Američki građanski rat (1861. – 1865.) bio je građanski rat u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama koji se vodio zbog formiranja i odcjepljenja Konfederacije Američkih Država. Jedanaest južnjačkih robovlasničkih država proglasilo je svoje odcjepljenje od SAD-a i formiralo Konfederaciju; ostalih dvadeset i pet država podupirale su saveznu vladu (Uniju). Nakon četiri godine ratovanja koje se odvijalo većinom u južnjačkim državama, Konfederacija se predala, a ropstvo je u cijelosti ukinuto. Problemi koji su doveli do rata dijelom su riješeni erom rekonstrukcije koja je uslijedila, premda su mnogi ostali neriješeni.

Tijekom predsjedničkih izbora 1860. godine, Republikanska stranka na čelu s Abrahamom Lincolnom vodila je kampanju protiv širenja ropstva van država u kojima je ono već postojalo. Republikanci su strogo podupirali nacionalizam pa su prijetnje odcjepljenja proglasili izdajom. Nakon njihove pobjede na izborima, ali prije nego što je nova administracija preuzela vlast 4. ožujka 1861. godine, sedam robovlasničkih država proglasilo je svoje odcjepljenje te oformilo Konfederaciju Američkih Država. Obje administracije - ona na odlasku predsjednika Jamesa Buchanana te nova na dolasku predsjednika Lincolna - odbile su legalizirati odcjepljenje, smatrajući ga pobunom. U to vrijeme ostalih osam robovlasničkih država odbilo je poziv na odcjepljenje. Niti jedna međunarodna vlast nije priznala Konfederaciju.

Neprijateljstvo je službeno započelo 12. travnja 1861. godine kada su postrojbe Konfederacije zapucale na unionističku vojnu ustanovu Fort Sumter u Južnoj Karolini. Lincoln je nakon tog događaja uputio javni poziv za stvaranje vojske dobrovoljaca iz svake države koji su trebali vratiti oduzeto savezno vlasništvo što je dovelo do proglašenja odcjepljenja još dodatne četiri robovlasničke države. Obje strane uskoro su novačile vojnike, a Unija je preuzela kontrolu pograničnih država u ranoj fazi rata te stvorila pomorsku blokadu. Ratovanje na istoku zemlje bilo je uglavnom neriješeno tijekom 1861. i 1862. godine jer je Konfederacija odolijevala napadima Unije koja je pokušala zauzeti glavni grad - Richmond (država Virginia). U rujnu 1862. godine Konfederacija je u državi Maryland doživjela poraz u bitci kod Antietama što je u konačnici odvratilo Britance da se umiješaju u sukob. Nekoliko dana nakon te bitke, Lincoln je najavio Proglas o emancipaciji čime je ukidanje ropstva proglašeno dodatnim ciljem rata.

Godine 1863. napredak glavnog generala Konfederacije Roberta E. Leeja završen je porazom u bitci kod Gettysburga. Na zapadu, Unija je preuzela kontrolu nad rijekom Mississippi nakon bitke kod Shiloha (travanj 1862.) te opsade Vicksburga, cijepajući Konfederaciju na dva dijela i uništivši većinu njihove zapadne vojske. Zbog svojih uspjeha na zapadu, Ulysses S. Grant dobio je zapovjedništvo nad vojskom Unije 1864. godine te organizirao armije Williama Tecumseha Shermana, Georgea Meadea i drugih kako bi napali Konfederaciju sa svih strana. Grant je preustrojio vojsku Unije te postavio generale kao zapovjednike divizija koji će podupirati njegov napredak prema Virginiji. Vodio je nekoliko teških bitaka protiv generala Leeja, a zbog snažnog odupiranja južnjačkih snaga morao je nekoliko puta mijenjati svoje planove te voditi opsadu Petersburga koja je gotovo uništila ostatak Leejeve vojske. U međuvremenu, Sherman je zauzeo Atlantu i marširao prema moru, pritom uništavajući infrastrukturu Konfederacije. Nakon što su propali pokušaji Konfederacije da obrani Petersburg, vojska se počela povlačiti, ali je uskoro poražena što je rezultiralo Leejevom konačnom predajom Grantu u Appomattox Court Houseu, 9. travnja 1865. godine.

Američki građanski rat bio je jedan od najranijih industrijskih ratova. Za potrebe ratovanja uvelike su se koristile željezničke pruge, telegrafi, parobrodi te masovna proizvodnja oružja. Prakse koje je razvio Sherman u državi Georgiji te mobilizacija civilnog stanovništva i samo financiranje rata nagovijestili su Prvi svjetski rat u Europi. To je do danas ostao najubojitiji rat u američkoj povijesti u kojem je poginulo otprilike 750 tisuća vojnikaA novel way of calculating casualties by looking at the deviation of the death rate of men of fighting age from the norm through analysis of census data found that at least 627,000 and at most 888,000 people, but most likely 761,000 people, died through the war. Vidi  te neodređeni broj civila. Povjesničar John Huddleston procjenjuje ukupan broj mrtvih na otprilike 10% svih muškaraca na Sjeveru u dobi između 20 i 45 godina života te na otprilike 30% svih muškaraca (bijelaca) na Jugu u dobi između 18 i 40 godina života. Pobjedom Sjevera okončano je postojanje Konfederacije i ropstva u SAD-u te se dodatno pojačala uloga savezne vlade. U eri rekonstrukcije koja je uslijedila i trajala sve do 1877. godine, Unija je uspjela učvrstiti svoj položaj u svih jedanaest bivših Konfederacijskih država.

 Razlozi secesije

Uzroci Američkog građanskog rata bili su složeni, a obavijeni su kontroverzama još otkad je sam rat počeo. Problem su dodatno zakomplicirali povjesničari koji su željeli poboljšati sliku Juga smanjujući ulogu ropstva.James C. Bradford, A companion to American military history (2010) sv. 1, str. 101. Ropstvo je bilo središnji uzročnik povećanja političkih napetosti tijekom 50-ih godina 19. stoljeća. Republikanska stranka bila je odlučna spriječiti njegovo daljnje širenje, a vodstvo Juga prijetilo je odcjepljenjem u slučaju da republikanski kandidat Abraham Lincoln pobijedi na predsjedničkim izborima 1860. godine. Nakon njegove pobjede, mnogi južnjački bijelci smatrali su da je odcjepljenje postala njihov jedini izbor.

Premda se nisu svi Južnjaci upustili u bitku isključivo zbog očuvanja ropstva, većina časnika i preko trećine Leejeve cjelokupne vojske bili su, obiteljskim vezama, usko povezani s ropstvom. Za Sjevernjake glavni razlog ulaska u rat bilo je očuvanje Unije, a ne ukidanje ropstva. Abraham Lincoln neprestano je naglašavao da je glavni cilj rata očuvanje Unije, ali kako je vrijeme prolazilo vidio je da je zapravo ropstvo ključan problem pa je i njegovo ukidanje postavio kao jedan od glavnih ciljeva sukoba.Foner, Eric. "The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery" (2011.)., str. 74. Njegov Proglas o emancipaciji naljutio je mirne Demokrate, ali i one u ratu premda je dodatno motivirao većinu Republikanaca.McPherson, str. 506–8. Uz upozorenje da će slobodni crnci "poplaviti" Sjever, Demokrati su pokušali preuzeti kontrolu nad Kongresom tijekom izbora 1862. godine, ali bez uspjeha. Protuargument Republikanaca da je ropstvo zapravo glavno uporište neprijatelja polako je dobivao potporu, a Demokrati su konačan poraz doživjeli 1863. godine tijekom izbora u državi Ohio kada su pokušali uskrsnuti anti-crnački sentiment.McPherson, str. 686.

 Ropstvo i proturopstvo
Od 1900. do 1955. godine, povjesničari su držali anti-robovlasničku agitaciju manje važnom od ustavnih, gospodarskih i kulturnih pitanja. Ponovno, od 1960-ih povjesničari ističu ropstvo i proturopstvo kao osnovni uzrok rata.

Za većinu južnjačkih vođa, očuvanje ropstva bio je politički imperativ. Neki Južnjaci slagali su se s Robertom E. Leejem koji je (poput Jeffersona) ustvrdio, "ropstvo kao institucija je moralno i političko zlo." Kao osnovu gospodarskih odnosa i izvorište južnjačkog bogatstva, bio je temeljni gospodarski interes Juga unutar Unije. Sjevernjaci su se opirali ropstvu na moralnoj te političkoj osnovi. Sjevernjački vođe poput Lincolna, Sewarda, Chasea te Greeleya, upozoravali su kako oligarhija južnjačkih plantažera, "Moć ropstva", dominira južnjačkom politikom, i korumpira te kontrolira nacionalnu politiku u cijelosti.

Kompromis iz 1850. uključivao je i nov, stroži zakon o bjeguncima robovima, koji su prezreli proturobovlasnički elementi Sjevera. On je omogućio saveznim agentima uhićenje te povrat odbjeglih robova iz ne-robovskih sjevernjačkih država.

Sjevernjaci, osobito koji su se informirali iz abolicionističkih novina poput "Osloboditelj" ili pak čitali popularne romane poput uspješnice Čiča Tomina koliba, imali su moralni prigovor ciljevima koje postavlja zakon o bjeguncima robovima.

Zakon o Kansas-Nebraski iz 1854. odbacio je kopromis iz 1820. koji je zabranio ropstvo na teritoriju sjeverno od Missourija, te utjecao na formiranje nove protu-robovlasničke Republikanske stranke.
Odluka Vrhovnoga Suca Dreda Scotta iz 1857. zaoštrila je kontroverze. Odluka suca Rogera Taneya govorila je kako robovi "nemaju niti jedno pravo koje bijelci moraju poštovati", te kako se robovi mogu odvoditi i u nerobovske države i teritorije. Lincoln je upozorio kako "još jedna odluka poput one Dred Scotta" može zaprijetiti prijenosom ropstva i na sjevernjačke države.
Postojala je očevidna veza među brojem plantaža u pojedinom području i podrški za otcjepljenje. Države daleko na jugu, imale su veliku koncentraciju plantaža i najprije su se otcjepile. Države bliže Sjeveru poput Virginije, Sjeverne Karoline, Arkansasa te Tennesseeja imale su razmjerno manje plantaža te su odbacivale mogućnost otcjepljenja sve dok ih kriza s Fort Sumtera nije natjerala na odabir strane. Neke od pograničnih država su imale znatno manje plantaže te su ostale u Uniji. Jedina je iznimka pogranična država Maryland koja bi se vjerojatno otcijepila da Savezna vlada nije uputila trupe, obustavila primjenu habeas corpus te dala uhititi sve pristaše Konfederacije. Vrhovni Sud, na čijem je čelu još uvijek bio Roger Taney, bio je na stanovištu kako je Ustav ovim prekršen.

Sve u svemu, iako je ropstvo bilo jedna od ključnih razlika, nikako se ne može okarakterizirati kao glavni uzrok rata. Razlike između Sjevera i Juga bile su prevelike i u kulturnom smislu, te su Sjever i Jug stvarno predstavljali dvije različite nacije unutar jedne države, a jedna od njih, ona južnjačka se odlučila na odcjepljenje u trenutku kad je smatrala da su njezina prava na zasebnost ugrožena potezima republikanaca sa Sjevera. U zadiranje oko pitanja ropstva većina južnjaka je gledala kao na uplitanje u vlastito državno uređenje o kojem bi trebala odlučivati svaka savezna država zasebno a ne snažna centrala vlada. Na kraju je pokušaj Juga na vlastito samoopredjeljenje postao uzrok rata jer Lincoln nije namjeravao dopustiti odvajanje jednog dijela države.

 Regionalni interesi
thumb|250px|right|Status država, 1861. godine
Tamno-crvena boja: države koje su se odcijepile prije 15. travnja 1861. godine
Crvena boja: države koje su se odcijepile 15. travnja 1861. godine
Žuta boja: države Unije koje su dopuštale ropstvo
Plava boja: države Unije koje su zabranile ropstvo
Siva boja: slobodni teritoriji
Pojam regionalni interesi odnosi se na različita gospodarstva, društvene strukture, običaje i političke vrijednosti Sjevera i Juga. Različiti regionalni interesi postepeno su se povećavali u razdoblju od 1800. do 1860. godine dok se Sjever (koji je postepeno iskorijenio ropstvo) u isti mah industrijalizirao i urbanizirao te izgrađivao napredne farme, a Jug se koncentrirao na poljoprivredne plantaže zahvaljujući ropskom radu skupa s naturalnom poljoprivredom o kojoj su se brinuli siromašni bijelci. Jug se proširio na bogata nova zemljišta na jugozapadu (od Alabame do Teksasa).

Međutim, u pograničnim državama ropstvo je polako nestajalo i jedva je moglo opstati u gradovima i industrijskim područjima (nestajalo je u gradovima kao što su Baltimore, Louisville i St. Louis) pa je Jug koji se temeljio na ropskom radu uglavnom sačinjavalo ruralno i ne-industrijsko područje. S druge strane, kako se potreba za pamukom povećavala, povećala se i cijena robova. Povjesničari su vodili temeljite debate o tome jesu li gospodarske različitosti između industrijskog Sjevera i poljoprivrednog Juga bile dijelom uzroka građanskog rata. Većina povjesničara danas se ne slaže s ekonomskim determinizmom povjesničara Charlesa Bearda iz 20-ih godina prošlog stoljeća i naglašavaju da su gospodarstva Sjevera i Juga uvelike bila komplementarna.

Strah od pobune robova i abolicionistička propaganda natjerale su Jug da se neprijateljski odnosi prema abolicionizmu općenito. Južnjaci su se žalili da je Sjever taj koji se mijenja dok je Jug ostao vjeran povijesnim republikanskim vrijednostima Očeva Osnivača (Founding Fathers) od kojih su mnogi posjedovali robove, uključujući predsjednike Washingtona, Jeffersona i Madisona. Lincoln je govorio da su Republikanci slijedili tradicije autora Ustava (uključujući Sjeverozapadni Pravilnik i Kompromis u Missouriju) sprečavajući širenje ropstva.

Problem prihvaćanja ropstva (u liku odbijanja robovlasništva biskupa i misionara) podijelio je najveće vjerske zajednice (Metodističke, Baptističke i Prezbiterijanske crkve) na odvojene Sjeverne i Južne zajednice. Industrijalizacija je značila da će se sedam od ukupno osam europskih imigranata naseliti na Sjeveru. Pokret u kojem je dvostruko više bijelaca napuštalo Jug i odlazilo na Sjever pridonijelo je južnjačkom obrambeno-agresivnom političkom ponašanju.

 Prava država
thumb|left|300px|Masakr ljudi koji su se protivili ropstvu u Marais des Cygnes u Kansasu, 19. svibnja 1858.
Svi su bili složni u mišljenju da države imaju stanovita prava; međutim da li su se prava jedne države mogla primijenjivati u drugoj državi bio je predmet mnogih rasprava. Mišljenje Južnjaka bilo je da građani svake države svoje vlasništvo mogu prenijeti na teritorij bilo koje druge države u SAD-u te da im to vlasništvo ne može biti oduzeto; to se posebno odnosilo na prijenos vlastitih robova gdje bi oni ostali ono što i jesu u svojoj originalnoj državi: robovi. Sjevernjaci su odbijali priznati to "pravo" zbog toga što ono direktno krši pravo slobodne države o ukidanju ropstva unutar svojih granica. Potonjem su se posebno protivili Republikanci koji su se žestoko borili protiv širenja ropstva. Odluka Vrhovnog suca Dreda Scotta iz 1857. godine poduprla je Južnjake u ovoj debati i dodatno razljutila Sjevernjake.

Osim toga, Jug se zalagao i za to da svaka država ima pravo na odcjepljenje odnosno napuštanje Unije u bilo koje vrijeme te da Ustav predstavlja "dogovor" ili ugovor/sporazum između država. Sjevernjaci (uključujući i tadašnjeg predsjednika Buchanana) odbili su takve ideje ističući volju Osnivača koji su željeli stvoriti "vječnu uniju". Povjesničar James McPherson o pravima država napisao je: "Iako jedna ili više ovakvih interpretacija ostaje popularna među sinovima konfederalnih veterana i ostalim južnjačkim grupama današnjice, tek nekolicina profesionalnih povjesničara ih sada podupire. Od svih ovih interpretacija, argument o pravima država je vjerojatno najslabiji. Ne uspijeva postaviti pitanje: zbog čega uopće postoje prava država? Prava država ili suverenitet uvijek je bio sredstvo, a ne cilj; instrument kojim bi se postigao određeni cilj, a ne princip sam po sebi."

 Sistem zaštite carine
thumb|300px|right|New Orleans - najveća luka za izvoz pamuka u tekstilne tvornice u Novoj Engleskoj i Velikoj Britaniji.
Povijesno gledano, južnjačke robovlasničke države zbog svojih niskih cijena fizičkog rada, mehanizaciju nisu smatrale potrebnom te su podupirale pravo na prodaju pamuka i kupnju gotovih industrijskih proizvoda od bilo koje nacije. Države na Sjeveru koje su uložile znatna sredstva u svoju još uvijek neistraženu proizvodnju nisu se mogle natjecati s punopravnom industrijom Europe te su nudile visoke cijene za uvoz pamuka s juga u zamjenu za niske cijene industrijskog izvoza. Iz ovog razloga, Sjever je zbog vlastitih industrijskih interesa podupirao tarife i sistem zaštite carine dok su vlasnici plantaža s Juga zagovarali slobodnu trgovinu.

Demokrati u Kongresu (uglavnom Južnjaci) donosili su Zakone o tarifama 30-ih, 40-ih i 50-ih godina 19. stoljeća konstantno smanjujući stope koje su 1857. dosegnule najnižu razinu još od 1816. godine. I dok Jug nije imao nikakvih prigovora na navedeno, Sjeverni industrijalci i tvornički radnici (pogotovo u državi Pennsylvania) razljutili su se zbog navedenog te su tražili zaštitu za svoju željeznu industriju koja je sve više bila u rastu. Stranka Whig i Republikanci također su se žalili; oni su, naime, podupirali visoke stope tarifa kako bi potaknuli industrijski razvoj, a Republikanci su se tijekom izbora 1860. godine zagovarali za njihovo dizanje. Povećane tarife napokon su donesene 1861. godine nakon što su Južnjaci dali ostavke na svoja mjesta u Kongresu.

Povjesničari iz 20-ih godina 20. stoljeća naglašavali su navedene probleme kao jedan od glavnih uzroka građanskog rata, ali od 50-ih godina naovamo su ih ipak postupno smanjivali ističući da je tek nekolicina Južnjaka 1860. – 61. godine izjavila da su im tarife od najveće važnosti. Neki secesijski dokumenti zbilja spominju probleme s tarifama, ali niti izbliza toliko često kao što je naglašeno očuvanje ropstva.

 Moć vlasnika robova i slobodni teritoriji
Snage koje su se protivile ropstvu na sjeveru identificirale su "moć vlasnika robova" kao direktnu prijetnju republikanskim vrijednostima. Isticali su da bogati vlasnici robova koriste svoju političku moć kako bi preuzeli predsjedništvo, Kongres i Vrhovni sud te tako prijete pravima građana na Sjeveru.

Što se "slobodnih teritorija" na zapadu tiče, Sjever je zahtijevao da budu na raspolaganju prvenstveno nezavisnim poljoprivrednicima-maloposjednicima, a ne bogatim vlasnicima robova koji će kupiti najbolja zemljišta (koja će kasnije obrađivati njihovi robovi), a bijele farmere poslati na pogranična područja. Jedna od najvećih podupiratelja navedenog bila je Stranka slobodnih teritorija (1848. – 1954.), a slijedili su je i Republikanci. Obje stranke zahtijevale su donošenje Zakona o farmama koji će državno zemljište dati doseljenicima; ipak Zakon nije prošao zbog toga što su se Južnjaci pobojali da će isti dovesti zapadne europske imigrante i siromašne Južnjake (bijelce).

 Predsjednički izbori
 Nacionalizam i čast
thumb|left|150px|upright|Abraham Lincoln, 16. Predsjednik SAD-a (1861. – 1865.)
Nacionalizam je bio izrazito jak početkom 19. stoljeća, a među onima koji su ga snažno podupirali su bili Andrew Jackson i Daniel Webster. I dok su praktički svi Sjevernjaci podupirali Uniju, Južnjaci su bili podijeljeni na one koji su ostali vjerni SAD-u (nazivani su "unionistima") i one koji su primarno bili odani južnjačkoj regiji te nakon toga samoj Konfederaciji. Za potonju skupinu C. Vann Woodward je izjavio: "Veliko robovsko društvo... odraslo je i čudesno procvjetalo u srcu građanštine i djelomično puritanske republike. Odreklo se svog građanskog podrijetla i bolno racionaliziralo svoja institucionalna, pravna, metafizička i vjerska uvjerenja... Kad je zavladala kriza, odlučilo se boriti. I dokazalo da je smrt borba društva koje je završilo u ruševinama." Južnjaci su također bili suglasni u tome da im je povrijeđena njihova čast, a to je prvenstveno uključivalo objavljivanje knjige Čiča Tomina koliba (1852. godine) te akcije abolicionista Johna Browna koji je pokušao pokrenuti pobunu robova 1859. godine.

