at the moment the column advanced; and it seems truly wonderful that so few took effect. A large portion of them passed over our heads, and struck between the rear of Colonel Bonham's command and the main body of the brigade, two or three hundred yards behind, with the train; thus verifying what has so often been said by our gallant fellows, within the last forty days, that the nearer you get to these people in fight, the safer.
"The encampment was made in the village, for the night, thirty miles from Vera Cruz. Here General Santa Anna has a spacious and magnificent hacienda, in which I established my headquarters.
"July 22. I left the princely hacienda of Santa Anna, at the Natural Bridge, this morning at four o'clock. The moment our picket guards were withdrawn, the enemy appeared on all the surrounding heights, but at distances too respectful to provoke any particular notice. I proceeded on the march, without molestation, until we commenced the descent of the Plan del Rio, where Captain Dupreau's company of cavalry, a few hundred yards in front of the column, was fired upon from the chapperal, and three horses wounded. Lieutenant Colonel Hebert, being next to the dragoons, threw out a company of skirmishers on either side, and, with the remainder, continued the march on the main road. Nothing more, however, was seen or heard of the enemy.
"An old Spanish fort stands on a high eminence at the right of the road, commanding it in all directions, and overlooking the bridge. A bridge, about four hundred yards west of the main stream, had been barricaded, evidently with the intention of defending it. But neither the fort nor the position beyond the barricade was occupied; the enemy, as we soon learned, having hit upon another expedient for checking our advance, which they evidently believed must cause several weeks' detention, and probably drive the command back upon the coast.
"Removing the barricade at the small bridge, and proceeding about four hundred yards, we came to the Plan del Rio, over which there had been a bridge similar to Puente Nacionale. It was a magnificent structure of art, combining great strength and beauty, a work of the old Spaniards, so many of which are found upon this great avenue from the coast, fitted to awaken the admiration and wonder of the traveller. The fact that the main arch, a span of about sixty feet, had been blown up, first burst upon me as I stood upon the brink of the chasm, with a perpendicular descent of nearly a hundred feet to the bed of a rapid stream, much swollen by the recent rains. As far as the eye could reach, above and below, the banks on the west side, of vast height, descended precipitously, almost in a perpendicular line, to the water's edge.
"This sudden and unexpected barrier, I need not say, was somewhat withering to the confidence with which I had been animated. The news having extended back along the line, my officers soon crowded around me; and the deep silence that ensued was more significant than any thing which could have been spoken. After a few moment pause, this silence was broken by many short, epigrammatical remarks, and more questions. 'We have it before us now!' said Lieutenant Colonel Hebert. 'The destruction of this magnificent and expensive Work of a past generation could not have been ordered, but upon a deliberate and firm purpose of stern resistance.' 'This people have destroyed,' said another, 'what they never will rebuild.' 'What is to be done with this train?' 'What do you purpose now, general?' 'To have it closed up,' I replied, 'as compactly as possible to-night, and to cross to-morrow with every wagon!' But, I confess, there was no very distinct idea, in my own mind, how the thing was to be accomplished.
"I ought to have mentioned that the Ninth Infantry, under the gallant Colonel Ransom, which was that day in advance, on discovering that the bridge had been blown up, and supposing the enemy to be in force on the other side, immediately descended the steep banks, by the aid of trees and other supports, and forded the river. They then took possession of a church on the other side.
"A long hill descends from the west towards this river; the road is narrow, and there is no ground for an encampment or the packing of wagons. The wagons, therefore, having been closed up, were of necessity left in the wood, making a line of more than a mile and a half in length. Thus disposed, every precaution was taken for the protection of the train, and the brigade was left to bivouac.
"The growth, for miles around, was low and scrubby, affording no timber to reconstruct the arch; and it was perfectly apparent that no passage could be effected at the north. Lieutenant Thom, and two or three scientific officers with him, had been occupied from the time of our arrival in making a careful reconnoissance down the banks of the river, for two or three miles below. At dusk, they reported that the difficulties in that direction did not diminish, but that a road might probably be constructed down the bank, some hundred yards south of the bridge. Weary, and not in the most buoyant spirits, we all sunk to repose.
"Early the next morning, I sent for Captain Bodfish, of the Ninth Infantry, an officer of high intelligence and force of character. He had been engaged for many years in the lumber business and accustomed to the construction of roads in the wild and mountainous districts of Maine, and was withal a man not lightly to be checked by slight obstacles in the accomplishment of an enterprise. It occurred to me, therefore, that he was the very man whose services should, on this occasion, be put in requisition.