I dok se Jug polako, ali sigurno usmjeravao prema južnjačkom nacionalizmu, lideri na Sjeveru su također sve više postajali nacionalistički nastrojeni te su odbijali svaku pomisao na podjelu Unije. Republikanska nacionalna izborna platforma 1860. godine upozorila je da će se svaki pokušaj izlaska iz Unije smatrati izdajom i neće biti toleriran: "Strogo osuđujemo prijetnje za odcjepljenjem..." Jug je ignorirao ova upozorenja ne shvaćajući koliko se strastveno Sjever spreman boriti da očuva Uniju.

 Lincoln postaje Predsjednik
Izbor Abrahama Lincolna za Predsjednika u studenom 1860. godine bio je posljednji okidač koji je pokrenuo secesiju. Pokušaji dogovora poput "Corwinovog amandmana" ili "Crittendenovog kompromisa" propali su. Vodstvo Juga bojalo se da će Lincoln uspjeti spriječiti širenje ropstva i usmjeriti ga na put izumiranja. Robovlasničke države, koje su već bile u velikoj manjini u Predstavničkom domu SAD-a, sada su bile suočene i s mogućnošću da budu u manjinama i u Senatu i u Elektorskom kolegiju za razliku od moćnih Sjevernjaka. Prije nego što je Lincolnova administracija preuzela vlast u ožujku 1861. godine, sedam robovlaničkih država proglasilo je svoje odcjepljenje, udružilo se i formiralo Konfederaciju.

 Odcjepljenje i početak rata
 Odcjepljenje Južne Karoline
Južna Karolina učinila je puno više od samog ukidanja i secesije od bilo koje druge južnjačke države. Dana 24. prosinca 1860. godine prihvatila je "Deklaraciju o uzrocima koji potiču i opravdavaju secesiju Južne Karoline od savezne Unije". Glavni argumenti su joj bili prava država u robovlasničkom pitanju na Jugu, ali je također istaknula i problem s pravom država na Sjeveru koje se protive Zakonu o bijegu robova tvrdeći da sjevernjačke države ne ispunjavaju svoje savezne obaveze koje su propisane Ustavom. Sve navodne povrede prava južnjačkih država bile su povezane s ropstvom.

 Zima 1860./1861.
Prije nego što je Lincolnova administracija preuzela ured, sedam država proglasilo je svoje odcjepljenje od Unije. Uspostavili su svoju republiku, Konfederaciju Američkih Država dana 4. veljače 1861. godine. Preuzele su kontrolu nad saveznim utvrdama i ostalim vlasništvom unutar svojih granica uz mali otpor Predsjednika Jamesa Buchanana koji je tada već bio na odlasku, a čiji je mandat završio 4. ožujka 1861. godine. Buchanan je tvrdio da je odluka suca Dreda Scotta bila dokaz da Jug nema razloga za odcjepljenje te da je Unija "stvorena s namjerom da bude trajna", ali da "snaga oružja koje će prisiliti državu da ostane u Uniji" nije bila među "nabrojanim ovlastima koje odobrava Kongres." Jedna četvrtina američke vojske - kompletni garnizon u Teksasu - predana je u veljači 1861. godine državnim snagama od strane generala Davida E. Twiggsa koji se pridružio Konfederaciji.

Južnjaci su postupno davali ostavke iz Senata i Predstavničkog doma što je Republikancima omogućilo da lakše provode zakone za projekte koje su južnjački senatori blokirali prije rata, uključujući i Morrillovu tarifu, Morrillov zakon, Zakon o farmama, Zakon o transkontinentalnoj željeznici i nacionalni Zakon o bankama. Zakon o prihodima iz 1861. godine uključivao je i porez na dohodak koji je pomogao u financiranju rata.

 Udruživanje država
 Konfederacija
thumb|right|150px|Jefferson Davis, Predsjednik Konfederacije (1861. - 1865.)
Sedam južnjačkih država proglašava odcjepljenje u veljači 1861. godine: Južna Karolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana i Teksas. Ovih sedam država oformile su Konfederaciju Američkih Država (4. veljače 1861. godine) s Jeffersonom Davisom kao Predsjednikom, te saveznom strukturom koja je bila slična onoj propisanoj Ustavom SAD-a.

Nakon napada na utvrdu Fort Sumter, Predsjednik Lincoln je pozvao sve građane/dobrovoljce da se pridruže vojsci Unije i to iz svake države. U roku od dva mjeseca dodatne četiri južnjačke robovlasničke države proglasile su odcjepljenje i pridružile se Konfederaciji: Virginia, Arkansas, Sjeverna Karolina i Tennessee. Sjeverozapadni dio države Virginia naknadno se odcijepio od Virginije te se pridružio Uniji kao nova država imena Zapadna Virginia, 20. lipnja 1863. godine. Do kraja 1861. godine, države Missouri i Kentucky nalazile su se pod kontrolom Unije, a njihove pro-konfederalne državne vlade bile su u progonstvu.

U pravilnicima o odcjepljenju koje su donosile svaka država zasebno, njih tri - Teksas, Alabama i Virginia - posebno su isticale neprijateljstvo prema robovlasničkim državama od strane sjevernjačkih abolicionista. Ostale države nisu spominjale probleme robovlasništva već samo kratke objave poništenja veza s Parlamentom; međutim, najmanje četiri države - Južna Karolina,Tekst: the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. Mississippi,Tekst: A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union. GeorgiaThe text of Georgia's secession declaration. i TeksasThe text of A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union. - također su donijele dugačka i detaljnja objašnjenja svojih razloga za docjepljenje od kojih su sve isticale sjevernjački pokret ukidanja ropstva kao najveći problem (robovlasništvo je prema njihovom mišljenju bilo njihovo pravo koje im je zajamčeno Ustavom SAD-a).

 Države Unije
Dvadeset i tri države ostale su odane Uniji: Kalifornija, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont i Wisconsin. Tijekom rata Nevada i Zapadna Virginia pridružile su se Uniji kao nove države. Tennessee i Louisiana vraćene su pod vojnu ovlast Unije još u ranoj fazi rata.

Teritoriji država Colorado, Dakota, Nebraska, Nevada, Novi Meksiko, Utah i Washington također su se borili na strani Unije. Nekoliko Indijanskih plemena koji su držali robove podupiralo je Konfederaciju uzrokujući mali, krvavi građanski rat na indijanskom teritoriju (danas država Oklahoma).

 Pogranične države
Pogranične države u Uniji su bile Zapadna Virginia (koja se odvojila od Virginije i postala nova, samostalna država) te četiri od pet uglavnom sjevernjačkih robovlasničkih država (Maryland, Delaware, Missouri i Kentucky).

Država Maryland imala je mnoštvo pro-konfederalnih službenika koji su tolerirali anti-unionističke pobune u Baltimoreu i spaljivanje mostova. Lincoln je na to odgovorio proglašavanjem izvanrednog stanja i slanjem vojnih jedinica sa Sjevera. Prije nego što je vlada Konfederacije shvatila što se događa, Lincoln je stekao čvrstu kontrolu u Marylandu i okrugu Columbia, uhitivši prominentne separatiste te ih zadržavši bez suđenja (kasnije su pušteni).

Država Missouri odlučno je glasala da želi ostati u Uniji. Kada je pro-konfederativni guverner Claiborne F. Jackson pozvao državnu vojsku, napadnut je od strane saveznih snaga pod vodstvom generala Nathaniela Lyona koji je potjerao guvernera i ostatak državnih službenika sve do jugozapadnog dijela države. U konačnici je vlast u Missouriju preuzela privremena unionistička vlada.

Država Kentucky se nije odcijepila; u početku se proglasila neutralnom. Kada su konfederalne snage ušle u državu u rujnu 1861. godine, neutralnost je završila te je država potvrdila svoj status Unije u isto vrijeme pokušavši zadržati ropstvo. Tijekom kratkotrajne invazije konfederalnih snaga, simpatizeri Konfederacije organizirali su konvenciju o odcjepljenju (koju je pokrenuo guverner) te su dobili odobrenje same Konfederacije. Pobunjenička vlada uskoro je otišla u egzil i nikad nije preuzela kontrolu nad državom Kentucky.

Nakon odcjepljenja Virginije, unionistička vlada u Wheelingu 24. listopada 1861. godine upitala je 48 okruga da glasaju o propisu kojim bi se kreirala nova država. Odaziv birača iznosio je 34% (od kojih je 96% glasalo "za"). Uključenje 24 secesionistička okruga u državu te posljedični gerilski rat angažirao je oko 40 tisuća vojnika saveznih trupa veći dio rata. Kongres je priznao Zapadnu Virginiju u Uniju 20. lipnja 1863. godine. Zapadna Virginija je dala između 20 i 22 tisuće vojnike snagama Konfederacije i Unije tijekom rata.

Pokušaj unionističkog odcjepljenja dogodio se u Istočnom Tennesseeju, ali je bio ugušen od strane Konfederacije koja je uhitila preko tri tisuće ljudi za koje se sumnjalo da su odani Uniji. Svi oni su bili zadržani bez suđenja.

 Početak rata
Pobjeda Abrahama Lincolna na predsjedničkim izborima 1860. godine nagnala je Južnu Karolinu da proglasi odcjepljenje iz Unije u prosincu nakon čega je uslijedilo formiranje Konfederacije Američkih Država u veljači. Istog mjeseca propao je pokušaj mirovne konferencije u Washingtonu na koju je Lincoln stigao potajno i tri se dana skrivao u hotelu u kojem se konferencija održala. Međutim, iako su pregovori bili neuspješni, osam ostalih država odbile su molbe za ulazak u Konfederaciju na prvoj separatističkoj konvenciji u Virginiji održanoj 4. travnja 1861. godine.

 Lincolnova politika
Već od mjeseca prosinca secesionisti su s ili bez državnih snaga počeli zauzimati savezne sudove, ministarstvo financija i poštu. Južnjački guverneri naredili su mobilizaciju, zauzeli većinu saveznih utvrda unutar svojih granica, a također su zauzeli i oružarnice američke vojske u kojima se nalazila artiljerija za pješadiju. Guverneri velikih država Massachusetts, New York i Pennsylvania koje su bile snažno uporište Republikanaca potajno su počeli kupovati oružje i samostalno uvježbavati vojsku. Predsjednik Buchanan protestirao je protiv zauzimanja državnog vlasništva, ali je vojno odgovorio samo kada je pokušao ponovno opskrbiti brod Star of the West koji se zaputio prema Fort Sumteru. Pokušaj je propao, jer su na brod zapucale snage iz Južne Karoline pa je bio prisiljen vratiti se prije dolaska u utvrdu.
thumb|310px|Trgovački brod Star of the West čije je ponovno opskrbljivanje i odlazak u Fort Sumter naredio predsjednik Buchanan, ali na kojeg su vojne snage Južne Karoline zapucale. Lincolnova politika o zadržavanju državnog vlasništva bila je potpuno drugačija od one Buchananove.
Dana 4. ožujka 1861. godine Abraham Lincoln prisegnuo je za Predsjednika SAD-a. U svom prvom obraćanju istaknuo je da Ustav predstavlja savršenu uniju, da je to ugovor vezivanja i svako odcjepljenje prozvao "pravno poništenim". Nije imao namjeru napasti južnjačke države niti je želio ukinuti ropstvo tamo gdje je ono već postojalo, ali se zalagao za to da će upotrijebiti silu kako bi očuvao državno vlasništvo. Vlada neće pokušati vratiti svoje poštanske urede, a u slučaju otpora dostava pošte završit će kod državnih granica. Tamo gdje se ne može zadovoljiti provedba državnih zakona mirnim putem reagirat će šerifi i suci. Niti jednom riječju nisu spomenuti gubitci zlata iz državnih trezora u državama Louisiana, Georgia i Sjeverna Karolina. U svom prvom obraćanju Lincoln je također istaknuo da će američka politika biti samo prikupljanje uvoznih carina iz svojih luka te da ne postoji niti jedna ozbiljnija stvar koja može opravdati revoluciju u politici u sljedeće četiri kratke godine. Svoj govor završio je molbom za obnovom veza unije.

Jug je uskoro poslao delegate u Washington koji su ponudili opciju da plaćaju državna vlasništva koja su zauzeli te uđu u mirovne pregovore s ostatkom SAD-a. Lincoln je odbio bilo kakve pregovore s agentima Konfederacije zbog toga što nije priznavao Konfederaciju kao legitimnu vlast te je istaknuo da bi potpisivanje primirja s njima zapravo značilo priznanje njihovog suvereniteta. Državni tajnik William Seward, koji je u to vrijeme sam sebe smatrao pravim guvernerom ili "premijerom" iza lika neiskusnog Lincolna, ušao je u neodobrene i indirektne pregovore koji su propali. Predsjednik Lincoln bio je odlučan u tome da zadrži sve utvrde koje su ostale pod kontrolom Unije, a koje su se nalazile u konfederalnim državama: Fort Monroe u Virginiji, Fort Pickens, Fort Jefferson i Fort Taylor u Floridi te u gradu u kojem se donijela prva odluka o secesiji - Charlestonu, Južna Karolina (Fort Sumter).Charleston, South Carolina had additional historical significance. It was the center of the earlier Nullification Crisis where the Union had faced threats of secession during the Jackson Administration. Throughout the war, Lincoln kept a portrait of Andrew Jackson over his desk at the War Department where he read army telegraph messages to stay abreast of movement and combat. See Tom Wheeler's "Mr. Lincoln's T-mails: the untold story of how Abraham Lincoln use the telegraph to win the Civil War"

 Bitka za Fort Sumter

thumb|300px|left|Masovno okupljanje 20. travnja 1861. godine u znak potpore Uniji na trgu u Washingtonu.
Utvrda Sumter (Fort Sumter) nalazila se točno u središtu luke u Charlestonu (Južna Karolina). Pripadnici vojske Unije povukli su se u utvrdu kako bi izbjegli incidente na ulicama grada s lokalnom nacionalnom gardom. Za razliku od predsjednika Buchanana koji je dozvolio zapovjednicima da prepuste vlast nad utvrdom kako bi izbjegao krvoproliće, Lincoln je od bojnika Andersona zatražio da zadrži utvrdu sve dok se na nju ne zapuca. Jefferson Davis naredio je zapovjedniku predavanje utvrde. Anderson mu je dao uvjetni odgovor kojeg je vlada Konfederacije odbila pa je Davis naredio Beauregardu da napadne utvrdu prije nego što su mogla stići pojačanja. Trupe pod zapovjedništvom P.G.T. Beauregarda bombardirale su Fort Sumter 12. i 13. travnja te prisilile vojsku na kapitulaciju. Dana 15. travnja Licolnov ministar rata pozvao je 75 tisuća dobrovoljaca u vojsku Unije kako bi vratili vlast nad utvrdom i zadržali ostala državna vlasništva.

Sjevernjaci su ubrzo skupili vojsku nakon Lincolnovog poziva te poslali vojnike koji su trebali zauzeti utvrde i sačuvati Uniju. Budući da je pobuna u tim trenucima još uvijek imala mali obujam, Lincoln je pozvao 75 tisuća dobrovoljaca na rok od 90 dana. Nekoliko sjevernjačkih guvernera počelo je razmještati svoje vojnike već sljedećeg dana, a separatisti su tjedan dana poslije zauzeli oružarnicu u Libertyju (država Missouri). Dva tjedna kasnije, 3. svibnja 1861. godine Lincoln je pozvao dodatnih 42 034 dobrovoljaca na rok od tri godine.

Četiri države središnjeg i sjevernog Juga u početku su odbijale pozive Konfederacije, ali su sada bile suočene s mogućnošću slanja svojih vojnih trupa protiv vlastitih susjeda što su sve četiri odlučno odbile (Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas i Sjeverna Karolina) pa su proglasile odcjepljenje i u konačnici se pridružile Konfederaciji. U znak nagrade državi Virginia, Konfederacija je svojim glavnim gradom proglasila Richmond.

 Rat
Građanski rat obilježile su krvave i učestale bitke. Tijekom četiri godine ratovanja zbilo se 237 oružanih sukoba te puno više manjih akcija i okršaja. Na ljestvici svjetske vojne povijesti, obje sukobljene strane karakterizirali su gorki intenzitet i mnoštvo žrtava. "Američki građanski rat smatra se jednim od najkrvavijih ratova uopće". Bez ikakvih želja za zauzimanjem novih prostora, jedina meta svake strane bio je neprijateljski vojnik.Keegan, “The American Civil War”, str. 73. Over 10,000 military engagements took place during the war, 40% of them in Virginia and Tennessee. See Gabor Boritt, ed. War Comes Again (1995), str. 247.

 Mobilizacija
Prve godine ratovanja obje strane imale su puno više dobrovoljaca nego što su ih mogli opremiti i istrenirati. Nakon što je početni entuzijazam nestao, oslanjanje na kohorte mladića koji su se svake godine željeli pridružiti vojsci jednostavno nije bio dovoljan. Obje strane počele su mobilizirati na temelju zakona, ali samo kao sredstvo kojim bi ohrabrili ili prisilili na dobrovoljno javljanje; relativno je malo bilo onih koji su silom unovačeni. Konfederacija je donijela Zakon o novačenju u travnju 1862. godine za mladiće između 18 i 35 godina starosti; Zakon se nije odnosio na nadglednike robova, vladine djelatnike i svećenike. Američki Kongres donio je isti Zakon u srpnju, odobrivši vojno novačenje unutar države, samo u slučaju kada država nije imala dovoljno dobrovoljaca. Veliki broj europskih imigranata pridružio se vojsci Unije, uključujući 177 tisuća vojnika rođenih u Njemačkoj te 144 tisuće vojnika rođenih u Irskoj.Albert Bernhardt Faust, The German Element in the United States (1909.) sv. 1, str. 523 online. The railroads and banks grew rapidly. Vidi Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxson. , str. 378–430. Vidi i Oberholtzer, A History of the United States Since the Civil War (1926.) 3:69–122.

Kada je Proglas o emancipaciji stupio na snagu u siječnju 1863. godine, države Unije su energično regrutirale bivše robove kako bi ispunile svoje vlastite kvote. Državne i lokalne zajednice nudile su sve veće i veće novčane bonuse za dobrovoljce bijelce. Kongres je učvrsnuo zakon 1863. godine. Muškarci koji su unovačeni mogli su pronaći vlastitu zamjenu ili (sve do sredine 1864. godine) ponuditi novac. Svi oni udružili su svoj novac kako bi pokrili troškove novačenja. Obitelji su koristile zamjenske provizije kako bi odabrale koji će muškarac ići u vojsku, a koji će ostati kod kuće. Bilo je puno izbjegavanja i otpora u novačenju, pogotovo u katoličkim područjima. U srpnju 1863. godine u New Yorku održala se velika pobuna protiv novačenja; predvodili su je irski imigranti koji nisu bili svjesni da su dobivanjem statusa građana postali podložni novačenju. Od sveukupno 168 649 muškaraca unovačenih u vojsku Unije, njih 117 986 su bili zamjene, a tek 50 663 su bili osobno regrutirani.

Zakoni o novačenju i na Sjeveru i na Jugu bili su izrazito nepopularni. Procijenjeno je da je otprilike 120 tisuća muškaraca izbjegavalo regrutiranje na Sjeveru (mnogi su pobjegli u Kanadu), a dodatnih 280 tisuća dezertirali su tijekom rata skupa s najmanje 100 tisuća Južnjaka (otprilike 10% ukupnog broja vojnika). Međutim, dezerterstvo je bila vrlo česta pojava tijekom 19. stoljeća; u vrijeme mira 15% vojnika iz vojske dezertiralo je svake godine. Na Jugu, mnogi muškarci su samo privremeno dezertirali kako bi posvetili vrijeme svojim obiteljima nakon čega bi se vratili u svoje vojne redove. Na Sjeveru su se vojnici znali prijaviti u odred koji je lovio dezertere, a za koji su se dobivali financijski bonusi. Međutim, oni su također dezertirali samo kako bi se kasnije ponovno prijavili u drugu postaju pod drugim imenom te dobili još jedan dodatni bonus; njih 141 je bilo uhvaćeno i pogubljeno.

Do 1865. godine vojnici Unije i Konfederacije postali su "najveća i najefikasnija vojska na svijetu". Tadašnji europski analitičari smatrali su vojsku SAD-a potpuno neprofesionalnom i punom amatera, ali prema procjeni moderne vojne povijesti smatra se da je njihova vojska već u to vrijeme bila puno bolja od one francuske, pruske i ruske te da bi ih bez problema porazile u bilo kakvom sukobu.Keegan, John. The American Civil War: a military history. 2009. , str. 57.
thumb|left|upright=1.50|Plan Anakonda generala Scotta iz 1861. godine.
 Rat na vodi
Mala mornarica Unije iz 1861. godine znatno se povećala do 1865. godine i to na 6000 časnika te 45 tisuća mornara skupa sa 671 plovilom ukupne tonaže 510,396.American Seamen's Friend Society (1865.).  The sailors' magazine and seamen's friend. str. 152.Spencer C. Tucker (2010.).  The Civil War Naval Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO., str. 462. Njezine misije uključivale su blokadu konfederalnih luka, preuzimanje kontrole nad rijekama, obranu od konfederalnih napada na otvorenom moru te spremnost za mogući rat protiv britanske ratne mornarice.Donald L. Canney (1998.).  Lincoln's Navy: The Ships, Men and Organization, 1861-65. Naval Institute Press., str. ??. U međuvremenu se glavni rat na rijekama vodio na zapadu gdje su velike rijeke omogućavale prilaz središtu Konfederacije u slučaju da američka mornarica može na njima preuzeti kontrolu. Na istoku je mornarica opskrbljivala vojne snage te povremeno granatirala konfederalne objekte.

 Unionistička blokada
Rane 1861. godine general Winfield Scott razvio je svoj poznati "plan Anakonda" s kojim je namjeravao pobijediti u ratu uz što manje krvoprolića. Scott je smatrao da će blokadom glavnih luka Konfederacije znatno oslabiti njezino gospodarstvo. Lincoln je prihvatio dijelove plana, ali se nije složio sa Scottovim upozorenjem o dobrovoljcima u vojsci koji će se u njoj nalaziti tek 90 dana. Međutim, javno mnijenje zahtijevalo je trenutačni napad vojske kako bi se zauzeo Richmond.

U travnju 1861. godine Lincoln je proglasio unionističku blokadu svih južnjačkih luka; komercijalni brodovi nisu mogli dobiti osiguranje, a završio je i redoviti lučni promet. Jug je učinio veliku pogrešku kada je proglasio embargo na izvoz pamuka 1861. godine prije nego što je blokada stupila na snagu; kada su shvatili svoju pogrešku već je bilo prekasno. Zlatno razdoblje pamuka bilo je mrtvo budući je Jug mogao izvoziti manje od 10% svojih proizvoda. Blokada je zatvorila deset konfederalnih luka koje su bile povezane željeznicom, a iz kojih se izvozio gotovo sav pamuk (pogotovo one u New Orleansu, Mobileu i Charlestonu). Do lipnja 1861. godine ratni brodovi bili su usidreni u svim glavnim južnjačkim lukama, a godinu dana nakon toga 300 brodova bilo je u službi.Anderson, By Sea and by river, str. 288-289., 296-298.

 Bitke na rijekama
thumb|320px|Slikovni prikaz jednog od mnogih riječnih sukoba.
Strategija Unije iz 1862. godine uključivala je simultane prodore na četiri fronta. McClellan je vodio glavni prodor kroz Virginiju, prema Richmondu. Snage iz Ohija trebale su prodrijeti kroz Kentucky te doći u Tennessee; trupe iz države Missouri došle bi s juga, s rijeke Mississippi, a napad na zapadnoj bojišnici započeo bi iz Kansasa.Bern Anderson, By Sea and by river, str. 91.

General Ulysses Grant koristio je riječni transport i topovnjače Andrewa Footea sa zapadne flotile kako bi prijetio konfederalnom "Gibraltaru na zapadu" u Columbusu, država Kentucky. Iako su mu u početku pružali otpor, Grant je uspio odsjeći Columbus. Zbog nedostatka vlastitih topovnjača, trupe Konfederacije bile su prisiljene povući se pa je Unija preuzela kontrolu nad zapadnim Kentuckyjem u ožujku 1862. godine.Robert D. Whitsell, "Military and Naval Activity between Cairo and Columbus," Register of the Kentucky Historical Society (1963.) 62#2, str. 107-121.

Uz ratne brodove koji su s rijeke Mississippi odlazili na ocean, mornarica Unije koristila je rebra brodova i naoružane topovnjače u brodogradilištima u Cairu (država Illinois), a u St. Louisu su gradili nove brodove ili modificirali parobrode za akciju.Myron J. Smith, Tinclads in the Civil War: Union Light-Draught Gunboat Operations on Western Waters, 1862-1865 (2009.) Mornarica je preuzela kontrolu nad rijekama Red u Tennesseeju, Cumberland u Mississippiju te nekim rijekama u državi Ohio nakon pobjeda u Fort Henryju i Fort Donelsonu, a također je opskrbljivala i Grantove snage koje su prodirale u Tennessee. U Shilohu (Pittsburg Landing) u državi Tennessee u travnju 1862. godine, trupe Konfederacije iznenada su napale i potukle snage Unije te ih potjerale preko rijeke, dok je padala noć. Preko noći, mornarica Unije je dobila pojačanja pa je Grant uzvratio napadom. Upravo tada odvila se odlučujuća bitka i pobjeda za Uniju - ujedno i prva bitka s velikim brojem žrtava koje će postajati sve učestalije i učestalije.

Memphis je pao pod kontrolu Unije i uskoro postao ključna baza za daljnje prodore prema jugu duž rijeke Mississippi. U travnju 1862. godine mornarica Unije pod vodstvom Farraguta porazila je Konfederaciju južno od New Orleansa. Konfederacija je napustila grad što je Uniji omogućilo "usidrenje" na dubokom Jugu. Mornarica je potpomagala Grantu u njegovom dugačkom i kompleksnom ratovanju koje je kulminiralo predajom Vicksburga u srpnju 1863. godine. Ubrzo potom Unija je imala potpunu kontrolu nad državom Mississippi.Ronald Scott Mangum, "The Vicksburg Campaign: A Study In Joint Operations," Parameters: U.S. Army War College (1991.) 21#3, str. 74-86. online

 Istočna bojišnica
Zbog snažnog otpora nekoliko Konfederativnih trupa u Manassasu (Virginia) tijekom srpnja 1861. godine pod vodstvom generala Josepha E. Johnstona i P.G.T. Beauregarda, trupe Unije pod vodstvom generala-bojnika Irvina McDowella doživjele su poraz u Prvoj bitci kod Bull Runa i bile prisiljene povući se u Washington. Upravo je u ovoj bitci general konfederalnih snaga Thomas Jackson dobio nadimak "Stonewall" (u slobodnom prijevodu "kameni zid") zbog toga što se kao zid odupirao napadima Unije.

Uznemiren neočekivanim gubitcima i pokušavši spriječiti da se još više robovlasničkih država odvoji od Unije, Kongres SAD-a je 25. srpnja iste godine donio Rezoluciju Crittenden-Johnson u kojoj je istaknuto da se rat prvenstveno vodi kako bi se očuvala Unija, a ne kako bi se ukinulo ropstvo.

General-bojnik George B. McClellan 26. srpnja preuzeo je zapovjedništvo nad vojskom Unije i rat je ozbiljno započeo 1862. godine. Pod pritiskom predsjednika Lincolna da što prije započne s ofenzivom, McClellan je napao Virginiju u proljeće 1862. godine i to njezin poluotok smješten između rijeka York i James, jugoistočno od Richmonda. Premda je McClellanova vojska tijekom ofenzive poluotoka stigla do samog ulaza u Richmond, Johnston je spriječio njegov napredak u Bitci kod sedam borova nakon čega su general Robert E. Lee i njegovi pomoćnici James Longstreet i Stonewall Jackson porazili McClellana u bitkama koje su trajale sedam dana te ga prisilili na povlačenje. Sukobi u sjevernoj Virginiji, koji su uključivali Drugu bitku od Bull Runa, završili su još jednom pobjedom Juga. McClellan nije želio prihvatiti naredbe glavnog zapovjednika Hallecka da pošalje pojačanja vojsci Unije Johna Popea u Virginiji što je omogućilo lakšu pobjedu Leeja koji je imao dvostruko manje vojnika na svojoj strani.

Ohrabrena Drugom bitkom kod Bull Runa, Konfederacija je započela prvu invaziju na Sjever. General Lee je 5. rujna poveo 45 tisuća pripadnika Vojske Sjeverne Virginije preko rijeke Potomac u državu Maryland. Lincoln je zauzvrat spojio Popeove trupe s McClellanovim. McClellan i Lee vodili su Bitku kod Antietama u blizini Sharpsburga (Maryland), 17. rujna 1862. Do tada je to bila najkrvavija bitka u trajanju od jednog dana u povijesti američkog ratovanja. Leejeva vojska se povukla i uspjela se vratiti u Virginiju prije nego što ju je McClellan mogao uništiti. Bitka kod Antietama smatra se pobjedom Unije iz dva razloga: uspjela je spriječiti Leejevu invaziju na Sjever te je pružila Lincolnu priliku da najavi svoj Proglas o emancipaciji.

Nakon što oprezni McClellan nije uspio svladati Leeja, zamijenio ga je general-bojnik Ambrose Burnside. Međutim i on je također uskoro poražen u Bitci kod Fredericksburga koja se odvila 13. prosinca 1862. godine i u kojoj je poginulo ili bilo ranjeno preko 12 tisuća vojnika Unije. Poslije bitke Burnsidea je zamijenio general-bojnik Joseph Hooker.

Hooker također nije mogao pobijediti Leejevu vojsku; premda je imao dvostruko više vojnika na svojoj strani, doslovno je ponižen u Bitci kod Chancellorsvillea u svibnju 1863. godine. Tijekom te bitke general Stonewall Jackson ranjen je od strane jednog od svojih ljudi te je kasnije umro zbog komplikacija dobivenih ranjavanjem. Generala Hookera zamijenio je general-bojnik George Meade tijekom Leejeve druge invazije na Sjever, u lipnju iste godine. Meade je pobijedio Leeja u Bitci kod Gettysburga (1. do 3. srpnja 1863.). Ovo je bila najkrvavija bitka američkog građanskog rata i smatra se njegovom glavnom prekretnicom. Pickettov juriš 3. srpnja često se smatra najvećom pogreškom koju su konfederalne trupe napravile tijekom ratovanja zbog toga što je ozbiljno ugrozio pobjedu Konfederacije i mogućnost njihovog odcjepljenja. Leejeva vojska izgubila je 28 tisuća ljudi, a Meadeova 23 tisuće. Međutim, Lincoln je bio ljut što Meade nije presjekao Leeja dok se ovaj povlačio i nakon tog neuspjeha Lincoln se okrenuo zapadnoj bojišnici u potrazi za novim vodstvom. U isto vrijeme, konfederalno uporište u Vicksburgu je palo nakon čega je Unija preuzela kontrolu nad rijekom Mississippi na taj način trajno izolirajući zapadni dio Konfederacije. U tim trenucima na bojištu se pojavio novi vođa kakvog je Lincoln trebao - Ulysses S. Grant.

 Zapadna bojišnica
Dok su trupe Konfederacije brojile mnoštvo uspjeha na istočnoj bojišnici, uglavnom su doživljavale poraze na zapadu. Još u ranoj fazi rata otjerane su iz Missourija, uglavnom nakon Bitke kod Pea Ridgea. Invazija Leonidasa Polka na Columbus (Kentucky) označila je kraj neutralnosti te države i okrenula ju protiv Konfederacije. Nashville i središnji Tennessee pali su pod vlast Unije rane 1862. godine što je rezultiralo smanjivanjem lokalne opskrbe hranom i stokom te uništenjem društvene organizacije.

U državi Mississippi Unija je prebacivala svoje trupe preko južne granice Tennesseeja, nakon što je uspjela osvojiti otok broj 10 i New Madrid (Missouri) te odmah potom i Memphis. U travnju 1862. godine Unija je zauzela New Orleans što joj je omogućilo kretanje rijekom Mississippi. Jedina utvrda koja je sprečavala Uniju od kontrole nad čitavom rijekom bila je ona u Vicksburgu.

Druga invazija generala Braxtona Bragga na Kentucky od strane Konfederacije rezultirala je besmislenom pobjedom nad generalom-bojnikom Donom Carlosom Buellom u Bitci kod Perryvillea. Bragg je ubrzo bio prisiljen okončati svoju namjeru invazije Kentuckyja i povući se zbog nedostatka podrške od strane Konfederacije u toj državi. General-bojnik William Rosecrans skoro je pobijedio Bragga u Bitci kod rijeke Stones u državi Tennessee.

Jedina prava pobjeda konfederalnih snaga na zapadu bila je u Bitci kod Chickamauge. Trupe general pukovnika Jamesa Longstreeta došle su u pomoć Braggu i uspjele poraziti Rosecransa unatoč junačkoj obrani generala bojnika Georgea Henryja Thomasa. Rosecrans se povukao u grad Chattanooga kojeg je odmah potom Bragg opkolio.

Glavni strateg i taktičar Unije na zapadu bio je Ulysses S. Grant koji je donio pobjede u Fort Henryju i Donelsonu (nakon čega je Unija dobila kontrolu nad Tennesseejem i rijekom Cumberland); u Bitci kod Shiloha te u bitci kod Vicksburga koja je učvrstila kontrolu Unije nad rijekom Mississippi i koja se smatra jednom od glavnih prekretnica kompletnog rata. Na oduševljenje Rosecransa, Grant je napao Bragga i pobijedio ga u Trećoj bitci kod Chattanooge, poslavši konfederalne trupe izvan granica države Tennesse i otvorivši put do Atlante i do samog središta Konfederacije.

 Trans-Mississippi
Regiju trans-Mississippi karakteriziralo je opsežno gerilsko ratovanje budući su Konfederaciji nedostajale trupe i logistika kojima bi dali podršku regularnoj vojsci u njihovoj borbi protiv Unije.James B. Martin, Third War: Irregular Warfare on the Western Border 1861-1865 (Combat Studies Institute Leavenworth Paper series, br. 23, 2012.). Vidi i, Michael Fellman, Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri during the Civil War (1989.). Missouri alone was the scene of over 1000 engagements between regular units, and uncounted numbers of guerrilla attacks and raids by informal pro-Confederate bands, especially in the recently settled western counties. Lutajuće konfederalne trupe poput Quantrillovih konjanika terorizirali su područje, podjednako napadajući vojna postrojenja i civilne nastambe.Sarah Bohl, "A War on Civilians: Order Number 11 and the Evacuation of Western Missouri," Prologue, (2004.) 36#1, str. 44-51.

Do 1864. godine nasilničke aktivnosti znatno su utjecale na antiratni pokret koji je osmišljen kako bi se spriječio ponovni izbor Lincolna za Predsjednika. "Sinovi slobode" i "Red američkih vitezova" napadali su pro-unioniste, izabrane članove kabineta i nenaoružane vojnike. Nasilnici su otjerani van države Missouri tek nakon što je kompletno pješaštvo Unije krenulo u protunapad. Nakon toga država Missouri ne samo da je ostala u Uniji, već je 70% stanovnika glasalo za Lincolna na predstojećim izborima.Keegan, "The American Civil War: a military history", str. 270.

U južnim i zapadnim područjima države Missouri odvijali su se manji vojnički udari čiji je cilj bila kontrola indijanskog teritorija i teritorija Novog Meksika, a sve za stranu Unije. Konfederalni proboji u Novom Meksiku zaustavljeni su već 1862. godine, a prognana vlada iz Arizone povukla se u Teksas. Na indijanskom teritoriju građanski rat izbio je među plemenima. Oko 12 tisuća indijanskih ratnika borilo se za Konfederaciju, a manji broj za Uniju.William H. Graves, "Indian Soldiers for the Gray Army: Confederate Recruitment in Indian Territory," Chronicles of Oklahoma (1991.) 69#2, str. 134-145. Najprominentniji Cherokee bio je brigadni general Stand Watie, inače posljednji general Konfederacije koji se predao.J. Frederick Neet, Jr. "Stand Watie: Confederate General in the Cherokee Nation," Great Plains Journal (1996.) 6#1, str. 36-51.

Nakon pada Vicksburga u srpnju 1863. godine, predsjednik Jefferson Davis obavijestio je generala Kirbyja Smitha u Teksasu da ne očekuje više pomoć s istočne strane rijeke Mississippi. Premda mu je nedostajalo sredstava za borbu protiv Unije, Smith je izradio impresivan arsenal oružja u Tyleru uz pomoć vlastite kompanije Kirby Smithdom koja se bavila izgradnjom željezničkih pruga i međunarodnim krijumčarenjem. Iz tog razloga Unija ga nije direktno napadala.Keegan, "The American Civil War: a military history", str. 220-221. Njihova namjera da zauzmu Shreverport (Louisiana) 1864. godine propala je pa je Teksas ostao u rukama Konfederacije tijekom čitavog trajanja rata.

 Završetak rata
 Osvajanje Virginije
Početkom 1864. godine Lincoln je postavio Granta kao zapovjednika kompletne vojske Unije. Grant je kao svoje sjedište odabrao vojsku na Potomacu, a general bojnika Williama Tecumseha Shermana postavio kao zapovjednika vojske na zapadnoj bojišnici. Grant je razumio koncept totalnog rata i skupa s Lincolnom i Shermanom vjerovao da je jedini način ostvarivanja pobjede potpuni poraz konfederalnih trupa i uništavanje njihove gospodarske baze. Totalni rat u ovom slučaju nije značio ubijanje civila već uništavanje domova, farmi i željezničkih pruga. Stoga je Grant koordinirao strategiju pomoću koje će iz različitih smjerova u isto vrijeme udariti Konfederaciju. Generalima Georgeu Meadeu i Benjaminu Butleru bilo je zapovjeđeno da krenu na Leeja blizu Richmonda; general Franz Sigel (i kasnije Philip Sheridan) dobio je naređenje da napadne dolinu Shenandoah; general Sherman je trebao zauzeti Atlantu i marširati prema moru (Atlantskom oceanu); generali George Crook i William W. Averell trebali su napadati željeznice kako bi spriječili dovoz namirnica u zapadnu Virginiju, a general-bojnik Nathaniel P. Banks dobio je naređenje da zauzme Mobile (država Alabama).

Snage Unije pokušale su manevrima izbjeći Leejevu vojsku te su vodili nekoliko bitaka tijekom te faze na istočnoj bojišnici. Grantove teške bitke koje je vodio u Wildernessu, Spotsylvaniji i Cold Harboru rezultirale su velikim vojnim gubitcima za Uniju, ali su također prisilile Leejeve trupe da se konstantno povlače. Pokušaj zaobilaženja Leeja s juga propao je pod vodstvom Butlera budući se isti nalazio u zamci u gradiću Bermuda Hundred. Ipak, Grant je bio uporan i unatoč gubitcima od preko 65 tisuća vojnika u sedam tjedana nastavio je pritiskati Leejevu vojsku Sjeverne Virginije prema Richmondu. U sljedećih devet mjeseci u opsadi Petersburga, dvije vojske će se naći u rovovskim bitkama.

Grant je napokon pronašao dovoljno agresivnog zapovjednika, generala Philipa Sheridana, koji će nadjačati konfederalne trupe 1864. godine. Sheridan je u početku poražen u Bitci kod New Marketa od strane bivšeg američkog potpredsjednika, a sada generala konfederalne vojske Johna C. Breckinridgea. Bitka kod New Marketa označila je posljednju veliku pobjedu konfederalnih trupa u građanskom ratu. Ubrzo potom Sheridan je udvostručio svoje napore i porazio general-bojnika Jubala A. Earlyja u nizu bitaka koje uključuju i onu odlučujuću kod Cedar Creeka. Sheridan je nakon toga odlučno nastavio, uništavajući poljoprivrednu bazu doline Shenandoah - nešto slično će kasnije napraviti i Sherman u državi Georgiji.

U međuvremenu, Sherman se kretao od Chattanooge do Atlante, usput porazivši konfederalne generale Josepha E. Johnstona i Johna Bella Hooda. Pad Atlante 2. rujna 1864. godine zagarantirao je ponovni izbor Lincolna za Predsjednika SAD-a. Hood je napustio područje Atlante kako bi uništio Shermanove zalihe i izvršio invaziju na Tennessee. General-bojnik Unije John Schofield porazio je Hooda u Bitci za Franklin, a George H. Thomas nanio mu je konačan poraz u Bitci za Nashville, potpuno uništivši njegovu vojsku.

Napustivši Atlantu i svoju bazu zaliha, Shermova vojska započela je marš prema nepoznatoj lokaciji. Izašli su na Atlantski ocean, kod Savannaha (država Georgia) u prosincu 1864. godine. Shermanovu vojsku slijedile su tisuće oslobođenih robova; tijekom njihovog marša nije bilo većih bitaka. Nakon toga Sherman se okrenuo prema sjeveru kako bi preko Južne i Sjeverne Karoline došao do južnog dijela Virginije na taj način stežući obruč oko Leejeve vojske.

U to je vrijeme, zbog učestalog dezerterstva i žrtava, Leejeva vojska bila puno manja od Grantove. Snage Unije ostvarile su odlučujuću pobjedu u Bitci kod Five Forksa, 1. travnja prisilivši Leeja da ode iz Petersburga i Richmonda. Glavni grad Konfederacije pao je u ruke XXV. korpusa Unije sačinjenog uglavnom od crnih vojnika. Ostatak Konfederativnih trupa pobjegao je na zapad i nakon poraza kod potoka Syler Robertu E. Leeju postalo je jasno da je svaki nastavak borbe protiv SAD-a u taktičkom i logističkom smislu nemoguć.
left|thumb|300px|Karta gubitka Konfederativnih teritorija po godinama.
 Konfederacija se predaje
Lee se skupa sa svojom vojskom Sjeverne Virginije predao 9. travnja 1865. godine u kući McLean u selu Appomattox Court House. Premda to nije bilo dijelom tradicije, ali u znak velikog poštovanja generala Granta prema Robertu E. Leeju te njegove nade u mirno pripajanje država Konfederacije ostatku SADa-a, Lee je mogao zadržati svoj mač i konja (Traveller). Dana 14. travnja 1865. godine simpatizer Juga, kazališni glumac John Wilkes Booth, izvršio je atentat na predsjednika Lincolna. U zoru sljedećeg jutra Lincoln je preminuo, a Andrew Johnson postao novi Predsjednik SAD-a. U međuvremenu, Konfederalne snage na Jugu predale su se nakon što je do njih doprla vijest o Leejevoj predaji. Predsjednik Johnson službeno je objavio prekid pobune 9. svibnja 1865. godine. Dana 23. lipnja 1865. godine vođa Cherokeeja Stand Watie bio je posljednji general Konfederativnih trupa koji se predao.Morris, John Wesley, Ghost towns of Oklahoma, University of Oklahoma Press, 1977., str. 68–69.,

 Diplomacija
Europa je tijekom 60-ih godina 19. stoljeća bila rascjepkana puno više nego prije Američke revolucije. Francuska je bila u oslabljenom stanju dok je Britanija još uvijek bila šokirana svojom lošom performansom tijekom Krimskog rata. Francuska nije mogla niti željela poduprijeti ijednu stranu u američkom sukobu bez Britanije gdje je prevladavala potpora Uniji premda su mišljenja u elitnom dijelu društva bila podijeljena. Dodatno su bili rastrojeni zbog Njemačke i Italije koje su imale svoje vlastite probleme ujedinjenja te zbog Rusije koja je u potpunosti podržavala Uniju.