"Being informed of the object for which he had been called, he retired, and, returning in half a hour, said that he had examined the ground, and that the construction of a road, over which the train might safely pass, was practicable. 'What length of time,' he was asked, 'will necessarily be occupied in the completion of the work?' 'That,' said he, 'will depend upon the number of men employed. If you will give me five hundred men, I will furnish you a road over which the train can pass safely in four hours.' The detail was immediately furnished; and, at the end of three hours, this energetic and most deserving officer reported to me that the road was ready for the wagons. Fortune favored us in more respects than one. The water in the river, which, in the rainy season, is a rapid and unfordable stream, fell one and a half feet from the time of our arrival to the hour of the completion of the work. 'Bodfish's road' (unless this nation shall be regenerated) will be the road, at that place, for Mexican diligences, for half a century to come.
"Without removing an article from a single wagon, the entire train had passed, without accident, before the sun went down on the evening of the 23d. Here, on the east side of Plan del Rio, where there are barracks and many ranchos, we are comfortably quartered for the night. The troops are in the highest spirits; and jokes innumerable are passing among our southern brethren upon the absurdity of Mexicans attempting to play such a trick on Yankees. The heat had been so excessive that I intended to remain one day at this place, for the refreshment of men and animals; but all are anxious to proceed, and we move in the morning. Thus the destruction of this very expensive work, instead of retarding my progress for a single hour, has added fresh confidence and enthusiasm to the command.
"Encero, July 24. Plan del Rio being within four miles of Cerro Gordo, and being apprehensive of a plunging fire on the trains, from the eminences, I despatched Lieutenant Colonel Bonham with five hundred picked men, at twelve o'clock, last night, to take possession of the heights, by the way of Twiggs's route, as it is called. An officer, in my command, was at the battle of Cerro Gordo, and supposed that he sufficiently understood the localities to act as guide. This military road of Twiggs turned off from the main road, four or five miles from Plan del Rio. I went forward in person, with Captain Dupreau's company of cavalry. The rain poured in torrents; and the darkness was such that I could not see Dupreau's white horse, while riding by his side. In consequence of this extreme darkness, Captain Scantland was unable to find the route, and I returned with the cavalry to camp. The detachment rested upon their arms till morning, when the duty was handsomely performed, although the strongholds were found unoccupied.
"When our train left Plan del Rio, at early dawn, the Mexicans appeared on the heights, and discharged a harmless volley upon the rear guard. They evidently made a mistake. Not having calculated distances with their usual accuracy, Colonel Ransom, being in the rear with a six pounder, under the command of Lieutenant Welsh, threw a few canister shot among them. These undoubtedly took effect, as they scattered in all directions without firing another gun. We reached this place at about two o'clock, where is another magnificent hacienda, owned by Santa Anna. There being large herds of cattle around us, but no owner of whom to purchase, I have sent out detachments to supply our immediate wants.
"Two or three of the young officers, desiring to participate in the chase of the cattle, left the camp without permission, and, in the excitement of the chase, wandered to a considerable distance. 0ne of them has just been brought in with a dangerous gun shot through the thigh--a very natural result of such imprudence. The only matter of surprise is, that they were not all killed or captured by the hands of guerillas, who are known to hang upon our rear by day, and about our camp by night. I am sorry for the officer, but trust the admonition may be salutary. We have here a delightful encampment, upon a green carpet that slopes gently to a fine stream of clear, pure water. Jalapa is only eight miles distant.
"Camp near Jalapa, July 25. We left the encampment at Encero at seven o'clock, not without regret, so pleasant was the situation, and so refreshing the pure stream that rushed sparkling by us. It reminded all New England men of their homes. Our march to Jalapa, which we reached at noon, was uninterrupted. The main road to Puebla passes outside of the city. I rode with twenty dragoons to the principal fonda, kept by an intelligent Frenchman, where I dined, and remained two or three hours, until the train and rear of the command had passed. In the hotel, I met and conversed, through an interpreter, with many persons in the garb of gentlemen. Full of compliments and professions of friendship, they quite stagger a blunt Yankee. The truth is, instead of being induced to take up my quarters on account of these protestations, I the earlier thought it time, with my true friend and aid-de-camp, Lieutenant Thom, and the twenty dragoons, to join the command. I hardly know why, amid pleasant conversations, this feeling came over me. It was instinct, rather than any legitimate deduction from what I either saw or heard; but, in this case, it proved better than reason, for, returning to the main road, I found the extreme rear halted, and in no little excitement. A colored servant of Lieutenant Welsh, having been sent to water a horse, not six rods from the road, had been stabbed, and the horse stolen. I stopped long enough to ascertain that no trace could be found of the robbers, and then proceeded to camp, two and a half or three miles distant.
"The encampment is by a fine stream, which drives the spindles of Don Garcia, a quarter of a mile below us. This factory has in some respects a New England aspect, but is destitute of the indications of New England enterprise and thrift.
"No trust is to be placed in this people. I have learned, beyond a doubt, that Jalapa is daily filled with guerillas, and that many of these bravos were about the fonda, while we were there.