Premda se Konfederacija nadala da će im se i Britanija i Francuska pridružiti u borbi protiv Unije to gotovo nikad nije bila opcija pa ih je umjesto toga željela dovesti kao posrednike. Pod vodstvom Lincolna i državnog tajnika Williama H. Sewarda Unija je potonje željela spriječiti pa su čak zaprijetili i ratom ako bilo koja zemlja službeno prizna postojanje Konfederacije Američkih Država. Godine 1861. Južnjaci su stavili embargo na izvoz pamuka nadajući se da će na taj način izazvati ekonomsku depresiju u Europi koja će prisiliti Britaniju da uđe u rat zbog pamuka.
thumb|Članovi posade broda USS Wissahickon oko 1863. godine.
Ipak, ovakav način diplomacije pokazao se neučinkovitim budući je Europa imala viška pamuka; međutim zbog loše žetve u razdoblju od 1860. do 1862. godine u Europi, Sjever je bio taj koji je počeo izvoziti svoje žitarice koje su bile od kritične važnosti. To je također pripomoglo da o američkom građanskom ratu u Europi započne prevladavati pozitivno mišljenje o Uniji. Govorilo se da je "kraljevstvo žitarica bilo puno moćnije od kraljevstva pamuka", a žitarice iz Amerike su sada činile skoro polovicu britanskog uvoza (do tada je bila tek četvrtina). Kada se Britanija napokon suočila s nedostatkom pamuka povećali su uzgoj istoga u Egiptu i Indiji. U međuvremenu rat je stvorio radna mjesta za proizvođače oružja, radnike u čeličanama te britanske brodove koji su prevozili oružja.

Charles Francis Adams, veleposslanik Unije u Britaniji, pokazao se izuzetno vještim pa Britanija nije željela ići protiv blokade. Konfederacija je kupila nekoliko ratnih brodova od komercijalnih brodogradilišta u Britaniji. Najslavniji od njih bio je CSS Alabama koji je nanio znatnu štetu i bio predmetom oštrih poslijeratnih rasprava. Međutim, javno mnijenje o robovlasništvu kreiralo je političku odgovornost za europske političare, pogotovo u Britaniji (koja je ukinula ropstvo u vlastitim kolonijama još 1834. godine).

Kasne 1861. godine mogao se nazrijeti početak rata između Unije i Britanije zbog afere Trent; nekoliko pripadnika mornarice Unije nasilno se ukrcalo na britanski brod koji je prenosio poštu, a sve kako bi zarobili dva diplomata iz Konfederacije. Međutim, London i Washington uspjeli su razriješiti probleme nakon što je Lincoln pustio diplomate iz zarobljeništva. Godine 1862. Britanci su razmišljali o tome da postanu posrednici u ratu - premda bi takva odluka rezultirala ratom protiv Unije. Lord Palmerston navodno je tri puta za redom pročitao knjigu Čiča Tomina koliba tijekom donošenja ove odluke.

Pobjeda Unije u Bitci kod Antietama uzrokovala je odgađanje ove odluke. Proglas o Emancipaciji će s vremenom još više odmoći političkoj potpori Konfederacije. Unatoč simpatijama koje su osjećali prema Konfederaciji, osvajanje Meksika od strane Francuza u konačnici ih je odvratilo od rata s Unijom. Pred kraj rata Konfederacija je predložila ukidanje ropstva u zamjenu za diplomatsko priznanje, ali niti London niti Pariz to nisu ozbiljno shvatili. Pobuna Poljske protiv Rusije 1863. godine dodatno je odvratila europske moći od američkog građanskog rata i osigurala njihovu neutralnost do kraja sukoba.

 Pobjeda i posljedice
 Rezultati rata
+ Usporedba Unije i Konfederacije, 1860. – 1864.  border|23px Unija  border|23px Konfederacija Stanovništvo 1860. 22.100.000 (71%)  9.100.000 (29%)                 - - 1864. 28.800.000 (90%)"Union population 1864" aggregates 1860 population, average annual immigration 1855-1864, and population governed formerly by CSA per Kenneth Martis source. Contrabands and after the Emancipation Proclamation freedmen, migrating into Union control on the coasts and to the advancing armies, and natural increase are excluded. 3.000.000 (10%)Martis, Kenneth C., “The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America: 1861–1865” Simon & Schuster (1994.) , str.27. At the beginning of 1865, the Confederacy controlled one-third of its congressional districts, which were apportioned by population. The major slave-populations found in Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Alabama were effectively under Union control by the end of 1864. Slobodni 1860. 21.700.000 (81%)  5.600.000 (19%) Robovi 1860. 400.000 (11%)  3.500.000 (89%)                 - - 1864. zanemariva brojka  1.900.000"Slave 1864, CSA" aggregates 1860 slave census of VA, NC, SC, GA and TX. It omits losses from contrabands and after the Emancipation Proclamation, freedmen migrating to the Union controlled coastal ports and those joining advancing Union armies, especially in the Mississippi Valley. Vojnici 1860. – 1864.  2.100.000 (67%)  1.064.000 (33%) Dužina željezničkih pruga (u miljama) 1860. 21.800 (71%)  8.800 (29%)                - - 1864. 29.100 (98%)Digital History Reader, U.S. Railroad Construction, 1860-1880 Virginia Tech, viewed August 21, 2012. "Total Union railroad miles" aggregates existing track reported 1860 @ 21800 plus new construction 1860-1864 @ 5000, plus southern railroads administered by USMRR @ 2300.zanemariva brojka Manufakture 1860. 90%  10%                - - 1864. 98%  zanemariva brojka Proizvodnja oružja 1860. 97%  3%                 - - 1864 98%  zanemariva brojka Paketi pamuka 1860. zanemariva brojka  4.500.000                - - 1864. 300.000 zanemariva brojka Izvozi 1860. 30%  70%                 - - 1864. 98%  zanemariva brojka

Povjesničari su vodili detaljne rasprave o tome da li je Konfederacija uopće mogla pobijediti u ratu. Većina poznavatelja materije, među kojima je i James McPherson, slažu se da je pobjeda Konfederacije kao ishod bila najmanje moguća. McPherson tvrdi da se prednost Sjevera uglavnom odnosila na populaciju i sredstva koja su njegovu pobjedu učinili mogućom, iako ju nisu garantirali. Također tvrdi da je Konfederacija mogla izdržati puno dulje i na taj način izmoriti Uniju da je koristila nekonvencionalne taktike ratovanja.

Konfederaciji nije bilo potrebno raditi invazije i zadržavati neprijateljski teritorij kako bi ostvarila pobjedu; sve što je trebala napraviti jest voditi obrambeni rat i uvjeriti Sjever da bi u tom slučaju cijena pobjede bila previsoka. Sjever je bio taj koji je trebao osvajati i zadržavati veliki dio neprijateljskih teritorija te poraziti vojsku Konfederacije kako bi osigurao pobjedu. Konfederacija je željela nadživjeti razdoblje Lincolnovog boravka u Bijeloj kući kako bi osigurala svoju nezavisnost; međutim, nakon pada Atlante i Lincolnove pobjede protiv McClellana na re-izborima 1864. godine sva nada u političku pobjedu Juga je bila ugašena. U tom trenutku je Lincoln uspio dobiti potporu pograničnih država, ratnih demokrata, emancipiranih robova te Britanije i Francuske. Pobijedivši demokrate i McClellana, Lincoln je također pobijedio i političku skupinu demokrata koji su se od početka protivili građanskom ratu i zalagali se za mirno rješenje sukoba (Copperheads).

Mnogi povjesničari su složni u mišljenju da je Unija imala nesavladivu dugoročnu prednost nad Konfederacijom u smislu industrijske snage i populacije. Akcije Konfederacije samo su produljivale njezin poraz. Povjesničar građanskog rata Shelby Foote napisao je: "Mislim da je Sjever vodio građanski rat lijevom rukom... Da je bilo više južnjačkih pobjeda (čak i da ih je bilo puno više) Sjever bi jednostavno počeo upotrebljavati svoju desnu ruku. Mišljenja sam da Jug nikada nije imao šanse pobijediti u tom ratu."

Lincolnova rječitost i umijeće da zadrži pogranične države na strani Unije također su igrale važnu ulogu. Premda mu je trebalo dugo vremena da donese Proglas o emancipaciji upravo on označava efektivnu upotrebu predsjedničkih ratnih ovlasti. Vlada Konfederacije nije uspjela zadobiti Europu na svoju stranu u vojnom smislu, pogotovo Veliku Britaniju i Francusku. Južnjačkim vođama trebale su europske snage kako bi razbili blokadu Unije koju je ova stvorila u lukama i gradovima.

Lincolnova pomorska blokada bila je 95% uspješna u zaustavljanju trgovine robom; kao rezultat, import i eksport robe do Juga je znatno opao. Obilje pamuka u Europi i britansko neodobravanje ropstva skupa s Lincolnovom blokadom Atlantika i Meksičkog zaljeva umnogome su smanjili bilo kakvu šansu Britanije ili Francuske za ulazak u rat.

 Cijena rata
U Američkom građanskom ratu poginulo je otprilike 1,030,000 ljudi (3% ukupne populacije), uključujući oko 620 tisuća vojnika koji su umrli zbog raznih oblika infekcije te oko 50 tisuća civila. Povjesničar sa Sveučilišta Binghamton, J. David Hacker vjeruje da je u ratu sveukupno poginulo otprilike 750 tisuća vojnika, 20% više od tradicionalno procijenjenog premda napominje da je ta brojka čak i veća (do 850 tisuća). U građanskom ratu poginulo je više Amerikanaca nego u svim drugim ratovima zajedno koje su Amerikanci vodili u svojoj povijesti.

Uzroci rata, razlozi njegovog ishoda pa čak i samo njegovo ime i danas su predmet mnogih dugotrajnih rasprava. Na temelju popisnih podataka iz 1860. godine, 8% svih muškaraca bijelaca u rasponu od 13 do 43 godina života umrlo je u ratu, uključujući 6& sjevernjaka i 18% južnjaka. Oko 56 tisuća vojnika umrlo je u zarobljeničkim logorima tijekom građanskog rata. Procijenjeno je da je otprilike 60 tisuća muškaraca izgubilo neki od udova tijekom ratovanja."When Necessity Meets Ingenuity: Art of Restoring What's Missing". The New York Times., 8. ožujka, 2004.

Jedan od glavnih uzroka visokog postotka smrti u bitkama tijekom rata bila je upotreba napoleonske taktike, kao što je juriš. Zbog upotrebe puno preciznijih oružja i, pred kraj rata, repetativnih puški poput Spencerice, vojnici su doslovno bili pokošeni dok su na otvorenom stajali u ravnim linijama. Sve to dovelo je do ratovanja u rovovima, stil koji će uvelike definirati većinu Prvog svjetskog rata.

Bogatstvo stečeno ropskim radom u Konfederaciji (s otprilike tri i pol milijuna robova) završilo je dolaskom vojnika Unije; gotovo svi robovi oslobođeni su Proglasom o emancipaciji, iako to nije imalo učinka do 1865. g. Robovi u pograničnim državama te oni koji su se nalazili na teritorijima koji su prije bili pod vodstvom Konfederacije (a prije donošenja Proglasa o emancipaciji) bili su oslobođeni državnom akcijom (18. prosinca 1865. godine) ili Trinaestim amandmanom.

Rat je uništio većinu bogatstva koje je do tada postojalo na Jugu. Sva ulaganja u obveznice Konfederacije bila su ukinuta. Osobni dohoci pojedinaca na Jugu pali su na manje od 40% u odnosu na one na Sjeveru što je potrajalo sve do 20. stoljeća. Južnjački utjecaj u američkoj saveznoj vladi uvelike je opao i ostao takav sve do sredine 20. stoljeća. Potpuna obnova Unije uslijedila je poslije rata erom rekonstrukcije.

 Era rekonstrukcije
Era rekonstrukcije počela je tijekom rata i to Proglasom o emancipaciji (1. siječnja 1863. godine) i trajala je sve do 1877. godine.Hans L. Trefousse, Historical Dictionary of Reconstruction (Greenwood, 1991.), pokriva sve glavne događaje i vođe. Uključivala je mnoštvo kompleksnih metoda kojima se pokušalo riješiti pitanje rata od kojih su najvažnija bila tri "amandmana rekonstrukcije" uvedena u Ustav SAD-a koja su ostala na snazi sve do danas: trinaesti (1865.), četrnaesti (1868.) i petnaesti amandman (1870.). Iz perspektive Unije, ciljevi rekonstrukcije su bili osiguravanje njezine pobjede na bojišnicama putem ujedinjenja; osiguranje "republikanske forme vlade za bivše Konfederalne Države"; te trajno ukidanje ropstva i sprečavanje poluropstva.Eric Foner, A Short History of Reconstruction (1990.) je kratki pregled.

Predsjednik Johnson blago je postupao prema rekonstrukciji te je smatrao da je glavni cilj ostvaren 1865. godine nakon što je svaka pobunjenička država odbacila separatizam i prihvatila trinaesti amandman. Ipak, radikalni republikanci poput Thaddeusa Stevensa i Charlesa Sumnera na sve su to gledali skeptično. Oni su došli do izražaja nakon izbora 1866. godine i odbacili većinu Johnsonovog rada. Koristili su vojsku kako bi razriješili dužnosti dotadašnje južnjačke vlade i održali nove izbore u kojima su glasali svi slobodni ljudi. Rezultat svega bila je republikanska koalicija koja je preuzela vlast u deset država uz pomoć pripadnika američke vojske. U međuvremenu je ured za slobodne ljude kao dio vojske odigrao ključnu ulogu u pomaganju crncima, dok su se paravojne postrojbe poput prvog Ku Klux Klana koristile nasiljem kako bi spriječile njegov napor.Hans L Trefousse, Thaddeus Stevens: Nineteenth-Century Egalitarian (2005.), str. 161-238.

"Liberalni republikanci" koji su smatrali da su ratni ciljevi postignuti i da rekonstrukcija treba završiti, kandidirali su se na izborima 1872. godine i bili uvjerljivo poraženi nakon ponovnog re-izbora Granta. Demokrati su 1874. godine preuzeli kontrolu na Kongresom i protivili se rekonstrukciji. Izbori za predsjednika SAD-a 1876. godine bili su osporavani i riješeni tek Kompromisom iz 1877. kojim je u Bijelu kuću došao republikanac Rutherford B. Hayes. Upravo je on povukao posljednje savezne trupe i posljednje republikanske vlade na Jugu su nestale; povjesničari su uglavnom složni u mišljenju da je to bio trenutak okončanja građanskog rata i ere rekonstrukcije.C. Vann Woodward, Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction (2. izd. 1991.).
thumb|Spomenik velikoj vojsci Republike kojeg je podigla veteranska organizacija Unije.
 Sjećanje na rat
Američki građanski rat predstavlja jedan od središnjih događaja u američkoj povijesti. Izgrađeni su i postavljeni nebrojeni kipovi, održane nebrojene komemoracije, napisane stotine knjiga, a postoji i opsežna arhivska kolekcija. Uspomene na rat uključuju pregled domaćih bojišnica, vojnih strategija, tretmane vojnika (živih i mrtvih) u poslijeratnom razdoblju, opise rata u literaturi i umjetnosti, rasprave o tome tko su bili heroji, a tko zločinci te pogotovo moralne i političke lekcije koje su proizašle iz samog rata. Moderne teme uključuju i moralnu evaluaciju rasizma i ropstva, junaštvo u bitkama i u njihovoj pozadini, pitanje demokracije i prava manjina te ideju "carstva slobode" koja utječe na ostatak svijeta. Na Jugu uspomene na rat uglavnom se karakteriziraju kao "izgubljeni slučaj", a upravo je takva definicija utjecala na regionalni identitet i rasne odnose među stotinama poslijeratnih generacija.

 150. obljetnica
Godine 2011. obilježila se 150. godišnjica Američkog građanskog rata. Mnogi na Jugu pokušali su pripojiti crnačku prošlost i bjelačku perspektivu. Anketa provedena u ožujku 2011. godine pokazala je da su Amerikanci još uvijek podijeljeni u mišljenju oko rezultata i prikladnih memorijala kojima se obilježava građanski rat. Američki filmovi o građanskom ratu uglavnom su se bavili temama "brat protiv brata", a u novije vrijeme sve je više Afroameričkih glumaca. Benard Simelton, predsjednik NAACP-a izjavio je da je obilježavanje građanskog rata jednako obilježavanju Holokausta. Što se tiče ropstva, Simelton je izjavio da su crncima "bila oduzeta prava" te da su crnci "bili tretirani kao manje od ljudskih bića". Povjesničar Bob Sutton izjavio je da je ropstvo bilo "glavni uzročnik" rata. Sutton također smatra da su prava država bila samo jeftina opravdanja Konfederacije koja je željela priznanje Britanije i ulazak u rat. Napomenuo je da su tijekom 100. obljetnice građanskog rata Južnjaci više slavili genijalnost svojih generala, nego oslobođenje robova. U jesen 2010. godine u državi Virginia održana je konferencija o pitanju ropstva.

 Vođe građanskog rata
 Unija (Sjever)
Ambrose Everett Burnside
Benjamin Franklin Butler
Thomas Leonidas Crittenden
Samuel Ryan Curtis
George Armstrong CusterUlysses S. Grant
Henry Wager Halleck
Joseph Hooker
James Henry Lane
Abraham LincolnGeorge McClellan
James Birdseye McPherson
George Gordon Meade
John Pope
Fitz John PorterWilliam Starke Rosecrans
Winfield Scott
Philip Henry Sheridan
William Tecumseh Sherman

 Konfederacija (Jug)
P.G.T. Beauregard
Braxton Bragg
Matthew Butler
George B. Crittenden
Jefferson DavisNathan Bedford Forrest
George Washington Gordon
Thomas Jonathan Jackson
Joseph Eggleston Johnston
Albert Sidney JohnstonFitzhugh Lee
Robert Edward Lee
James Longstreet
John Clifford Pemberton
Thomas L. RosserSterling Price
Henry Hopkins Sibley
J.E.B. Stuart
Joseph Wheeler

 Izvori

 Literatura
 Pregledi
 Beringer, Richard E., Archer Jones i Herman Hattaway, Why the South Lost the Civil War (1986.) utjecajna analiza faktora; skraćena verzija je The Elements of Confederate Defeat: Nationalism, War Aims, and Religion (1988.)
Bestor, Arthur. "The American Civil War as a Constitutional Crisis," American Historical Review (1964.) 69#2, pp. 327–52 in JSTOR
 Catton, Bruce, The Civil War, American Heritage, 1960., , ilustrirana pripovijest
 Davis, William C. The Imperiled Union, 1861. – 1865. 3v (1983.)
 Donald, David et al. The Civil War and Reconstruction (posljednje izdanje iz 2001.); pregled na 700 stranica
 Eicher, David J., The Longest Night: A Military History of the Civil War, (2001.), .
 Fellman, Michael et al. This Terrible War: The Civil War and its Aftermath (drugo izdanje iz 2007.), pregled na 544 stranice
 Gara, Larry. 1964. The Fugitive Slave Law: A Double Paradox Eseji o građanskom ratu i rekonstrukciji, New York: Holt, Rinehart i Winston, 1970. (originalno objavljeno u Civil War History, X, broj 3, rujan 1964.)
 Guelzo, Allen C. Fateful Lightning: A New History of the Civil War and Reconstruction (2012.) 593 stranice; razdoblje 1848. – 1877.
 Foote, Shelby. The Civil War: A Narrative (3 dijela), (1974.), . Vrlo detaljna vojna pripovijest koja pokriva sve fronte
 Holt, Michael F. 2004.  The fate of their country: politicians, slavery extension, and the coming of the Civil War Hill i Wang, New York.
 Katcher, Philip. The History of the American Civil War 1861–5, (2000.), . Detaljna analiza svake bitke uz uvod i pozadinu
Krannawitter, Thomas L. 2008. Vindicating Lincoln: Defending the Politics of Our Greatest President. Rowman & Littlefield, London.
 McPherson, James M. Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988.), pregled na 900 stranica iz svih perspektiva rata; dobitnik Pulitzerove nagrade
 McPherson, James M. This Mighty Scourge: Perspectives on the Civil War. Oxford University Press. New York.
 McPherson, James M. Ordeal By Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction (drugo izdanje 1992.), udžbenik
 Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union, set od osam dijelova (1947. – 1971.). Najdetaljniji politički, gospodarski i vojni pregled; dobitnik Pulitzerove nagrade
 1. Fruits of Manifest Destiny, 1847. – 1852.; 2. A House Dividing, 1852. – 1857.; 3. Douglas, Buchanan, and Party Chaos, 1857. – 1859.; 4. Prologue to Civil War, 1859. – 1861.; dio 5–8 serijaliziranog imena "War for the Union"; 5. The Improvised War, 1861. – 1862.; 6. War Becomes Revolution, 1862. – 1863.; 7. The Organized War, 1863. – 1864.; 8. The Organized War to Victory, 1864. – 1865.
 Rhodes, James Ford. A History of the Civil War, 1861–1865 (1918.), nagrada Pulitzer; kratka verzija njegove povijesti u 5 dijelova
Miller, William L. 2009. Abraham Lincoln: The Duty of a Statesman Vintage Books.
Russell, Robert R. 1966. Constitutional Doctrines with Regard to Slavery in Territories in Journal of Southern History, Vol. 32, No. 4 (studeni 1966.), str. 466. – 486.
Stampp, Kenneth M.  1990. America in 1857: a nation on the brink. Oxford University Press, New York.
Ward, Geoffrey C. The Civil War (1990), based on PBS series by Ken Burns; vizualni naglasak
 Weigley, Russell Frank. A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861–1865 (2004.); primarno vojno

 Životopisi
 American National Biography u 24 dijela (1999.), eseji znanstvenika o svim važnim ličnostima; internet i print izdanje dostupni u mnogim knjižnicama
 McHenry, Robert ed. Webster's American Military Biographies (1978.)
 Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders, (1964.),
 Warner, Ezra J., Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders, (1959.),
Vojnici
 Berlin, Ira, et al., eds. Freedom's Soldiers: The Black Military Experience in the Civil War (1998.)
 Glatthaar, Joseph T. General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse (2009.)
 Hess, Earl J. The Union Soldier in Battle: Enduring the Ordeal of Combat (1997.)
 McPherson, James. For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War  (1998.)
 Power, J. Tracy. Lee's Miserables: Life in the Army of Northern Virginia from the Wilderness to Appomattox (2002.)
 Wiley, Bell Irvin. The Life of Johnny Reb: The Common Soldier of the Confederacy (1962.) ()
 Wiley, Bell Irvin. Life of Billy Yank: The Common Soldier of the Union (1952.) ()

 Referentne knjige i bibliografije
 Blair, Jayne E. The Essential Civil War: A Handbook to the Battles, Armies, Navies And Commanders (2006.)
 Carter, Alice E. and Richard Jensen. The Civil War on the Web: A Guide to the Very Best Sites- drugo izdanje (2003.)
 Current, Richard N., et al. eds. Encyclopedia of the Confederacy (1993.) (set od 4 dijela; također skrašena verzija prvog dijela) ()
 Faust, Patricia L. (ed.) Historical Times Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War (1986.) () 2000 kratkih bilježaka
 Esposito, Vincent J., West Point Atlas of American Wars internet izdanje iz 1995.
 Heidler, David Stephen, ed. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History (2002.), 1600 bilježaka na 2700 stranica u 5 dijelova
 North & South - The Official Magazine of the Civil War Society bavi se pregledom knjiga, bitaka, diskusija i analiza te ostalim problemima Američkog građanskog rata.
 Resch, John P. et al., Americans at War: Society, Culture and the Homefront vol 2: 1816–1900 (2005.)
 Savage, Kirk, Standing Soldiers, Kneeling Slaves: Race, War, and Monument in Nineteenth-Century America. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997. (Knjiga o spomenicima iz građanskog rata.)
 Tulloch, Hugh. The Debate on the American Civil War Era (1999.)
 Wagner, Margaret E. Gary W. Gallagher, and Paul Finkelman, eds. The Library of Congress Civil War Desk Reference (2002.)
 Woodworth, Steven E. ed. American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research (1996) (), 750 stranica povijesti i bibliografije internet izdanje

 Primarni izvori
 Commager, Henry Steele (ed.). The Blue and the Gray. The Story of the Civil War as Told by Participants. (1950.),  isječci iz primarnih izvora
 Hesseltine, William B. ed.; The Tragic Conflict: The Civil War and Reconstruction (1962.), isječci iz primarnih izvora
 Simpson, Brooks D. et al. eds. The Civil War: The First Year Told by Those Who Lived It (Library of America 2011) 840 stranica sa 120 dokumenata iz 1861. godine internet pregledi

 Daljnja literatura
 Gugliotta, Guy. New Estimate Raises Civil War Death Toll, New York Times, 3. travnja 2012., pg. D1 (New York izdanje) i 2. travnja 2012. na NYTimes.com. Preuzeto 3. travnja 2012.

 Vanjske poveznice

 Fotografije iz građanskog rata iz nacionalne arhive
 View images from the Kolekcija fotografija građanskog rata iz Kongresne knjižnice
 Zaklada građanskog rata
 Civil War Era Digital Collection at Gettysburg College Ova kolekcija sadržava slike iz političkih crtića, osobne papire, pamflete, mape, slike i fotografije iz ere građanskog rata.
 Civil War 150  Interaktivna web stranica Washington Posta o 150. godišnjici Američkog građanskog rata.
 Civil War in the American South – Društvo južnoistočnih knjižnica, portal s linkovima do gotovo 9000 digitaliziranih knjiga, pamfleta, pisama, mapa, osobnih dokumenata i transkripata iz ere građanskog rata
 The Civil War – web stranica sa sedam tisuća stranica, uključuje i kompletna izdanja novina Harper's Weekly iz doba građanskog rata
 Civil War Living History Reenactments (videos)
 Atlas s West Pointa o bitkama u građanskom ratu

Kategorija:Građanski ratovi

Though not all the Southers gave up in the battle exclusively for the preservation of slavery, the majority of officers and over a third of Lee's entire army were, in family ties, closely linked to slavery.

Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War
Insisting that politics and ideology must remain at the forefront of any examination of nineteenth-century America, Foner reasserts the centrality of the Civil War to the people of that period. The first section of this book deals with the causes of the sectional conflict; the second, with the antislavery movement; and a final group of essays treats land and labor after the war. Taken together, Foner's essays work towards reintegrating the social, political, and intellectual history of the nineteenth century.
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abolitionist American anti-slavery argued attempt Barnburners became become Boston called capital Catholic cause central City Civil confiscation Congress Convention course criticism David debate demanded Democratic economic emergence England equal existence farmers fear force Ford free labor Free Soil Free Soil party freedmen freedom George Georgia historians History ideas ideology independence individual industrial insisted institution interest Ireland Irish Irish World Irish-American issue James John Journal June labor movement Land League laws leaders Letters Liberator Liberty Lincoln majority means measure Negro never North northern organization party plantation planter political poor problem question race radical Reconstruction reform relations Republican seemed Session simply slave slavery social society South South Carolina southern speech Stevens strike suffrage thought tion traditional Union United University values vote wage workers wrote York
Popular passages
Page 41 - This agitation has produced one happy effect at least; it has compelled us of the South to look into the nature and character of this great institution, and to correct many false impressions that even we had entertained in relation to it. Many in the South...
Page 47 - It shows that the judge has no very vivid impression that the negro is a human ; and consequently has no idea that there can be any moral question in legislating about him. In his view, the question of whether a new country shall be slave or free, is a matter of as utter indifference, as it is whether his neighbor shall plant his farm with tobacco, or stock it with horned cattle.
Page 76 - That night a chariot passed her, While on the ground she lay ; The daughters of her master An evening visit pay ; Their tender hearts were sighing As negro wrongs were told, While the white slave was dying, Who gained their father's gold...
Page 62 - An attempt has been made — it is still making — we regret to say, with considerable success — to inflame the minds of our working classes against the more opulent, and to persuade them that they are contemned and oppressed by a wealthy aristocracy.
Page 46 - It is no answer to this argument to say that slavery is an evil, and hence should not be tolerated. You must allow the people to decide for themselves whether it is a good or an evil.
Page 186 - It is the Golden Age of which poets have sung and high-raised seers have told in metaphor! It is the glorious vision which has always haunted man with gleams of fitful splendor. It is what he saw whose eyes at Patmos were closed in a trance. It is the culmination of Christianity — the City of God on earth, with its walls of jasper and its gates of pearl! It is the reign of the Prince of Peace!
Page 203 - The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics," in David E. Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent (New York: Free Press, 1964), pp.
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The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America
John E. Bodnar
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Question: how much of lee's army was tied to slavery

how much of lee's army was tied to slavery

Question: why did the southers give up the battle

Question: what did the southers fight for in the war

what did the southers fight for in the war

Question: why did most of lee's army give up on slavery

why did most of lee's army give up on slavery

Question: what was the main cause of the deaths of the southers

what was the main cause of the deaths of the southers

Though not all the Southers gave up in the battle exclusively for the preservation of slavery , the majority of officers and over a third of Lee 's entire army were , in family ties , closely linked to slavery .

Premda se nisu svi Južnjaci upustili u bitku isključivo zbog očuvanja ropstva, većina časnika i preko trećine Leejeve cjelokupne vojske bili su, obiteljskim vezama, usko povezani s ropstvom.

Premda se nisu svi Južnjaci upustili u bitku isključivo zbog očuvanja ropstva, većina časnika i preko trećine Leejeve cjelokupne vojske bili su, obiteljskim vezama, usko povezani s ropstvom.

In the separation rules adopted by each country separately, the three – Texas, Alabama and Virginia – especially highlighted the hostility to the slave-owned countries by the northern abolitionists.

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Question: who was most hostile to slave owned countries

In the separation rules adopted by each country separately, the three – Texas, Alabama and Virginia – especially highlighted the hostility to the slave-owned countries by the northern abolitionists.

who was most hostile to slave owned countries

Question: who were the three states that separated from the slave trade

who were the three states that separated from the slave trade

Question: who were the three states that seceded from the union

who were the three states that seceded from the union

Question: what is the name of the rules adopted by each country to separate slave owned countries

what is the name of the rules adopted by each country to separate slave owned countries

Question: who has the most slaves in the united states

who has the most slaves in the united states

In the separation rules adopted by each country separately , the three – Texas , Alabama and Virginia – especially highlighted the hostility to the slave - owned countries by the northern abolitionists .

In the separation rules adopted by each country separately, the three – Texas, Alabama and Virginia – especially highlighted the hostility to the slave-owned countries by the northern abolitionists.

In the separation rules adopted by each country separately, the three – Texas, Alabama and Virginia – especially highlighted the hostility to the slave-owned countries by the northern abolitionists.

Mississippi, Text: A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union.

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The people of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, on the 26th day of April, A.D., 1852, declared that the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United States, by the Federal Government, and its encroachments upon the reserved rights of the States, fully justified this State in then withdrawing from the Federal Union; but in deference to the opinions and wishes of the other slaveholding States, she forbore at that time to exercise this right. Since that time, these encroachments have continued to increase, and further forbearance ceases to be a virtue.
And now the State of South Carolina having resumed her separate and equal place among nations, deems it due to herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to the nations of the world, that she should declare the immediate causes which have led to this act.
In the year 1765, that portion of the British Empire embracing Great Britain, undertook to make laws for the government of that portion composed of the thirteen American Colonies. A struggle for the right of self-government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 1776, in a Declaration, by the Colonies, "that they are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do."
They further solemnly declared that whenever any "form of government becomes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government." Deeming the Government of Great Britain to have become destructive of these ends, they declared that the Colonies "are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."
In pursuance of this Declaration of Independence, each of the thirteen States proceeded to exercise its separate sovereignty; adopted for itself a Constitution, and appointed officers for the administration of government in all its departments-- Legislative, Executive and Judicial. For purposes of defense, they united their arms and their counsels; and, in 1778, they entered into a League known as the Articles of Confederation, whereby they agreed to entrust the administration of their external relations to a common agent, known as the Congress of the United States, expressly declaring, in the first Article "that each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right which is not, by this Confederation, expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled."
Under this Confederation the war of the Revolution was carried on, and on the 3rd of September, 1783, the contest ended, and a definite Treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she acknowledged the independence of the Colonies in the following terms: "ARTICLE 1-- His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that he treats with them as such; and for himself, his heirs and successors, relinquishes all claims to the government, propriety and territorial rights of the same and every part thereof."
Thus were established the two great principles asserted by the Colonies, namely: the right of a State to govern itself; and the right of a people to abolish a Government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with the establishment of these principles, was the fact, that each Colony became and was recognized by the mother Country a FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATE.
In 1787, Deputies were appointed by the States to revise the Articles of Confederation, and on 17th September, 1787, these Deputies recommended for the adoption of the States, the Articles of Union, known as the Constitution of the United States.
The parties to whom this Constitution was submitted, were the several sovereign States; they were to agree or disagree, and when nine of them agreed the compact was to take effect among those concurring; and the General Government, as the common agent, was then invested with their authority.
If only nine of the thirteen States had concurred, the other four would have remained as they then were-- separate, sovereign States, independent of any of the provisions of the Constitution. In fact, two of the States did not accede to the Constitution until long after it had gone into operation among the other eleven; and during that interval, they each exercised the functions of an independent nation.
By this Constitution, certain duties were imposed upon the several States, and the exercise of certain of their powers was restrained, which necessarily implied their continued existence as sovereign States. But to remove all doubt, an amendment was added, which declared that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people. On the 23d May , 1788, South Carolina, by a Convention of her People, passed an Ordinance assenting to this Constitution, and afterwards altered her own Constitution, to conform herself to the obligations she had undertaken.
Thus was established, by compact between the States, a Government with definite objects and powers, limited to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the States or to the people, and rendered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights.
We hold that the Government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of Independence; and we hold further, that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely: the law of compact. We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties, the obligation is mutual; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely releases the obligation of the other; and that where no arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure, with all its consequences.
In the present case, that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused, for years past, to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own Statutes for the proof.
The Constitution of the United States, in its fourth Article, provides as follows: "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."
This stipulation was so material to the compact, that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and they had previously evinced their estimate of the value of such a stipulation by making it a condition in the Ordinance for the government of the territory ceded by Virginia, which now composes the States north of the Ohio River.
The same article of the Constitution stipulates also for rendition by the several States of fugitives from justice from the other States.
The General Government, as the common agent, passed laws to carry into effect these stipulations of the States. For many years these laws were executed. But an increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding States to the institution of slavery, has led to a disregard of their obligations, and the laws of the General Government have ceased to effect the objects of the Constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the Acts of Congress or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from service or labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligation; but the current of anti-slavery feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies provided by her own law and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals; and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the constituted compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding States, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from her obligation.
The ends for which the Constitution was framed are declared by itself to be "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."
These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a Federal Government, in which each State was recognized as an equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights, by giving them the right to represent, and burthening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves; by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years; and by stipulating for the rendition of fugitives from labor.
We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assume the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions; and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institution of slavery; they have permitted open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloign the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes; and those who remain, have been incited by emissaries, books and pictures to servile insurrection.
For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common Government. Observing the forms of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that Article establishing the Executive Department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common Government, because he has declared that that "Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free," and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction.
This sectional combination for the submersion of the Constitution, has been aided in some of the States by elevating to citizenship, persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its beliefs and safety.
On the 4th day of March next, this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the judicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States.
The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy.
Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact that public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanction of more erroneous religious belief.
We, therefore, the People of South Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate and independent State; with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.Adopted December 24, 1860

Question: at least how many states did not mention slavery

Mississippi, Text: A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union.

at least how many states did not mention slavery

Question: which was the first state to abolish slavery

which was the first state to abolish slavery

Question: what was the first state to declare independence from the federal union

what was the first state to declare independence from the federal union

Question: how many states did not mention slavery

Question: what was the name of the declaration that contained the secession of south carolina

the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union

the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union

the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union

what was the name of the declaration that contained the secession of south carolina

Question: what institution did other states end their relationship with

what institution did other states end their relationship with

Question: what did other states mention the problems of slavery

the abolition of the relationship with the Parliament

poništenja veza s Parlamentom ; međutim , najmanje četiri države - Južna Karolina , Tekst : the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the

the abolition of the relationship with the Parliament

what did other states mention the problems of slavery

Other states did not mention the problems of slavery but only a brief announcement of the abolition of the relationship with the Parliament ; however , at least four states - South Carolina , Text : the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union .

Mississippi , Text : A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union .

Mississippi,Tekst: A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union.

Other states did not mention the problems of slavery but only a brief announcement of the abolition of the relationship with the Parliament; however, at least four states - South Carolina,Text: the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. Mississippi, Text: A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union.

Mississippi, Text: A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union.

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In the momentous step which our State has taken of dissolving its connection with the government of which we so long formed a part, it is but just that we should declare the prominent reasons which have induced our course.
Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery-- the greatest material interest of the world. Its labor supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products are peculiar to the climate verging on the tropical regions, and by an imperious law of nature, none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical sun. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institution, and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition, or a dissolution of the Union, whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin.
That we do not overstate the dangers to our institution, a reference to a few facts will sufficiently prove.
The hostility to this institution commenced before the adoption of the Constitution, and was manifested in the well-known Ordinance of 1787, in regard to the Northwestern Territory.
The feeling increased, until, in 1819-20, it deprived the South of more than half the vast territory acquired from France.
The same hostility dismembered Texas and seized upon all the territory acquired from Mexico.
It has grown until it denies the right of property in slaves, and refuses protection to that right on the high seas, in the Territories, and wherever the government of the United States had jurisdiction.
It refuses the admission of new slave States into the Union, and seeks to extinguish it by confining it within its present limits, denying the power of expansion.
It tramples the original equality of the South under foot.
It has nullified the Fugitive Slave Law in almost every free State in the Union, and has utterly broken the compact which our fathers pledged their faith to maintain.
It advocates negro equality, socially and politically, and promotes insurrection and incendiarism in our midst.
It has enlisted its press, its pulpit and its schools against us, until the whole popular mind of the North is excited and inflamed with prejudice.
It has made combinations and formed associations to carry out its schemes of emancipation in the States and wherever else slavery exists.
It seeks not to elevate or to support the slave, but to destroy his present condition without providing a better.
It has invaded a State, and invested with the honors of martyrdom the wretch whose purpose was to apply flames to our dwellings, and the weapons of destruction to our lives.
It has broken every compact into which it has entered for our security.
It has given indubitable evidence of its design to ruin our agriculture, to prostrate our industrial pursuits and to destroy our social system.
It knows no relenting or hesitation in its purposes; it stops not in its march of aggression, and leaves us no room to hope for cessation or for pause.
It has recently obtained control of the Government, by the prosecution of its unhallowed schemes, and destroyed the last expectation of living together in friendship and brotherhood.
Utter subjugation awaits us in the Union, if we should consent longer to remain in it. It is not a matter of choice, but of necessity. We must either submit to degradation, and to the loss of property worth four billions of money, or we must secede from the Union framed by our fathers, to secure this as well as every other species of property. For far less cause than this, our fathers separated from the Crown of England.
Our decision is made. We follow their footsteps. We embrace the alternative of separation; and for the reasons here stated, we resolve to maintain our rights with the full consciousness of the justice of our course, and the undoubting belief of our ability to maintain it.