"Camp near Jalapa, July 27. Several soldiers, while strolling to the city or the neighboring ranchos, in violation of general orders, have, either deserted, been killed, or taken prisoners. Mr. N., a lawyer resident in New Orleans, but a native of Maine, having business in the interior of Mexico, was permitted to accompany my command from Vera Cruz. He seems to have been enjoying a stroll in the streets of Jalapa, when he was seized by the guerillas, who are evidently in disguise in all parts Of the city. He wrote me a note after his capture, stating that he had been offered his liberty, if I would send to the Alcalde of Jalapa a certificate that he was a private citizen, and in no way connected with the American army. This was, of course, promptly forwarded.
"The guerillas, I believe, have complete possession, or rather control, of Jalapa. The citizens, who dread them more than we do, and who suffer severely from them, dare not inform against nor resist them, so long as an uncertainty exists with regard to protection from the American forces. They stroll about the city in disguise, and, whenever an opportunity presents itself, they kill or carry off our stragglers, and steal and rob with impunity.
"Camp near La Hoya, July 29. We left our camp near Jalapa this morning at seven o'clock. The sick list, instead of diminishing, has increased and now includes more than four hundred men. The principal cause is excessive indulgence in fruits, which it was found impossible to keep from the troops. We are now upon the margin of a stream, where are the remains of fires and other relics of a former encampment. The ground is low and level. The rain is pouring in torrents, and rushes through my tent, in a channel dug by the orderly, like a permanent, living brook.
"On arriving at San Miguel el Saldado, I required the Alcalde of that place, and another Mexican, to go forward with us as guides to the passes that turn the strong positions commanding the roads over which we shall pass to-morrow.
"Camp near the Castle of Perote, July 30. The whole command was under arms at dawn. Two regiments (the Ninth Infantry under Colonel Ransom, and detachments from various regiments under Lieutenant Colonel Bonham) were ordered to take the paths leading over the heights commanding the road, while the main body, with the train, should pass this strong defile. During the night, the Alcalde had furnished two guides, better acquainted with the paths than himself. One accompanied each of the flanking columns. This service, performed by Colonel Ransom and Lieutenant Colonel Bonham, was exceedingly arduous, although they occupied the heights without resistance. The train passed this gorge of the mountains, which furnishes the strongest natural defences, without molestation; the two flanking regiments making their appearance, every few moments, in the openings, and on the peaks of the surrounding summits.
"At Las Vegas, about four miles from Perote, we were met by Colonel Wyncoop, of the Pennsylvania volunteers, now in command of the castle, with Captain Walker's elegant company of mounted riflemen. Captain Walker is the same who gained (earned is the better word, for officers sometimes gain what they do not merit) such an enviable reputation on the Rio Grande. His company is in all respects worthy of their efficient, gentlemanly, modest, and daring commander.
"I reached the castle before dark, and Colonel Wyncoop kindly tendered me his quarters; but I adhered to a rule from which I have never deviated on the march--to see the rear of the command safely in camp, and where they pitched their tents to pitch my own. The rear guard, in consequence of the broken condition of the road, did not arrive until nine o'clock; when our tents were pitched in darkness, and in the sand, which surrounds the castle on all sides.
"Camp under the Walls of the Castle of Perote, August 1. We make a halt here of two or three days, to repair damages, procure supplies, and give rest to the troops. I have sent two hundred sick to the hospital in the castle, and received about the same number of convalescents, left by trains that have preceded me.
"While at the artillery quarters, to-day, in the village, Captain Ruff arrived, with his company of cavalry and the company of native spies, as they are called, now in our service, and commanded by the celebrated robber Domingues. Captain Ruff was sent forward by General Persifer F. Smith. The latter, in consequence of the rumors that had reached the commander-in-chief, in relation to the attacks made upon my command, had been sent down as far as Ojo del Agua, with a view to ascertain my whereabouts and condition, and to afford support, if necessary."
General Pierce's journal here terminates. In its clear and simple narrative, the reader cannot fail to see-- although it was written with no purpose of displaying them--the native qualities of a born soldier, together with the sagacity of an experienced one. He had proved himself, moreover, physically apt for war, by his easy endurance of the fatigues of the march; every step of which (as was the case with few other officers) was performed either on horseback or on foot. Nature, indeed, has endowed him with a rare elasticity both of mind and body; he springs up from pressure like a well-tempered sword. After the severest toil, a single night's rest does as much for him, in the way of refreshment, as a week could do for most other men.
His conduct on this adventurous march received the high encomiums of military men, and was honored with the commendation of the great soldier who is now his rival in the presidential contest. He reached the main army at Puebla, on the 7th of August, with twenty-four hundred men, in fine order, and without the loss of a single wagon.
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