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The people of Georgia having dissolved their political connection with the Government of the United States of America, present to their confederates and the world the causes which have led to the separation. For the last ten years we have had numerous and serious causes of complaint against our non-slave-holding confederate States with reference to the subject of African slavery. They have endeavored to weaken our security, to disturb our domestic peace and tranquility, and persistently refused to comply with their express constitutional obligations to us in reference to that property, and by the use of their power in the Federal Government have striven to deprive us of an equal enjoyment of the common Territories of the Republic. This hostile policy of our confederates has been pursued with every circumstance of aggravation which could arouse the passions and excite the hatred of our people, and has placed the two sections of the Union for many years past in the condition of virtual civil war. Our people, still attached to the Union from habit and national traditions, and averse to change, hoped that time, reason, and argument would bring, if not redress, at least exemption from further insults, injuries, and dangers. Recent events have fully dissipated all such hopes and demonstrated the necessity of separation. Our Northern confederates, after a full and calm hearing of all the facts, after a fair warning of our purpose not to submit to the rule of the authors of all these wrongs and injuries, have by a large majority committed the Government of the United States into their hands. The people of Georgia, after an equally full and fair and deliberate hearing of the case, have declared with equal firmness that they shall not rule over them. A brief history of the rise, progress, and policy of anti-slavery and the political organization into whose hands the administration of the Federal Government has been committed will fully justify the pronounced verdict of the people of Georgia. The party of Lincoln, called the Republican party, under its present name and organization, is of recent origin. It is admitted to be an anti-slavery party. While it attracts to itself by its creed the scattered advocates of exploded political heresies, of condemned theories in political economy, the advocates of commercial restrictions, of protection, of special privileges, of waste and corruption in the administration of Government, anti-slavery is its mission and its purpose. By anti-slavery it is made a power in the state. The question of slavery was the great difficulty in the way of the formation of the Constitution. While the subordination and the political and social inequality of the African race was fully conceded by all, it was plainly apparent that slavery would soon disappear from what are now the non-slave-holding States of the original thirteen. The opposition to slavery was then, as now, general in those States and the Constitution was made with direct reference to that fact. But a distinct abolition party was not formed in the United States for more than half a century after the Government went into operation. The main reason was that the North, even if united, could not control both branches of the Legislature during any portion of that time. Therefore such an organization must have resulted either in utter failure or in the total overthrow of the Government. The material prosperity of the North was greatly dependent on the Federal Government; that of the the South not at all. In the first years of the Republic the navigating, commercial, and manufacturing interests of the North began to seek profit and aggrandizement at the expense of the agricultural interests. Even the owners of fishing smacks sought and obtained bounties for pursuing their own business (which yet continue), and $500,000 is now paid them annually out of the Treasury. The navigating interests begged for protection against foreign shipbuilders and against competition in the coasting trade. Congress granted both requests, and by prohibitory acts gave an absolute monopoly of this business to each of their interests, which they enjoy without diminution to this day. Not content with these great and unjust advantages, they have sought to throw the legitimate burden of their business as much as possible upon the public; they have succeeded in throwing the cost of light-houses, buoys, and the maintenance of their seamen upon the Treasury, and the Government now pays above $2,000,000 annually for the support of these objects. Theses interests, in connection with the commercial and manufacturing classes, have also succeeded, by means of subventions to mail steamers and the reduction in postage, in relieving their business from the payment of about $7,000,000 annually, throwing it upon the public Treasury under the name of postal deficiency. The manufacturing interests entered into the same struggle early, and has clamored steadily for Government bounties and special favors. This interest was confined mainly to the Eastern and Middle non-slave-holding States. Wielding these great States it held great power and influence, and its demands were in full proportion to its power. The manufacturers and miners wisely based their demands upon special facts and reasons rather than upon general principles, and thereby mollified much of the opposition of the opposing interest. They pleaded in their favor the infancy of their business in this country, the scarcity of labor and capital, the hostile legislation of other countries toward them, the great necessity of their fabrics in the time of war, and the necessity of high duties to pay the debt incurred in our war for independence. These reasons prevailed, and they received for many years enormous bounties by the general acquiescence of the whole country.
But when these reasons ceased they were no less clamorous for Government protection, but their clamors were less heeded-- the country had put the principle of protection upon trial and condemned it. After having enjoyed protection to the extent of from 15 to 200 per cent. upon their entire business for above thirty years, the act of 1846 was passed. It avoided sudden change, but the principle was settled, and free trade, low duties, and economy in public expenditures was the verdict of the American people. The South and the Northwestern States sustained this policy. There was but small hope of its reversal; upon the direct issue, none at all.
All these classes saw this and felt it and cast about for new allies. The anti-slavery sentiment of the North offered the best chance for success. An anti-slavery party must necessarily look to the North alone for support, but a united North was now strong enough to control the Government in all of its departments, and a sectional party was therefore determined upon. Time and issues upon slavery were necessary to its completion and final triumph. The feeling of anti-slavery, which it was well known was very general among the people of the North, had been long dormant or passive; it needed only a question to arouse it into aggressive activity. This question was before us. We had acquired a large territory by successful war with Mexico; Congress had to govern it; how, in relation to slavery, was the question then demanding solution. This state of facts gave form and shape to the anti-slavery sentiment throughout the North and the conflict began. Northern anti-slavery men of all parties asserted the right to exclude slavery from the territory by Congressional legislation and demanded the prompt and efficient exercise of this power to that end. This insulting and unconstitutional demand was met with great moderation and firmness by the South. We had shed our blood and paid our money for its acquisition; we demanded a division of it on the line of the Missouri restriction or an equal participation in the whole of it. These propositions were refused, the agitation became general, and the public danger was great. The case of the South was impregnable. The price of the acquisition was the blood and treasure of both sections-- of all, and, therefore, it belonged to all upon the principles of equity and justice.
The Constitution delegated no power to Congress to excluded either party from its free enjoyment; therefore our right was good under the Constitution. Our rights were further fortified by the practice of the Government from the beginning. Slavery was forbidden in the country northwest of the Ohio River by what is called the ordinance of 1787. That ordinance was adopted under the old confederation and by the assent of Virginia, who owned and ceded the country, and therefore this case must stand on its own special circumstances. The Government of the United States claimed territory by virtue of the treaty of 1783 with Great Britain, acquired territory by cession from Georgia and North Carolina, by treaty from France, and by treaty from Spain. These acquisitions largely exceeded the original limits of the Republic. In all of these acquisitions the policy of the Government was uniform. It opened them to the settlement of all the citizens of all the States of the Union. They emigrated thither with their property of every kind (including slaves). All were equally protected by public authority in their persons and property until the inhabitants became sufficiently numerous and otherwise capable of bearing the burdens and performing the duties of self-government, when they were admitted into the Union upon equal terms with the other States, with whatever republican constitution they might adopt for themselves.
Under this equally just and beneficent policy law and order, stability and progress, peace and prosperity marked every step of the progress of these new communities until they entered as great and prosperous commonwealths into the sisterhood of American States. In 1820 the North endeavored to overturn this wise and successful policy and demanded that the State of Missouri should not be admitted into the Union unless she first prohibited slavery within her limits by her constitution. After a bitter and protracted struggle the North was defeated in her special object, but her policy and position led to the adoption of a section in the law for the admission of Missouri, prohibiting slavery in all that portion of the territory acquired from France lying North of 36 [degrees] 30 [minutes] north latitude and outside of Missouri. The venerable Madison at the time of its adoption declared it unconstitutional. Mr. Jefferson condemned the restriction and foresaw its consequences and predicted that it would result in the dissolution of the Union. His prediction is now history. The North demanded the application of the principle of prohibition of slavery to all of the territory acquired from Mexico and all other parts of the public domain then and in all future time. It was the announcement of her purpose to appropriate to herself all the public domain then owned and thereafter to be acquired by the United States. The claim itself was less arrogant and insulting than the reason with which she supported it. That reason was her fixed purpose to limit, restrain, and finally abolish slavery in the States where it exists. The South with great unanimity declared her purpose to resist the principle of prohibition to the last extremity. This particular question, in connection with a series of questions affecting the same subject, was finally disposed of by the defeat of prohibitory legislation.
The Presidential election of 1852 resulted in the total overthrow of the advocates of restriction and their party friends. Immediately after this result the anti-slavery portion of the defeated party resolved to unite all the elements in the North opposed to slavery an to stake their future political fortunes upon their hostility to slavery everywhere. This is the party two whom the people of the North have committed the Government. They raised their standard in 1856 and were barely defeated. They entered the Presidential contest again in 1860 and succeeded.
The prohibition of slavery in the Territories, hostility to it everywhere, the equality of the black and white races, disregard of all constitutional guarantees it its favor, were boldly proclaimed by its leaders and applauded by its followers.
With these principles on their banners and these utterances on their lips the majority of the people of the North demand that we shall receive them as our rulers.
The prohibition of slavery in the Territories is the cardinal principle of this organization.
For forty years this question has been considered and debated in the halls of Congress, before the people, by the press, and before the tribunals of justice. The majority of the people of the North in 1860 decided it in their own favor. We refuse to submit to that judgment, and in vindication of our refusal we offer the Constitution of our country and point to the total absence of any express power to exclude us. We offer the practice of our Government for the first thirty years of its existence in complete refutation of the position that any such power is either necessary or proper to the execution of any other power in relation to the Territories. We offer the judgment of a large minority of the people of the North, amounting to more than one-third, who united with the unanimous voice of the South against this usurpation; and, finally, we offer the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal of our country, in our favor. This evidence ought to be conclusive that we have never surrendered this right. The conduct of our adversaries admonishes us that if we had surrendered it, it is time to resume it.
The faithless conduct of our adversaries is not confined to such acts as might aggrandize themselves or their section of the Union. They are content if they can only injure us. The Constitution declares that persons charged with crimes in one State and fleeing to another shall be delivered up on the demand of the executive authority of the State from which they may flee, to be tried in the jurisdiction where the crime was committed. It would appear difficult to employ language freer from ambiguity, yet for above twenty years the non-slave-holding States generally have wholly refused to deliver up to us persons charged with crimes affecting slave property. Our confederates, with punic faith, shield and give sanctuary to all criminals who seek to deprive us of this property or who use it to destroy us. This clause of the Constitution has no other sanction than their good faith; that is withheld from us; we are remediless in the Union; out of it we are remitted to the laws of nations.
A similar provision of the Constitution requires them to surrender fugitives from labor. This provision and the one last referred to were our main inducements for confederating with the Northern States. Without them it is historically true that we would have rejected the Constitution. In the fourth year of the Republic Congress passed a law to give full vigor and efficiency to this important provision. This act depended to a considerable degree upon the local magistrates in the several States for its efficiency. The non-slave-holding States generally repealed all laws intended to aid the execution of that act, and imposed penalties upon those citizens whose loyalty to the Constitution and their oaths might induce them to discharge their duty. Congress then passed the act of 1850, providing for the complete execution of this duty by Federal officers. This law, which their own bad faith rendered absolutely indispensible for the protection of constitutional rights, was instantly met with ferocious revilings and all conceivable modes of hostility. The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its constitutionality in all of its provisions. Yet it stands to-day a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union. We have their convenants, we have their oaths to keep and observe it, but the unfortunate claimant, even accompanied by a Federal officer with the mandate of the highest judicial authority in his hands, is everywhere met with fraud, with force, and with legislative enactments to elude, to resist, and defeat him. Claimants are murdered with impunity; officers of the law are beaten by frantic mobs instigated by inflammatory appeals from persons holding the highest public employment in these States, and supported by legislation in conflict with the clearest provisions of the Constitution, and even the ordinary principles of humanity. In several of our confederate States a citizen cannot travel the highway with his servant who may voluntarily accompany him, without being declared by law a felon and being subjected to infamous punishments. It is difficult to perceive how we could suffer more by the hostility than by the fraternity of such brethren.
The public law of civilized nations requires every State to restrain its citizens or subjects from committing acts injurious to the peace and security of any other State and from attempting to excite insurrection, or to lessen the security, or to disturb the tranquillity of their neighbors, and our Constitution wisely gives Congress the power to punish all offenses against the laws of nations.
These are sound and just principles which have received the approbation of just men in all countries and all centuries; but they are wholly disregarded by the people of the Northern States, and the Federal Government is impotent to maintain them. For twenty years past the abolitionists and their allies in the Northern States have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institutions and to excite insurrection and servile war among us. They have sent emissaries among us for the accomplishment of these purposes. Some of these efforts have received the public sanction of a majority of the leading men of the Republican party in the national councils, the same men who are now proposed as our rulers. These efforts have in one instance led to the actual invasion of one of the slave-holding States, and those of the murderers and incendiaries who escaped public justice by flight have found fraternal protection among our Northern confederates.
These are the same men who say the Union shall be preserved.
Such are the opinions and such are the practices of the Republican party, who have been called by their own votes to administer the Federal Government under the Constitution of the United States. We know their treachery; we know the shallow pretenses under which they daily disregard its plainest obligations. If we submit to them it will be our fault and not theirs. The people of Georgia have ever been willing to stand by this bargain, this contract; they have never sought to evade any of its obligations; they have never hitherto sought to establish any new government; they have struggled to maintain the ancient right of themselves and the human race through and by that Constitution. But they know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands, and therefore they refuse to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offers us. Why? Because by their declared principles and policy they have outlawed $3,000,000,000 of our property in the common territories of the Union; put it under the ban of the Republic in the States where it exists and out of the protection of Federal law everywhere; because they give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the whole extent of their power, in spite of their most solemn obligations and covenants; because their avowed purpose is to subvert our society and subject us not only to the loss of our property but the destruction of ourselves, our wives, and our children, and the desolation of our homes, our altars, and our firesides. To avoid these evils we resume the powers which our fathers delegated to the Government of the United States, and henceforth will seek new safeguards for our liberty, equality, security, and tranquillity.
[Approved, Tuesday, January 29, 1861]

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The government of the United States, by certain joint resolutions, bearing date the 1st day of March, in the year A.D. 1845, proposed to the Republic of Texas, then a free, sovereign and independent nation, the annexation of the latter to the former, as one of the co-equal states thereof,
The people of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, on the fourth day of July of the same year, assented to and accepted said proposals and formed a constitution for the proposed State, upon which on the 29th day of December in the same year, said State was formally admitted into the Confederated Union.
Texas abandoned her separate national existence and consented to become one of the Confederated Union to promote her welfare, insure domestic tranquility and secure more substantially the blessings of peace and liberty to her people. She was received into the confederacy with her own constitution, under the guarantee of the federal constitution and the compact of annexation, that she should enjoy these blessings. She was received as a commonwealth holding, maintaining and protecting the institution known as negro slavery-- the servitude of the African to the white race within her limits-- a relation that had existed from the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race, and which her people intended should exist in all future time. Her institutions and geographical position established the strongest ties between her and other slave-holding States of the confederacy. Those ties have been strengthened by association. But what has been the course of the government of the United States, and of the people and authorities of the non-slave-holding States, since our connection with them?
The controlling majority of the Federal Government, under various pretences and disguises, has so administered the same as to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense territory owned in common by all the States on the Pacific Ocean, for the avowed purpose of acquiring sufficient power in the common government to use it as a means of destroying the institutions of Texas and her sister slaveholding States.
By the disloyalty of the Northern States and their citizens and the imbecility of the Federal Government, infamous combinations of incendiaries and outlaws have been permitted in those States and the common territory of Kansas to trample upon the federal laws, to war upon the lives and property of Southern citizens in that territory, and finally, by violence and mob law, to usurp the possession of the same as exclusively the property of the Northern States.
The Federal Government, while but partially under the control of these our unnatural and sectional enemies, has for years almost entirely failed to protect the lives and property of the people of Texas against the Indian savages on our border, and more recently against the murderous forays of banditti from the neighboring territory of Mexico; and when our State government has expended large amounts for such purpose, the Federal Government has refuse reimbursement therefor, thus rendering our condition more insecure and harassing than it was during the existence of the Republic of Texas.
These and other wrongs we have patiently borne in the vain hope that a returning sense of justice and humanity would induce a different course of administration.
When we advert to the course of individual non-slave-holding States, and that a majority of their citizens, our grievances assume far greater magnitude.
The States of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan and Iowa, by solemn legislative enactments, have deliberately, directly or indirectly violated the 3rd clause of the 2nd section of the 4th article [the fugitive slave clause] of the federal constitution, and laws passed in pursuance thereof; thereby annulling a material provision of the compact, designed by its framers to perpetuate the amity between the members of the confederacy and to secure the rights of the slave-holding States in their domestic institutions-- a provision founded in justice and wisdom, and without the enforcement of which the compact fails to accomplish the object of its creation. Some of those States have imposed high fines and degrading penalties upon any of their citizens or officers who may carry out in good faith that provision of the compact, or the federal laws enacted in accordance therewith.
In all the non-slave-holding States, in violation of that good faith and comity which should exist between entirely distinct nations, the people have formed themselves into a great sectional party, now strong enough in numbers to control the affairs of each of those States, based upon an unnatural feeling of hostility to these Southern States and their beneficent and patriarchal system of African slavery, proclaiming the debasing doctrine of equality of all men, irrespective of race or color-- a doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of Divine Law. They demand the abolition of negro slavery throughout the confederacy, the recognition of political equality between the white and negro races, and avow their determination to press on their crusade against us, so long as a negro slave remains in these States.
For years past this abolition organization has been actively sowing the seeds of discord through the Union, and has rendered the federal congress the arena for spreading firebrands and hatred between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding States.
By consolidating their strength, they have placed the slave-holding States in a hopeless minority in the federal congress, and rendered representation of no avail in protecting Southern rights against their exactions and encroachments.
They have proclaimed, and at the ballot box sustained, the revolutionary doctrine that there is a 'higher law' than the constitution and laws of our Federal Union, and virtually that they will disregard their oaths and trample upon our rights.
They have for years past encouraged and sustained lawless organizations to steal our slaves and prevent their recapture, and have repeatedly murdered Southern citizens while lawfully seeking their rendition.
They have invaded Southern soil and murdered unoffending citizens, and through the press their leading men and a fanatical pulpit have bestowed praise upon the actors and assassins in these crimes, while the governors of several of their States have refused to deliver parties implicated and indicted for participation in such offenses, upon the legal demands of the States aggrieved.
They have, through the mails and hired emissaries, sent seditious pamphlets and papers among us to stir up servile insurrection and bring blood and carnage to our firesides.
They have sent hired emissaries among us to burn our towns and distribute arms and poison to our slaves for the same purpose.
They have impoverished the slave-holding States by unequal and partial legislation, thereby enriching themselves by draining our substance.
They have refused to vote appropriations for protecting Texas against ruthless savages, for the sole reason that she is a slave-holding State.
And, finally, by the combined sectional vote of the seventeen non-slave-holding States, they have elected as president and vice-president of the whole confederacy two men whose chief claims to such high positions are their approval of these long continued wrongs, and their pledges to continue them to the final consummation of these schemes for the ruin of the slave-holding States.
In view of these and many other facts, it is meet that our own views should be distinctly proclaimed.
We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment; that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable.
That in this free government all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights; that the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies, would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding states.
By the secession of six of the slave-holding States, and the certainty that others will speedily do likewise, Texas has no alternative but to remain in an isolated connection with the North, or unite her destinies with the South.
For these and other reasons, solemnly asserting that the federal constitution has been violated and virtually abrogated by the several States named, seeing that the federal government is now passing under the control of our enemies to be diverted from the exalted objects of its creation to those of oppression and wrong, and realizing that our own State can no longer look for protection, but to God and her own sons-- We the delegates of the people of Texas, in Convention assembled, have passed an ordinance dissolving all political connection with the government of the United States of America and the people thereof and confidently appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of the freemen of Texas to ratify the same at the ballot box, on the 23rd day of the present month.
Adopted in Convention on the 2nd day of Feby, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one and of the independence of Texas the twenty-fifth.

GeorgiaThe text of Georgia's secession declaration. and TeksasThe text of A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union. - they also brought a long and detailed explanation of their reasons for secession from which they all pointed out the northern movement of elimination of slavery as the biggest problem (the slavery is, according to their opinion, their right guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution).

The people of Georgia having dissolved their political connection with the Government of the United States of America, present to their confederates and the world the causes which have led to the separation. For the last ten years we have had numerous and serious causes of complaint against our non-slave-holding confederate States with reference to the subject of African slavery. They have endeavored to weaken our security, to disturb our domestic peace and tranquility, and persistently refused to comply with their express constitutional obligations to us in reference to that property, and by the use of their power in the Federal Government have striven to deprive us of an equal enjoyment of the common Territories of the Republic. This hostile policy of our confederates has been pursued with every circumstance of aggravation which could arouse the passions and excite the hatred of our people, and has placed the two sections of the Union for many years past in the condition of virtual civil war. Our people, still attached to the Union from habit and national traditions, and averse to change, hoped that time, reason, and argument would bring, if not redress, at least exemption from further insults, injuries, and dangers. Recent events have fully dissipated all such hopes and demonstrated the necessity of separation. Our Northern confederates, after a full and calm hearing of all the facts, after a fair warning of our purpose not to submit to the rule of the authors of all these wrongs and injuries, have by a large majority committed the Government of the United States into their hands. The people of Georgia, after an equally full and fair and deliberate hearing of the case, have declared with equal firmness that they shall not rule over them. A brief history of the rise, progress, and policy of anti-slavery and the political organization into whose hands the administration of the Federal Government has been committed will fully justify the pronounced verdict of the people of Georgia. The party of Lincoln, called the Republican party, under its present name and organization, is of recent origin. It is admitted to be an anti-slavery party. While it attracts to itself by its creed the scattered advocates of exploded political heresies, of condemned theories in political economy, the advocates of commercial restrictions, of protection, of special privileges, of waste and corruption in the administration of Government, anti-slavery is its mission and its purpose. By anti-slavery it is made a power in the state. The question of slavery was the great difficulty in the way of the formation of the Constitution. While the subordination and the political and social inequality of the African race was fully conceded by all, it was plainly apparent that slavery would soon disappear from what are now the non-slave-holding States of the original thirteen. The opposition to slavery was then, as now, general in those States and the Constitution was made with direct reference to that fact. But a distinct abolition party was not formed in the United States for more than half a century after the Government went into operation. The main reason was that the North, even if united, could not control both branches of the Legislature during any portion of that time. Therefore such an organization must have resulted either in utter failure or in the total overthrow of the Government. The material prosperity of the North was greatly dependent on the Federal Government; that of the the South not at all. In the first years of the Republic the navigating, commercial, and manufacturing interests of the North began to seek profit and aggrandizement at the expense of the agricultural interests. Even the owners of fishing smacks sought and obtained bounties for pursuing their own business (which yet continue), and $500,000 is now paid them annually out of the Treasury. The navigating interests begged for protection against foreign shipbuilders and against competition in the coasting trade. Congress granted both requests, and by prohibitory acts gave an absolute monopoly of this business to each of their interests, which they enjoy without diminution to this day. Not content with these great and unjust advantages, they have sought to throw the legitimate burden of their business as much as possible upon the public; they have succeeded in throwing the cost of light-houses, buoys, and the maintenance of their seamen upon the Treasury, and the Government now pays above $2,000,000 annually for the support of these objects. Theses interests, in connection with the commercial and manufacturing classes, have also succeeded, by means of subventions to mail steamers and the reduction in postage, in relieving their business from the payment of about $7,000,000 annually, throwing it upon the public Treasury under the name of postal deficiency. The manufacturing interests entered into the same struggle early, and has clamored steadily for Government bounties and special favors. This interest was confined mainly to the Eastern and Middle non-slave-holding States. Wielding these great States it held great power and influence, and its demands were in full proportion to its power. The manufacturers and miners wisely based their demands upon special facts and reasons rather than upon general principles, and thereby mollified much of the opposition of the opposing interest. They pleaded in their favor the infancy of their business in this country, the scarcity of labor and capital, the hostile legislation of other countries toward them, the great necessity of their fabrics in the time of war, and the necessity of high duties to pay the debt incurred in our war for independence. These reasons prevailed, and they received for many years enormous bounties by the general acquiescence of the whole country.
But when these reasons ceased they were no less clamorous for Government protection, but their clamors were less heeded-- the country had put the principle of protection upon trial and condemned it. After having enjoyed protection to the extent of from 15 to 200 per cent. upon their entire business for above thirty years, the act of 1846 was passed. It avoided sudden change, but the principle was settled, and free trade, low duties, and economy in public expenditures was the verdict of the American people. The South and the Northwestern States sustained this policy. There was but small hope of its reversal; upon the direct issue, none at all.
All these classes saw this and felt it and cast about for new allies. The anti-slavery sentiment of the North offered the best chance for success. An anti-slavery party must necessarily look to the North alone for support, but a united North was now strong enough to control the Government in all of its departments, and a sectional party was therefore determined upon. Time and issues upon slavery were necessary to its completion and final triumph. The feeling of anti-slavery, which it was well known was very general among the people of the North, had been long dormant or passive; it needed only a question to arouse it into aggressive activity. This question was before us. We had acquired a large territory by successful war with Mexico; Congress had to govern it; how, in relation to slavery, was the question then demanding solution. This state of facts gave form and shape to the anti-slavery sentiment throughout the North and the conflict began. Northern anti-slavery men of all parties asserted the right to exclude slavery from the territory by Congressional legislation and demanded the prompt and efficient exercise of this power to that end. This insulting and unconstitutional demand was met with great moderation and firmness by the South. We had shed our blood and paid our money for its acquisition; we demanded a division of it on the line of the Missouri restriction or an equal participation in the whole of it. These propositions were refused, the agitation became general, and the public danger was great. The case of the South was impregnable. The price of the acquisition was the blood and treasure of both sections-- of all, and, therefore, it belonged to all upon the principles of equity and justice.
The Constitution delegated no power to Congress to excluded either party from its free enjoyment; therefore our right was good under the Constitution. Our rights were further fortified by the practice of the Government from the beginning. Slavery was forbidden in the country northwest of the Ohio River by what is called the ordinance of 1787. That ordinance was adopted under the old confederation and by the assent of Virginia, who owned and ceded the country, and therefore this case must stand on its own special circumstances. The Government of the United States claimed territory by virtue of the treaty of 1783 with Great Britain, acquired territory by cession from Georgia and North Carolina, by treaty from France, and by treaty from Spain. These acquisitions largely exceeded the original limits of the Republic. In all of these acquisitions the policy of the Government was uniform. It opened them to the settlement of all the citizens of all the States of the Union. They emigrated thither with their property of every kind (including slaves). All were equally protected by public authority in their persons and property until the inhabitants became sufficiently numerous and otherwise capable of bearing the burdens and performing the duties of self-government, when they were admitted into the Union upon equal terms with the other States, with whatever republican constitution they might adopt for themselves.
Under this equally just and beneficent policy law and order, stability and progress, peace and prosperity marked every step of the progress of these new communities until they entered as great and prosperous commonwealths into the sisterhood of American States. In 1820 the North endeavored to overturn this wise and successful policy and demanded that the State of Missouri should not be admitted into the Union unless she first prohibited slavery within her limits by her constitution. After a bitter and protracted struggle the North was defeated in her special object, but her policy and position led to the adoption of a section in the law for the admission of Missouri, prohibiting slavery in all that portion of the territory acquired from France lying North of 36 [degrees] 30 [minutes] north latitude and outside of Missouri. The venerable Madison at the time of its adoption declared it unconstitutional. Mr. Jefferson condemned the restriction and foresaw its consequences and predicted that it would result in the dissolution of the Union. His prediction is now history. The North demanded the application of the principle of prohibition of slavery to all of the territory acquired from Mexico and all other parts of the public domain then and in all future time. It was the announcement of her purpose to appropriate to herself all the public domain then owned and thereafter to be acquired by the United States. The claim itself was less arrogant and insulting than the reason with which she supported it. That reason was her fixed purpose to limit, restrain, and finally abolish slavery in the States where it exists. The South with great unanimity declared her purpose to resist the principle of prohibition to the last extremity. This particular question, in connection with a series of questions affecting the same subject, was finally disposed of by the defeat of prohibitory legislation.
The Presidential election of 1852 resulted in the total overthrow of the advocates of restriction and their party friends. Immediately after this result the anti-slavery portion of the defeated party resolved to unite all the elements in the North opposed to slavery an to stake their future political fortunes upon their hostility to slavery everywhere. This is the party two whom the people of the North have committed the Government. They raised their standard in 1856 and were barely defeated. They entered the Presidential contest again in 1860 and succeeded.
The prohibition of slavery in the Territories, hostility to it everywhere, the equality of the black and white races, disregard of all constitutional guarantees in its favor, were boldly proclaimed by its leaders and applauded by its followers.
With these principles on their banners and these utterances on their lips the majority of the people of the North demand that we shall receive them as our rulers.
The prohibition of slavery in the Territories is the cardinal principle of this organization.
For forty years this question has been considered and debated in the halls of Congress, before the people, by the press, and before the tribunals of justice. The majority of the people of the North in 1860 decided it in their own favor. We refuse to submit to that judgment, and in vindication of our refusal we offer the Constitution of our country and point to the total absence of any express power to exclude us. We offer the practice of our Government for the first thirty years of its existence in complete refutation of the position that any such power is either necessary or proper to the execution of any other power in relation to the Territories. We offer the judgment of a large minority of the people of the North, amounting to more than one-third, who united with the unanimous voice of the South against this usurpation; and, finally, we offer the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal of our country, in our favor. This evidence ought to be conclusive that we have never surrendered this right. The conduct of our adversaries admonishes us that if we had surrendered it, it is time to resume it.
The faithless conduct of our adversaries is not confined to such acts as might aggrandize themselves or their section of the Union. They are content if they can only injure us. The Constitution declares that persons charged with crimes in one State and fleeing to another shall be delivered up on the demand of the executive authority of the State from which they may flee, to be tried in the jurisdiction where the crime was committed. It would appear difficult to employ language freer from ambiguity, yet for above twenty years the non-slave-holding States generally have wholly refused to deliver up to us persons charged with crimes affecting slave property. Our confederates, with punic faith, shield and give sanctuary to all criminals who seek to deprive us of this property or who use it to destroy us. This clause of the Constitution has no other sanction than their good faith; that is withheld from us; we are remediless in the Union; out of it we are remitted to the laws of nations.
A similar provision of the Constitution requires them to surrender fugitives from labor. This provision and the one last referred to were our main inducements for confederating with the Northern States. Without them it is historically true that we would have rejected the Constitution. In the fourth year of the Republic Congress passed a law to give full vigor and efficiency to this important provision. This act depended to a considerable degree upon the local magistrates in the several States for its efficiency. The non-slave-holding States generally repealed all laws intended to aid the execution of that act, and imposed penalties upon those citizens whose loyalty to the Constitution and their oaths might induce them to discharge their duty. Congress then passed the act of 1850, providing for the complete execution of this duty by Federal officers. This law, which their own bad faith rendered absolutely indispensible for the protection of constitutional rights, was instantly met with ferocious revilings and all conceivable modes of hostility. The Supreme Court unanimously, and their own local courts with equal unanimity (with the single and temporary exception of the supreme court of Wisconsin), sustained its constitutionality in all of its provisions. Yet it stands to-day a dead letter for all practicable purposes in every non-slave-holding State in the Union. We have their convenants, we have their oaths to keep and observe it, but the unfortunate claimant, even accompanied by a Federal officer with the mandate of the highest judicial authority in his hands, is everywhere met with fraud, with force, and with legislative enactments to elude, to resist, and defeat him. Claimants are murdered with impunity; officers of the law are beaten by frantic mobs instigated by inflammatory appeals from persons holding the highest public employment in these States, and supported by legislation in conflict with the clearest provisions of the Constitution, and even the ordinary principles of humanity. In several of our confederate States a citizen cannot travel the highway with his servant who may voluntarily accompany him, without being declared by law a felon and being subjected to infamous punishments. It is difficult to perceive how we could suffer more by the hostility than by the fraternity of such brethren.
The public law of civilized nations requires every State to restrain its citizens or subjects from committing acts injurious to the peace and security of any other State and from attempting to excite insurrection, or to lessen the security, or to disturb the tranquillity of their neighbors, and our Constitution wisely gives Congress the power to punish all offenses against the laws of nations.
These are sound and just principles which have received the approbation of just men in all countries and all centuries; but they are wholly disregarded by the people of the Northern States, and the Federal Government is impotent to maintain them. For twenty years past the abolitionists and their allies in the Northern States have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institutions and to excite insurrection and servile war among us. They have sent emissaries among us for the accomplishment of these purposes. Some of these efforts have received the public sanction of a majority of the leading men of the Republican party in the national councils, the same men who are now proposed as our rulers. These efforts have in one instance led to the actual invasion of one of the slave-holding States, and those of the murderers and incendiaries who escaped public justice by flight have found fraternal protection among our Northern confederates.
These are the same men who say the Union shall be preserved.
Such are the opinions and such are the practices of the Republican party, who have been called by their own votes to administer the Federal Government under the Constitution of the United States. We know their treachery; we know the shallow pretenses under which they daily disregard its plainest obligations. If we submit to them it will be our fault and not theirs. The people of Georgia have ever been willing to stand by this bargain, this contract; they have never sought to evade any of its obligations; they have never hitherto sought to establish any new government; they have struggled to maintain the ancient right of themselves and the human race through and by that Constitution. But they know the value of parchment rights in treacherous hands, and therefore they refuse to commit their own to the rulers whom the North offers us. Why? Because by their declared principles and policy they have outlawed $3,000,000,000 of our property in the common territories of the Union; put it under the ban of the Republic in the States where it exists and out of the protection of Federal law everywhere; because they give sanctuary to thieves and incendiaries who assail it to the whole extent of their power, in spite of their most solemn obligations and covenants; because their avowed purpose is to subvert our society and subject us not only to the loss of our property but the destruction of ourselves, our wives, and our children, and the desolation of our homes, our altars, and our firesides. To avoid these evils we resume the powers which our fathers delegated to the Government of the United States, and henceforth will seek new safeguards for our liberty, equality, security, and tranquillity.
[Approved, Tuesday, January 29, 1861]
In the momentous step which our State has taken of dissolving its connection with the government of which we so long formed a part, it is but just that we should declare the prominent reasons which have induced our course.
Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery-- the greatest material interest of the world. Its labor supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products are peculiar to the climate verging on the tropical regions, and by an imperious law of nature, none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical sun. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institution, and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition, or a dissolution of the Union, whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin.
That we do not overstate the dangers to our institution, a reference to a few facts will sufficiently prove.
The hostility to this institution commenced before the adoption of the Constitution, and was manifested in the well-known Ordinance of 1787, in regard to the Northwestern Territory.
The feeling increased, until, in 1819-20, it deprived the South of more than half the vast territory acquired from France.
The same hostility dismembered Texas and seized upon all the territory acquired from Mexico.
It has grown until it denies the right of property in slaves, and refuses protection to that right on the high seas, in the Territories, and wherever the government of the United States had jurisdiction.
It refuses the admission of new slave States into the Union, and seeks to extinguish it by confining it within its present limits, denying the power of expansion.
It tramples the original equality of the South under foot.
It has nullified the Fugitive Slave Law in almost every free State in the Union, and has utterly broken the compact which our fathers pledged their faith to maintain.
It advocates negro equality, socially and politically, and promotes insurrection and incendiarism in our midst.
It has enlisted its press, its pulpit and its schools against us, until the whole popular mind of the North is excited and inflamed with prejudice.
It has made combinations and formed associations to carry out its schemes of emancipation in the States and wherever else slavery exists.
It seeks not to elevate or to support the slave, but to destroy his present condition without providing a better.
It has invaded a State, and invested with the honors of martyrdom the wretch whose purpose was to apply flames to our dwellings, and the weapons of destruction to our lives.
It has broken every compact into which it has entered for our security.
It has given indubitable evidence of its design to ruin our agriculture, to prostrate our industrial pursuits and to destroy our social system.
It knows no relenting or hesitation in its purposes; it stops not in its march of aggression, and leaves us no room to hope for cessation or for pause.
It has recently obtained control of the Government, by the prosecution of its unhallowed schemes, and destroyed the last expectation of living together in friendship and brotherhood.
Utter subjugation awaits us in the Union, if we should consent longer to remain in it. It is not a matter of choice, but of necessity. We must either submit to degradation, and to the loss of property worth four billions of money, or we must secede from the Union framed by our fathers, to secure this as well as every other species of property. For far less cause than this, our fathers separated from the Crown of England.
Our decision is made. We follow their footsteps. We embrace the
alternative of separation; and for the reasons here stated, we resolve
to maintain our rights with the full consciousness of the justice of
our course, and the undoubting belief of our ability to maintain it.
The people of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, on the 26th day of April, A.D., 1852, declared that the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United States, by the Federal Government, and its encroachments upon the reserved rights of the States, fully justified this State in then withdrawing from the Federal Union; but in deference to the opinions and wishes of the other slaveholding States, she forbore at that time to exercise this right. Since that time, these encroachments have continued to increase, and further forbearance ceases to be a virtue.
And now the State of South Carolina having resumed her separate and equal place among nations, deems it due to herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to the nations of the world, that she should declare the immediate causes which have led to this act.
In the year 1765, that portion of the British Empire embracing Great Britain, undertook to make laws for the government of that portion composed of the thirteen American Colonies. A struggle for the right of self-government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 1776, in a Declaration, by the Colonies, "that they are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do."
They further solemnly declared that whenever any "form of government becomes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government." Deeming the Government of Great Britain to have become destructive of these ends, they declared that the Colonies "are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."
In pursuance of this Declaration of Independence, each of the thirteen States proceeded to exercise its separate sovereignty; adopted for itself a Constitution, and appointed officers for the administration of government in all its departments-- Legislative, Executive and Judicial. For purposes of defense, they united their arms and their counsels; and, in 1778, they entered into a League known as the Articles of Confederation, whereby they agreed to entrust the administration of their external relations to a common agent, known as the Congress of the United States, expressly declaring, in the first Article "that each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right which is not, by this Confederation, expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled."
Under this Confederation the war of the Revolution was carried on, and on the 3rd of September, 1783, the contest ended, and a definite Treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she acknowledged the independence of the Colonies in the following terms: "ARTICLE 1-- His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that he treats with them as such; and for himself, his heirs and successors, relinquishes all claims to the government, propriety and territorial rights of the same and every part thereof."
Thus were established the two great principles asserted by the Colonies, namely: the right of a State to govern itself; and the right of a people to abolish a Government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with the establishment of these principles, was the fact, that each Colony became and was recognized by the mother Country a FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATE.
In 1787, Deputies were appointed by the States to revise the Articles of Confederation, and on 17th September, 1787, these Deputies recommended for the adoption of the States, the Articles of Union, known as the Constitution of the United States.
The parties to whom this Constitution was submitted, were the several sovereign States; they were to agree or disagree, and when nine of them agreed the compact was to take effect among those concurring; and the General Government, as the common agent, was then invested with their authority.
If only nine of the thirteen States had concurred, the other four would have remained as they then were-- separate, sovereign States, independent of any of the provisions of the Constitution. In fact, two of the States did not accede to the Constitution until long after it had gone into operation among the other eleven; and during that interval, they each exercised the functions of an independent nation.
By this Constitution, certain duties were imposed upon the several States, and the exercise of certain of their powers was restrained, which necessarily implied their continued existence as sovereign States. But to remove all doubt, an amendment was added, which declared that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people. On the 23d May , 1788, South Carolina, by a Convention of her People, passed an Ordinance assenting to this Constitution, and afterwards altered her own Constitution, to conform herself to the obligations she had undertaken.
Thus was established, by compact between the States, a Government with definite objects and powers, limited to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the States or to the people, and rendered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights.
We hold that the Government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of Independence; and we hold further, that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely: the law of compact. We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties, the obligation is mutual; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely releases the obligation of the other; and that where no arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure, with all its consequences.
In the present case, that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused, for years past, to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own Statutes for the proof.
The Constitution of the United States, in its fourth Article, provides as follows: "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."
This stipulation was so material to the compact, that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and they had previously evinced their estimate of the value of such a stipulation by making it a condition in the Ordinance for the government of the territory ceded by Virginia, which now composes the States north of the Ohio River.
The same article of the Constitution stipulates also for rendition by the several States of fugitives from justice from the other States.
The General Government, as the common agent, passed laws to carry into effect these stipulations of the States. For many years these laws were executed. But an increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding States to the institution of slavery, has led to a disregard of their obligations, and the laws of the General Government have ceased to effect the objects of the Constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the Acts of Congress or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from service or labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligation; but the current of anti-slavery feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies provided by her own law and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals; and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the constituted compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding States, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from her obligation.
The ends for which the Constitution was framed are declared by itself to be "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."
These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a Federal Government, in which each State was recognized as an equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights, by giving them the right to represent, and burthening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves; by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years; and by stipulating for the rendition of fugitives from labor.
We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assume the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions; and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institution of slavery; they have permitted open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloign the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes; and those who remain, have been incited by emissaries, books and pictures to servile insurrection.
For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common Government. Observing the *forms* [emphasis in the original] of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that Article establishing the Executive Department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common Government, because he has declared that that "Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free," and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction.
This sectional combination for the submersion of the Constitution, has been aided in some of the States by elevating to citizenship, persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its beliefs and safety.
On the 4th day of March next, this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the judicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States.
The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy.
Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact that public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanction of more erroneous religious belief.
We, therefore, the People of South Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate and independent State; with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.
Adopted December 24, 1860
[Committee signatures]
The government of the United States, by certain joint resolutions, bearing date the 1st day of March, in the year A.D. 1845, proposed to the Republic of Texas, then *a free, sovereign and independent nation* [emphasis in the original], the annexation of the latter to the former, as one of the co-equal states thereof,
The people of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, on the fourth day of July of the same year, assented to and accepted said proposals and formed a constitution for the proposed State, upon which on the 29th day of December in the same year, said State was formally admitted into the Confederated Union.
Texas abandoned her separate national existence and consented to become one of the Confederated Union to promote her welfare, insure domestic tranquility and secure more substantially the blessings of peace and liberty to her people. She was received into the confederacy with her own constitution, under the guarantee of the federal constitution and the compact of annexation, that she should enjoy these blessings. She was received as a commonwealth holding, maintaining and protecting the institution known as negro slavery-- the servitude of the African to the white race within her limits-- a relation that had existed from the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race, and which her people intended should exist in all future time. Her institutions and geographical position established the strongest ties between her and other slave-holding States of the confederacy. Those ties have been strengthened by association. But what has been the course of the government of the United States, and of the people and authorities of the non-slave-holding States, since our connection with them?
The controlling majority of the Federal Government, under various pretences and disguises, has so administered the same as to exclude the citizens of the Southern States, unless under odious and unconstitutional restrictions, from all the immense territory owned in common by all the States on the Pacific Ocean, for the avowed purpose of acquiring sufficient power in the common government to use it as a means of destroying the institutions of Texas and her sister slaveholding States.
By the disloyalty of the Northern States and their citizens and the imbecility of the Federal Government, infamous combinations of incendiaries and outlaws have been permitted in those States and the common territory of Kansas to trample upon the federal laws, to war upon the lives and property of Southern citizens in that territory, and finally, by violence and mob law, to usurp the possession of the same as exclusively the property of the Northern States.
The Federal Government, while but partially under the control of these our unnatural and sectional enemies, has for years almost entirely failed to protect the lives and property of the people of Texas against the Indian savages on our border, and more recently against the murderous forays of banditti from the neighboring territory of Mexico; and when our State government has expended large amounts for such purpose, the Federal Government has refuse reimbursement therefor, thus rendering our condition more insecure and harassing than it was during the existence of the Republic of Texas.
These and other wrongs we have patiently borne in the vain hope that a returning sense of justice and humanity would induce a different course of administration.
When we advert to the course of individual non-slave-holding States, and that a majority of their citizens, our grievances assume far greater magnitude.
The States of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan and Iowa, by solemn legislative enactments, have deliberately, directly or indirectly violated the 3rd clause of the 2nd section of the 4th article [the fugitive slave clause] of the federal constitution, and laws passed in pursuance thereof; thereby annulling a material provision of the compact, designed by its framers to perpetuate the amity between the members of the confederacy and to secure the rights of the slave-holding States in their domestic institutions-- a provision founded in justice and wisdom, and without the enforcement of which the compact fails to accomplish the object of its creation. Some of those States have imposed high fines and degrading penalties upon any of their citizens or officers who may carry out in good faith that provision of the compact, or the federal laws enacted in accordance therewith.
In all the non-slave-holding States, in violation of that good faith and comity which should exist between entirely distinct nations, the people have formed themselves into a great sectional party, now strong enough in numbers to control the affairs of each of those States, based upon an unnatural feeling of hostility to these Southern States and their beneficent and patriarchal system of African slavery, proclaiming the debasing doctrine of equality of all men, irrespective of race or color-- a doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of Divine Law. They demand the abolition of negro slavery throughout the confederacy, the recognition of political equality between the white and negro races, and avow their determination to press on their crusade against us, so long as a negro slave remains in these States.
For years past this abolition organization has been actively sowing the seeds of discord through the Union, and has rendered the federal congress the arena for spreading firebrands and hatred between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding States.
By consolidating their strength, they have placed the slave-holding States in a hopeless minority in the federal congress, and rendered representation of no avail in protecting Southern rights against their exactions and encroachments.
They have proclaimed, and at the ballot box sustained, the revolutionary doctrine that there is a 'higher law' than the constitution and laws of our Federal Union, and virtually that they will disregard their oaths and trample upon our rights.
They have for years past encouraged and sustained lawless organizations to steal our slaves and prevent their recapture, and have repeatedly murdered Southern citizens while lawfully seeking their rendition.
They have invaded Southern soil and murdered unoffending citizens, and through the press their leading men and a fanatical pulpit have bestowed praise upon the actors and assassins in these crimes, while the governors of several of their States have refused to deliver parties implicated and indicted for participation in such offenses, upon the legal demands of the States aggrieved.
They have, through the mails and hired emissaries, sent seditious pamphlets and papers among us to stir up servile insurrection and bring blood and carnage to our firesides.
They have sent hired emissaries among us to burn our towns and distribute arms and poison to our slaves for the same purpose.
They have impoverished the slave-holding States by unequal and partial legislation, thereby enriching themselves by draining our substance.
They have refused to vote appropriations for protecting Texas against ruthless savages, for the sole reason that she is a slave-holding State.
And, finally, by the combined sectional vote of the seventeen non-slave-holding States, they have elected as president and vice-president of the whole confederacy two men whose chief claims to such high positions are their approval of these long continued wrongs, and their pledges to continue them to the final consummation of these schemes for the ruin of the slave-holding States.
In view of these and many other facts, it is meet that our own views should be distinctly proclaimed.
We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment; that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable.
That in this free government *all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights* [emphasis in the original]; that the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies, would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding states.
By the secession of six of the slave-holding States, and the certainty that others will speedily do likewise, Texas has no alternative but to remain in an isolated connection with the North, or unite her destinies with the South.
For these and other reasons, solemnly asserting that the federal constitution has been violated and virtually abrogated by the several States named, seeing that the federal government is now passing under the control of our enemies to be diverted from the exalted objects of its creation to those of oppression and wrong, and realizing that our own State can no longer look for protection, but to God and her own sons-- We the delegates of the people of Texas, in Convention assembled, have passed an ordinance dissolving all political connection with the government of the United States of America and the people thereof and confidently appeal to the intelligence and patriotism of the freemen of Texas to ratify the same at the ballot box, on the 23rd day of the present month.
Adopted in Convention on the 2nd day of Feby, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one and of the independence of Texas the twenty-fifth.
[Delegates' signatures]

Question: which state seceded from the federal union

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Question: what did the northern movement point out as the biggest problem

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Question: what was the biggest problem in georgia

northern movement of elimination of slavery

northern movement of elimination of slavery

Question: who wrote a declaration of the causes which impel texas to secede from

who wrote a declaration of the causes which impel texas to secede from

Question: what did the northern secessionists believe was the biggest problem

their right guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution

the Federal Union . - također su donijele dugačka i detaljnja objašnjenja svojih razloga za docjepljenje od kojih su sve isticale sjevernjački pokret ukidanja ropstva kao najveći problem ( robovlasništvo je prema njihovom mišljenju bilo njihovo pravo koje im je zajamčeno Ustavom SAD

their right guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution

what did the northern secessionists believe was the biggest problem

Question: what was the biggest problem in the declaration of secession

the northern movement of elimination of slavery

the northern movement of elimination of slavery

what was the biggest problem in the declaration of secession

Question: according to the texas secessionists, slavery is their right guaranteed by what

according to the texas secessionists, slavery is their right guaranteed by what

GeorgiaThe text of Georgia 's secession declaration . and TeksasThe text of A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union . - they also brought a long and detailed explanation of their reasons for secession from which they all pointed out the northern movement of elimination of slavery as the biggest problem ( the slavery is , according to their opinion , their right guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution ) .

The law did not apply to the supervisors of slaves, government officials and priests.

The U.S. Congress adopted the same law in July, approving military emergency within the country, only in the event that the country had not enough volunteers.

Question: when did the us congress pass the američki građanski rat

The law did not apply to the supervisors of slaves, government officials and priests.

The U.S. Congress adopted the same law in July, approving military emergency within the country, only in the event that the country had not enough volunteers.

when did the us congress pass the američki građanski rat

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approving military emergency within the country

approving military emergency within the country

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"Američki Kongres donio je isti Zakon u srpnju , odobrivši vojno novačenje unutar države , samo u slučaju kada država nije imala dovoljno dobrovoljaca .

who approved the military emergency law in the usa

The law did not apply to the supervisors of slaves , government officials and priests .

The U.S. Congress adopted the same law in July , approving military emergency within the country , only in the event that the country had not enough volunteers .

Zakon se nije odnosio na nadglednike robova, vladine djelatnike i svećenike.

Američki Kongres donio je isti Zakon u srpnju, odobrivši vojno novačenje unutar države, samo u slučaju kada država nije imala dovoljno dobrovoljaca.

The law did not apply to the supervisors of slaves, government officials and priests. The U.S. Congress adopted the same law in July, approving military emergency within the country, only in the event that the country had not enough volunteers.

The law did not apply to the supervisors of slaves, government officials and priests.

The U.S. Congress adopted the same law in July, approving military emergency within the country, only in the event that the country had not enough volunteers.

The American Civil War: a military history. , 2009 , p.

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

The Little Navy of the Union in 1861 increased significantly to 6,000 officers and 45 thousand sailors with 671 vessels of a total tone of 510,396.American Seamen's Friend Society (1865).

Question: how many officers were in the little navy of the union in 1861

The American Civil War: a military history. , 2009 , p.

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

The Little Navy of the Union in 1861 increased significantly to 6,000 officers and 45 thousand sailors with 671 vessels of a total tone of 510,396.American Seamen's Friend Society (1865).

how many officers were in the little navy of the union in 1861

Question: how many vessels were in the little navy of the union in 1861

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

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Question: how many sailors were in the little navy of the union in 1861

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

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The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

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Question: american soldiers friend society (1865), american seamen's friends society (

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

american soldiers friend society (1865), american seamen's friends society (

Question: when was the little navy of the union created

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

when was the little navy of the union created

Question: when was the american seamen's friend society formed

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861.

when was the american seamen's friend society formed

The American Civil War : a military history . , 2009 , p.

The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861 .

The Little Navy of the Union in 1861 increased significantly to 6,000 officers and 45 thousand sailors with 671 vessels of a total tone of 510,396.American Seamen 's Friend Society ( 1865 ) .

The American Civil War: a military history. 2009. , str. 57. Plan Anakonda generala Scotta iz 1861. godine. Rat na vodi Mala mornarica Unije iz 1861. godine znatno se povećala do 1865. godine i to na 6000 časnika te 45 tisuća mornara skupa sa 671 plovilom ukupne tonaže 510,396.American Seamen's Friend Society (1865.).

The American Civil War: a military history. 2009. , str. 57.

Plan Anakonda generala Scotta iz 1861. godine.

The American Civil War: a military history. , 2009 , p. The Plan of the General Scotth of 1861. The Little Navy of the Union in 1861 increased significantly to 6,000 officers and 45 thousand sailors with 671 vessels of a total tone of 510,396.American Seamen's Friend Society (1865).

The American Civil War: a military history. , 2009 , p.

The Little Navy of the Union in 1861 increased significantly to 6,000 officers and 45 thousand sailors with 671 vessels of a total tone of 510,396.American Seamen's Friend Society (1865).

-Clio, page 462.

Question: who did američki građanski rat prepare for war against

-Clio, page 462.

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Question: what did the američki građanski rat blockade

-Clio, page 462.

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Question: američki građanski rat was tasked with defending against

-Clio, page 462.

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-Clio, page 462.

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-Clio, page 462.

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Question: when was the američki građanski rat written

-Clio, page 462.

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Question: where did the američki građanski rat take control over

-Clio, page 462.

where did the američki građanski rat take control over

Her missions included the blockade of confederal ports , the overtaking of control over the rivers , the defence against confederal offshore attacks and the preparation for a possible war against the British Navy .

-Clio, page 462. Her missions included the blockade of confederal ports, the overtaking of control over the rivers, the defence against confederal offshore attacks and the preparation for a possible war against the British Navy.

The Unionist blockade of Rane in 1861, General Winfield Scott developed his famous "Anakonda plan" with which he intended to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible.

The A to Z of the Civil War and Reconstruction
The importance of the Civil War and Reconstruction in the history of the United States cannot be overstated. There was a very real possibility that the union could have been sundered, resulting in a very different American history, and probably world history. But the union was held together by tough and determined leaders and by the economic muscle of the North. Following the end of the war, the period of American history known as Reconstruction followed. This was a period construed in many different ways. While the states were once again 'united,' many of the postwar efforts divided different segments of the population and failed to achieve their goals in an era too often remembered for carpetbaggers and scalawags, and Congressional imbroglios and incompetent government. This one-volume dictionary, with more than 800 entries covering the significant events, persons, politics, and economic and social themes in the U.S. Civil War and Reconstruction, is a research tool for all levels of readers from high school and up. The extensive chronology, introductory essay, dictionary entries, and comprehensive bibliography introduce and lead the reader through the military and non-military actions of one of the most pivotal events in American history.
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Question: what plan did general winfield scott use to win the war

The Unionist blockade of Rane in 1861, General Winfield Scott developed his famous "Anakonda plan" with which he intended to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible.

what plan did general winfield scott use to win the war

Question: when did the američki građanski rat war start

when did the američki građanski rat war start

Question: who came up with the anakonda plan

Question: where did the američki građanski rat attack

where did the američki građanski rat attack

Question: what political party was winfield scott in

what political party was winfield scott in

Question: what was the goal of the anakonda plan

The Unionist blockade of Rane in 1861 , General Winfield Scott developed his famous " Anakonda plan " with which he intended to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible .

Unionistička blokada Rane 1861. godine general Winfield Scott razvio je svoj poznati "plan Anakonda" s kojim je namjeravao pobijediti u ratu uz što manje krvoprolića.

Unionistička blokada Rane 1861. godine general Winfield Scott razvio je svoj poznati "plan Anakonda" s kojim je namjeravao pobijediti u ratu uz što manje krvoprolića.

The Unionist blockade of Rane in 1861, General Winfield Scott developed his famous "Anakonda plan" with which he intended to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible.

The Unionist blockade of Rane in 1861, General Winfield Scott developed his famous "Anakonda plan" with which he intended to win the war with as little bloodshed as possible.

Question: where did the union navy build new ships

where did the union navy build new ships

Question: the union navy took control of the red river in tennessee, cumberland

the union navy took control of the red river in tennessee, cumberland

Question: what state was cairo in during the civil war

what state was cairo in during the civil war

Question: who led the tinclads in the civil war

Question: what river did the union take control of in mississippi

what river did the union take control of in mississippi

Question: when did union light draught gunboat operations take place

when did union light draught gunboat operations take place

Question: američki građanski rat is a type of what type of

američki građanski rat is a type of what type of

With the war ships that departed from the Mississippi rivers to the ocean , the Union Navy used ships and armed bombers in the ships in Cairo ( the state of Illinois ) , and in St. Louis they built new ships or modified parobrode for action . Myron J. Smith , Tinclads in the Civil War : Union Light - Draught Gunboat Operations on Western Waters , 1862 - 1865 ( 2009 . )

The Navy took control of the Red River in Tennessee , Cumberland in Mississippi and some of the rivers in the state of Ohio after the victory in Fort Henry and Fort Donelson , and also supplied the Grant forces that penetrated in Tennessee .

With the war ships that departed from the Mississippi rivers to the ocean, the Union Navy used ships and armed bombers in the ships in Cairo (the state of Illinois), and in St. Louis they built new ships or modified parobrode for action.Myron J. Smith, Tinclads in the Civil War: Union Light-Draught Gunboat Operations on Western Waters, 1862-1865 (2009.) The Navy took control of the Red River in Tennessee, Cumberland in Mississippi and some of the rivers in the state of Ohio after the victory in Fort Henry and Fort Donelson, and also supplied the Grant forces that penetrated in Tennessee.

Memphis fell under Union control and soon became a key base for further penetrations to the south along the Mississippi River.

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Question: where did the američki građanski rat first live

Memphis fell under Union control and soon became a key base for further penetrations to the south along the Mississippi River.

where did the američki građanski rat first live

Question: where does the američki građanski rat live

where does the američki građanski rat live

Question: who controlled memphis during the civil war

who controlled memphis during the civil war

Question: where did the american rat get its name

Question: where does the američki građanski rat move to

where does the američki građanski rat move to

Question: where does the američki građanski rat live in the united

where does the američki građanski rat live in the united

Question: which river was used as a base for američki građanski

which river was used as a base for američki građanski

Memphis fell under Union control and soon became a key base for further penetrations to the south along the Mississippi River .

Memphis je pao pod kontrolu Unije i uskoro postao ključna baza za daljnje prodore prema jugu duž rijeke Mississippi.

Memphis je pao pod kontrolu Unije i uskoro postao ključna baza za daljnje prodore prema jugu duž rijeke Mississippi.

Memphis fell under Union control and soon became a key base for further penetrations to the south along the Mississippi River.

Memphis fell under Union control and soon became a key base for further penetrations to the south along the Mississippi River.

Meanwhile, the Confederate forces in the South surrendered after the news of Lee's surrender came to them.

President Johnson officially announced the cessation of the rebellion on 9 May 1865.

Question: when did the civil war end in the south

Meanwhile, the Confederate forces in the South surrendered after the news of Lee's surrender came to them.

President Johnson officially announced the cessation of the rebellion on 9 May 1865.

Question: who announced the cessation of the confederate rebellion

who announced the cessation of the confederate rebellion

Question: who was president when lee surrendered

Question: who led the confederate forces in the south

who led the confederate forces in the south

Question: what caused the confederate forces to surrender

what caused the confederate forces to surrender

Question: what happened to the confederate forces after lee died

what happened to the confederate forces after lee died

Question: when did the confederate forces surrender

when did the confederate forces surrender

Meanwhile , the Confederate forces in the South surrendered after the news of Lee 's surrender came to them .

President Johnson officially announced the cessation of the rebellion on 9 May 1865 .

U međuvremenu, Konfederalne snage na Jugu predale su se nakon što je do njih doprla vijest o Leejevoj predaji. Predsjednik Johnson službeno je objavio prekid pobune 9. svibnja 1865. godine.

U međuvremenu, Konfederalne snage na Jugu predale su se nakon što je do njih doprla vijest o Leejevoj predaji.

Predsjednik Johnson službeno je objavio prekid pobune 9. svibnja 1865. godine.

Meanwhile, the Confederate forces in the South surrendered after the news of Lee's surrender came to them. President Johnson officially announced the cessation of the rebellion on 9 May 1865.

Meanwhile, the Confederate forces in the South surrendered after the news of Lee's surrender came to them.

President Johnson officially announced the cessation of the rebellion on 9 May 1865.

Many historians are complicated in the opinion that the Union had an incompatible long-term advantage over the Confederation in terms of industrial power and population.

Question: what were the main reasons the union and confederation were incompatible

Many historians are complicated in the opinion that the Union had an incompatible long-term advantage over the Confederation in terms of industrial power and population.

what were the main reasons the union and confederation were incompatible

Question: what advantage did the union have over the confederation

what advantage did the union have over the confederation

Question: who has the most power in european history

who has the most power in european history

Question: what is the relationship between industrial power and population

what is the relationship between industrial power and population

Question: what was the relationship between the union and the confederation

dugoročnu prednost nad Konfederacijom u smislu industrijske snage i populacije

what was the relationship between the union and the confederation

Question: what is the relationship between the union and the confederation

dugoročnu prednost nad Konfederacijom u smislu industrijske snage i populacije

what is the relationship between the union and the confederation

Question: who did the union have a long term advantage over

who did the union have a long term advantage over

Question: what were the main factors that made the union and confederation incompatible

what were the main factors that made the union and confederation incompatible

Many historians are complicated in the opinion that the Union had an incompatible long - term advantage over the Confederation in terms of industrial power and population .

Mnogi povjesničari su složni u mišljenju da je Unija imala nesavladivu dugoročnu prednost nad Konfederacijom u smislu industrijske snage i populacije.

Mnogi povjesničari su složni u mišljenju da je Unija imala nesavladivu dugoročnu prednost nad Konfederacijom u smislu industrijske snage i populacije.

Many historians are complicated in the opinion that the Union had an incompatible long-term advantage over the Confederation in terms of industrial power and population.

Many historians are complicated in the opinion that the Union had an incompatible long-term advantage over the Confederation in terms of industrial power and population.

Approximately 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the Civil War.

It is estimated that about 60 thousand men lost some of their wives during the war."When

Question: how many soldiers died in prison camps during the civil war

Approximately 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the Civil War.

It is estimated that about 60 thousand men lost some of their wives during the war."When

how many soldiers died in prison camps during the civil war

Question: how many men lost their wives in the civil war

how many men lost their wives in the civil war

Question: where did 56,000 soldiers die in the civil war

zarobljeničkim logorima tijekom građanskog

where did 56,000 soldiers die in the civil war

Question: what did 60,000 american soldiers lose during the civil war

what did 60,000 american soldiers lose during the civil war

Question: when did the american civil war start and end

when did the american civil war start and end

Question: during which war did about 56,000 soldiers die in prison camps

during which war did about 56,000 soldiers die in prison camps

Approximately 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the Civil War .

It is estimated that about 60 thousand men lost some of their wives during the war . "When

Oko 56 tisuća vojnika umrlo je u zarobljeničkim logorima tijekom građanskog rata. Procijenjeno je da je otprilike 60 tisuća muškaraca izgubilo neki od udova tijekom ratovanja."When

Oko 56 tisuća vojnika umrlo je u zarobljeničkim logorima tijekom građanskog rata.

Procijenjeno je da je otprilike 60 tisuća muškaraca izgubilo neki od udova tijekom ratovanja."When

Approximately 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the Civil War. It is estimated that about 60 thousand men lost some of their wives during the war."When

Approximately 56,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the Civil War.

It is estimated that about 60 thousand men lost some of their wives during the war."When

External links Photographs from the Civil War from the National Archive View images from the Collection of photographs from the Civil War from the Congress Library The Foundation of the Civil War Era Digital Collection at Gettysburg College This collection contains images from political cartoons, personal papers, pamphlets, maps, images and photos from the Civil War era.

War of 1812 for kids
Fun facts from the War of 1812. Did you know the two sides continued fighting after signing a peace treaty?
Ongoing special coverage of the 150th anniversary of the American Civil War
(In this drawing by Alonzo Chappel, Union and Confederate forces engage in close fighting during the Seven Days Battle on July 3, 1862. / AP)
We're following the Civil War, chapter by chapter. Click on the boxes below for installments in our series, view videos and photo galleries, find a Civil War battlefield, and much more.
Bicentennial: The War of 1812
Apart from inspiring the Star-Spangled Banner, the War of 1812 stands out for its inconspicuous place in U.S. history. It’s essentially the Rodney Dangerfield of wars, getting no respect even on its bicentennial.
Fun facts from the War of 1812. Did you know the two sides continued fighting after signing a peace treaty?
Big gray hulls are headed for North Locust Point in Baltimore, including the USS Fort McHenry.
CHAPTER 1 | The city that awaited Abraham Lincoln was a far cry from the populous, gleaming capital that it would become after the Civil War.
CHAPTER 2 | When it comes to the Civil War, the history of oblivion has taken many forms, and it continues today.
CHAPTER 3 | The Union rout at Ball’s Bluff showed waterways were not to be ignored.
CHAPTER 4 | The ironclad alters the course of the Civil War in an epic clash in Hampton Roads.
The Post tweets events in the words of the people who lived them, 150 years to the day after they happened.
Explore thousands of Civil War battlefields with this interactive map.
Upcoming celebrations marking the 150th anniversary of the Civil War.
Which event in the period between Shiloh and Antietam did not receive the attention it deserves?
Are you a Civil War reenactor? Show us your hobby in photos.
Find more Civil War stories in The Washington Post’s archives.
Reading List: Books about Civil War
Civil War video
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The Post Most: LifestyleMost-viewed stories,videos, and galleries in the past two hours

Question: where is the museum of the civil war located

where is the museum of the civil war located

Question: what is the name of the digital collection at gettysburg college

what is the name of the digital collection at gettysburg college

Question: what is the national archive called

Question: what is the name of the collection at gettysburg college

The Foundation of the Civil War Era Digital Collection

The Foundation of the Civil War Era Digital Collection

what is the name of the collection at gettysburg college

Question: where is the collection of photographs from the civil war

where is the collection of photographs from the civil war

Question: what kind of cartoons were in the civil war

what kind of cartoons were in the civil war

External links Photographs from the Civil War from the National Archive View images from the Collection of photographs from the Civil War from the Congress Library The Foundation of the Civil War Era Digital Collection at Gettysburg College This collection contains images from political cartoons , personal papers , pamphlets , maps , images and photos from the Civil War era .